No More Learning

Vid. Bekker's Gallus, p. 265.

[1723] _Gigeria_ are the entrails of poultry: these were sometimes
served with a kind of stuffing or forcemeat called _insicia_. The word
occurs only in Lucilius, Petronius, and Apicius.

[1724] Scaliger connects this Fragment with lib. vii. , Fr. 22, and
reads, "Hic est Macedo: si lorum longui' flaccet, Læna manu lacrymas
mutoni absterget amicâ. "

[1725] _Bua_ was the word taught by Roman nurses to children,
equivalent to our "pap. " "Potio posita parvulorum. " Varro. Hence
_Vinibuæ_ for _vinolentæ_.


BOOK IX.

ARGUMENT.

The subject of the ninth book is known from several notices in the
old grammarians. [1726] It is said to have contained strictures
on the orthography of the ancient writers; some emendations of
the verses of Accius and Ennius (with especial reference to
the former, who is said to have always used double vowels to
express a long syllable), and a mention of the double genius,
who, according to the notion of Euclides the Socratic, attends
upon each individual of the human race. The exact connection of
this latter topic with the foregoing, is not at present evident
to us. It appears that this book had anciently the title of
"_Fornix_" as the work of Pomponius on a cognate subject was
called "_Marsyas_. " Van Heusde supposes that it took its name
from the Fabian arch on the Via Sacra, and that its subject
resembled the ninth of Horace's first book of Satires. The poet,
in his walk along the Via Sacra, meets with a troublesome fellow
near the arch of Fabius, who pesters him with a speech which he
is about to deliver, as defendant in a cause, and which he wishes
Lucilius to look over and correct; and that this furnishes the
poet with the groundwork for a discussion on several points in
grammar, orthography, and rhetoric. With this view Gerlach so far
agrees, as to suppose the subject of both Horace's and Lucilius's
Satires to have been similar; especially since many similar
phrases and sentiments occur in both; but he considers a detailed
disquisition on single letters and syllables inconsistent with
a desultory conversation, or with a cursory criticism of an
oration, and considers it better to confess one's ignorance
honestly than indulge in vain-glorious conjecture. Particularly,
since many other Fragments of this book have come down to us,
wholly irreconcilable with this view of the subject; some
referring to avarice, others to the Salii; which, though they
might certainly be incidentally mentioned, imply too diversified
a subject to be definitely circumscribed within so limited an
outline, as Van Heusde conjectures.

1 . . . only let the nap of the woof stand erect within. . . . [1727]

2 First is A. I will begin with this; and the words spelled with
it. In the first place, A is either a long or short syllable;
consequently we will make it one, and, as we say, write it
in one and the same fashion, "Pācem, Plăcide, Jānum, Aridum,
Acetum," just as the Greeks do. Ἄρες Ἄρες. [1728]

3 . . . not very different from this, and badly put together, if
with a burr like a dog, I say AR . . . this is its name. [1729]

4 . . . and there is no reason why you should make it a question or
a difficulty whether you should write ACCURRERE with a D or a
T. [1730]

5 But it is of great consequence whether ABBITERE have a D or
B--[1731]

6 "Now come PUEREI. " Put E and I at the end, to make "pueri" the
plural; if you put I only, as PupillI, PuerI, LuceilI, this
will become the singular number. "_Hoc illi factum est unI. _"
Being singular, you will put I only. "_Hoc IllEI fecere. _" Add
E to mark the plural. Add also E to MendacEI and FurEI, when
you make it the dative case. " MEIle hominum, dub MEIlia. " Here
too we must have both vowels, MEIles, MEIlitiam. Pila, "a ball
to play with," Pilum, "a pestle to pound with," will have I
simply. But to PEIla, "javelins," you must add E, to give the
fuller sound. [1732]

7 Our S, and what after a semi-Greek fashion we call Sigma,
admits of no mistake.

8 . . . in the word PeLLiciendo. [1733]

9 For just as we see Intro (within) to be a very different word
from Intus (inside), so _apud se_ is very different from, and
has not the same force as, _ad se_. "A man invites us to come
in and join him (intro ad se). He keeps himself at home, inside
his own house (intus apud se). "

10 "The water boils," may be expressed by _Fervit_ (of the third
conjugation), or _Fervet_ (of the second conjugation). Or
again, _Fervit_ may be the _present_ tense, _Fervet_ the
_future_; both of the third conjugation.

11 So Fervĕre (with the E short, of the third conjugation).

12 You do not perceive the force of this; or how this differs from
the other. In the first place, this which we call "Poema" is
a small portion. So also an epistle, or any distich which is
of no great length, may be a "Poema. " A "Poësis" is a _whole_
work, as the whole Iliad; it is one Thesis. So also the Annals
of Ennius, that is also a single work, and of much greater
magnitude than what I just now styled Poëma. Wherefore I
assert, that no one who finds fault with Homer, finds fault
with him _all through_; nor does he criticise, as I said
before, the _whole_ Poesis; but simply a single verse, word,
proposition, or passage.

13 . . . that he is a misshapen old man, gouty in his joints and
feet--that he is lame, wretched, emaciated, and ruptured--

14 I seize his beak, and smash his lips, Zopyrus-fashion, and
knock out all his front teeth. [1734]

15 For he who makes bricks never has any thing more than common
clay with chaff, and stubble mixed with mud. [1735]

16 If she is nothing on the score of beauty, and if in former days
she was a harlot and common prostitute, you must have coin and
money.

17 . . . What if I see some oysters? Shall I be able to detect the
very river, and mud, and slime they came from? [1736]

18 He is a corn-chandler, and brings with him his bushel-measure
and his leveling-stick. [1737]

19 Study to learn: lest the fact itself and the reasoning confute
you--

20 with one thousand sesterces you can gain a hundred---

21 he had scratched himself, like a boar with his sides rubbed
against a tree--

22 . . . hence the ancilia, and high-peaked caps, and sacrificial
bowls[1738]

23 as the priest begins the solemn dance, and then the main body
takes it up after him. [1739]

24 . . . herself cuts all the thongs from the hide--

25 . . . how he differs from him whom Apollo has rescued. So be it.

26 her motion was as though she were winnowing corn. [1740]

FOOTNOTES:

[1726] Isidorus Hispalensis, Q. Terentianus Scaurus, and Velius Longus.

[1727] _Panus_ is explained in two ways, as "tramæ involucrum," and
as "tumor inguinis. " Gerlach inclines to the latter interpretation.
Schmidt supposes Lucilius to employ the metaphor of weaving to express
the following sentiment: "as the outer surface of the woof is of little
consequence if the inner part be good, so, provided a man's internal
qualities, the virtues of his heart and head, are all that we can
desire, it matters little what the outer integument is that shrouds
this fair inside:" and that to this Horace alludes, ii. , Sat. i. , 63,
"Lucilius ausus Primus in hunc operis componere carmina morem Detrahere
et _pellem_ nitidus quâ quisque per ora Cederet _introrsum turpis_. "
(Lucilii Satyrarum quæ de lib. ix. supersunt disposita, c. L. F.
Schmidt, p. 40. ) But Gerlach thinks that _panus_ could not be used to
express _pellis_.

[1728] This, we learn from Terentianus, is a criticism on Accius, who
used to mark long syllables by _doubling_ the vowels, which Lucilius
considers a fault, there being no more necessity in Latin to mark the
quantity by the orthography than in Greek, where, though the length of
the vowel be changed, as in ἄρες ἄρες, the spelling remains unaltered.
Cf. Hom. , Il. , v. , 31. Mart. , ix. , Ep. xii. , 15.

[1729] Corpet supposes some rustic person is alluded to, who used the
old-fashioned form. Cf. Plaut. , Truc. , II. , xii. , 17. Gerlach supposes
it is the poet himself. Cf. Pers. , Sat. i. , 109, "Sonat hic de nare
caninâ litera. "

[1730] Gerlach thinks there may be an allusion to Plautus, who often
uses this word. Cf. Capt. , III. , iv. , 72. Rud. , III. , iv. , 72.

[1731] _Abbitere_ for _abbire_ is Schmidt's reading, who also reads
_siet_ for _sive_, omitting _habet_ at the end of the line.

[1732] The rule contained in this Fragment seems superfluous,
especially after the opinion Lucilius has given in the second. _I_ is
equally long or short with _A_, nor does it appear why the _genitive_
should not be as _essentially_ long as the _dative_ singular. If the
insertion of the E were simply to mark the difference of number, there
might be some apparent reason.

[1733] "This Fragment is simply an illustration of the rule that the
preposition _per_ in composition remains unchanged, unless it stand
before the letter L, when by assimilation it is changed into the
initial letter of the word: so per lacio becomes pellacio; per labor,
pellabor; per luceo, pelluceo. "

[1734] Alluding to the story of Zopyrus, told by Herodotus, lib. iii. ,
154, and by Justin, lib. iii. , 10, _seq. _, who mutilated himself to
gain Babylon for Darius. Cf. lib. xxii. , Fr. 3.

[1735] _Acerosum_, according to Nonius, is applied to coarse bread,
not sufficiently cleared from chaff and husk. Cf. lib. xv. , Fr.
18. _Aceratum_, to clay mixed with stubble and straw, fit for the
brickmaker's use, the paleatum of Columella. V. , vi. , med. Cf. Exod. ,
v. , 16.

[1736] Juvenal borrows and enlarges upon this idea, in describing the
Epicurism of Montanus. Sat. iv. , 139, "Nulli majus fait usus edendi
tempestati meâ. Circæ nata forent an Lucrinum ad saxum, Rutupinove
edita fundo. _Ostrea, callebat primo deprendere morsa_, et _semel
aspecti_ litus dicebat echini. "

[1737] _Rutellum_, the diminutive of Rutrum. "a mattock," was the stick
with which the corn-dealer struck off the heaped-up corn, so as to make
it level with the top of his measure. It was also called Hostorium,
from the old verb Hostire, "to strike. " Compare the old English
"strike," used for a measure.

[1738] _Capis_ (à capiendo, Varro, v. , 121, "quod ausatæ ut prehendi
possent") was a cup with a handle, generally made of earthenware, and
ordinarily used in sacrifices. Vid. Liv. , lib. x. , 7. So also Capedo
and Capula. Cf. Bekker's Gallus, p. 481. The _apex_ is the conical cap
worn by the Salii.
[1739] _Præsul_ was the name applied to the Princeps Saliorum, because
he led the sacred dance, as προορχηστὴρ, ἔξαρχος. Called also Præsultor
and Præsultator. _Amtruo_ (from _am_, ἀμφὶ, circum, and _trua_, "an
implement used for stirring things round while they were being cooked")
is the technical phrase for the dancing of the Salii. The Præsul
danced at the head of the procession, _amtruabat_; the rest followed,
imitating his movements; _redamtruabant_. This procession took place in
the Comitium on the Kalends of March.

[1740] Cf. vii. , Fr. 10.


BOOK X.

ARGUMENT.

The old Scholiast, in his Life of Persius, tells us that "after he
had quitted school, and the instruction of his tutors, he was
so much struck with the tenth book of the Satires of Lucilius,
that he was seized with a vehement desire of writing Satire,
and immediately applied himself to the imitation of this book,
and after first detracting from his own merits, proceeded to
disparage the poetical attempts of others. " Van Heusde supposes
that the book contained a detailed account of the life of
Lucilius; and hence the saying of the Scholiast, that "the whole
life of Lucilius was as distinctly known as if it had been
portrayed in pictures. " (So Horace says, Sat. , II. , i. , 30,
"Quo fit ut omnis Votivâ pateat veluti descripta tabella Vita
senis. ") He conjectures the difference between the subjects of
the ninth and tenth books to have been this: that in the ninth,
Lucilius criticised the ignorance and corrected the mistakes of
the Librarii; i. e. , those who _copied_ the compositions of the
poets, only incidentally, and by the way, touching on the poets
themselves. Whereas the tenth was intended directly as an attack
upon the poets who preceded him. Jahn, in his prolegomena on
Persius, imagines this imitation of the tenth book to have been
carried farther than we are perhaps justified in assuming; he
conjectures that the Hendecasyllabic Prologue of Persius was a
direct imitation of a similar proem, and in the same metre which
formed the commencement of this book. This opinion he fortifies
by two quotations, one from Petronius, Sat. iv. , the other from
Apuleius, de Deo Socr. , p. 364. In this view Gerlach does not
coincide, though he is disposed to admit that Lucilius in all
probability began the book with a disparagement of himself,
and so far furnished an example for Persius to imitate. It
is a question that must remain doubtful, and is of no great
importance. It is, however, also clear that this book contained
criticisms on the verses of Accius and Ennius. (Vid. Schol. ad
Hor. , i. , Sat. x. )

Perhaps the Fragments (incert. 3, 4, and 5) on Albutius and Mucius
may have belonged to this book.

1 . . . as we wrote before, the judgment to be formed is concerning
the honors of the Crassi . . . that is, in each case let us lay
down what I should choose, what not. [1741]

2 Behind stood the nimble skirmisher in his cloak. [1742]

3 . . . although suddenly to bring down from three pair of
stairs. [1743]

4 . . . you also bind mooring-stakes to very strong cables. [1744]

5 . . . might be firmly . . . from waves and adverse winds.

6 . . . and languor overwhelmed, and sluggishness, and the torpor
of quietude.

7 . . . verily, he said I cut up the ox magnificently in the
temple. [1745]

8 . . . would seem importunate, boastful, bad and nefarious.

FOOTNOTES:

[1741] Gerlach's reading and interpretation is followed: "Lucilius
would not wish to have all the honors of that illustrious family heaped
upon him, but make his own selection. " Nonius also explains _sumere_ by
"eligere. " Corpet reads, "Crassi" and "sicut describimus," and supposes
the allusion to be to the eloquence of Crassus, son-in-law of Scævola.
Cf. Cic. , Brut. , 38-44. But no doubt P. Licinius Crassus Dives Mucianus
is here meant, who, as we learn from Aulus Gellius (I. , xiii. , 10),
was famous for five things: he was the richest man in Rome, the man of
noblest birth, the most eloquent, the best lawyer, and the Pontifex
Maximus. Lucilius might well be at a loss which of all these he would
choose.

[1742] Cf. lib. vii. , Fr. 7. Schol. ad Juv. , vi. , 400.

[1743] _Quamvis_ may also imply "quamvis fæminam. " Cf. Cæcilium in
Asoto (ap. Nonium, p. 517), "nam ego duabus vigiliis transactis _Duco
desubito_ domum. " _Trinis scalis_, "from the third story," the upper
rooms being the residence of the poorer classes. Cf. Juv. , x. , 18,
"rarus venit in cœnacula miles. " iii. , 201, "altimus ardebit quem
tegula sola tuetur à pluviâ. " vii. , 118. Mart. , i. , Ep. cxviii. , 7, "Et
scalis habito tribus sed altis. " Hor. , i. , Ep. i. , 91. Suet. , Vit. , 7.

[1744] _Tonsilla_, according to Festus, "is a stake with an iron head,
for sticking in the ground and fastening the mooring cable of a boat
to. " Cf. Pacuvium in Medo, "accessi eam et tonsillam pegi læto in
littore. " (Fr. 17, ed. Fr. H. Bothe, Lips. , 1834. ) The MS. reading is
_Consellæ_, "double seats," stretched on ropes, as the beds (grabati).
Lucil. , vi. , Fr. 13; xi. , 13. Nonius explains _aptare_ by "connectere"
and "colligare. "

[1745] Cf. Donat. in Terent. , Andr. , II. , i. , 24.


BOOK XI.

ARGUMENT.

Schoenbeck supposes this book to have been written in memory of the
Iberian war; because it not only touches on military affairs, but
contains also some bitter sarcasms on the morals of certain young
men who served in that campaign. Petermann coincides in the same
opinion. Corpet supposes that the principal object of the book
was an elaborate defense of the character of Scipio Africanus;
especially with regard to the salutary and strict discipline
which he restored to the Roman army during the Numantine war.
Gerlach admits the probability of these conjectures, though he
scarcely thinks that the Fragments which have come down to us
of this book are of sufficient length to enable us to pronounce
definitively on the question. It is quite clear that the mention
of Opimius the father, or of the elder Lucius Cotta, can bear
no relation to the Numantine war, since they both lived before
it began; still it is possible that their names might have
been introduced, to render the morals of their sons still more
conspicuous. How the Fragment (2) respecting the plebeian Caius
Cassius Cephalo was connected with the main subject is not
clear, unless he was introduced for the purpose of incidentally
mentioning the bribery of the unjust judge, Tullius.

The fourth and ninth Fragments may clearly refer to the Numantine
war; as may perhaps the seventh; as we learn from Cicero, that
while Scipio Africanus was before Numantia, he received some
munificent presents, which were sent to him from Asia by King
Attalus, and which he accepted in the presence of his army. (Cic.
pro Dei. , 7. ) This happened probably only a few months before the
death of Attalus; and Lucilius was most likely an eye-witness
of the fact. The thirteenth Fragment also may refer to the same
campaign; though Duentzer supposes it to be an allusion to the
miserable penuriousness of Ælius Tubero. The fifth and sixth
Fragments apparently refer rather to civil than military matters.

1 Quintus Opimius, the famous father of this Jugurthinus, was
both a handsome man and an infamous, both in his early youth;
latterly he conducted himself more uprightly. [1746]

2 This Caius Cassius, a laborer, whom we call Cefalo--a cut-purse
and thief--him, one Tullius, a judge, made his heir; while all
the rest were disinherited. [1747]

3 Lucius Cotta the elder, the father of this Crassus, "the
all-blazing," was a close-fisted fellow in money-matters; very
slow in paying any body--[1748]

4

5 Asellus cast it in the teeth of the great Scipio, that during
his censorship, the lustrum had been unfortunate and
inauspicious. [1749]

6 . . . and now I wished to throw into verse a saying of Granius,
the præco. [1750]

7 . . . a noble meeting; there glittered the drawers, the cloaks,
the twisted chains of the great Datis. [1751]

8 . . . and a road must be made, and a rampart thrown up here, and
that kind of groundwork--[1752]

9 . . . he is a wanderer now these many years; he is now a soldier
in winter quarters, serving with us

10 . . . thence, while still of tender age and a mere boy, comes to
Rome.

11 Nor have I need of him as a lover, nor a mean fellow to bail
me--

12 . . . he is a jibber, a shuffler, a hard-mouthed, obstinate
brute. [1753]

13 When they had taken their seats here, and the skins were
extended in due order. . . . [1754]

14 . . . who in the wash-house and the pool. . . .

FOOTNOTES:

[1746] _Jugurthinus_ is properly the proud title of Marius. (Ov. ,
Pont. , IV. , iii.