He is likely to make a middle rather than low score on the PEC scale, not out of true conservatism but rather out of
inhibited
liberal- ism; he has, one might say, a "liberal" utopia but he cannot fight for the social changes necessary to realize it.
Adorno-T-Authoritarian-Personality-Harper-Bros-1950
), a militant union, orj\ from the California Labor School, a strongly left-wing institution.
The
? THE AUTHORIT ARIAN PERSONALITY
Middle-Class groups are more varied and probably more representative in membership. Furthermore, several groups with PEC means similar to those of the Middle-Class groups contain a large proportion of working-class indi- viduals; these groups are the San Quentin JVIen (almost entirely working class), the Psychiatric Clinic Patients, and the Maritime School and Employ- ment Service Veteran Men. In view of the intergroup as well as the intra- group variability, it seems safe to conclude that over-all class differences in political ideology are not extremely large, and that individual and group differences within each class are'so great that they become the primary problem requiring explanation. How does it happen, for example, that the same working-class background produces a law-abiding conservative worker, a politically conservative criminal, a company union leader, a C. I. O. leader, a Communist? W h y does one middle-class individual join a service club while another becomes a supporter of Henry Wallace? Why is it that some, perhaps most, workers identify with the middle class or with the economic status quo, and some individuals with middle-class background identify with what they conceive to be the true interests of the working class? These may be not so much questions of actual class or group membership as questions of class or group identification-and "identification" is a psychological variable. An individual, in making his social identification, is determining not only his ideology, but also what he is to be like as a person. We shall have occasion to consider further, in the chapters that follow, the deeper emotional trends that help to determine the individual's group memberships and identifications.
How close is the relation between conservatism and ethnocentrism in the various groups studied? A means for obtaining a preliminary answer to this question is to compare group means on PEC and onE (see Table 8(V)). Since most groups took the short EA scale, the EA means were used even for those groups which took the total EAB scale (see Chapter IV). The rank- order correlation between the PEC means and EA means for the fourteen groups was +-so, indicating a statistically significant but not very close re- lationship. In general, as the degree of group conservatism increases, the degree of ethnocentrism also increases. The four groups with conspicuously high EA means are the San Quentin Men (5. 33), the Maritime School Men
(4? 95), the Employment Service Men Veterans (4? 43), and the California Service Club Men (4. 31). These groups ranked 2, 5, 3, and 1, respectively, on PEC. No groups were conspicuously low onE, the eight lowest groups having no means within the fairly narrow range of 3. 64-3. 92; the most liberal groups were among the least ethnocentric. The over-all EA mean was 4? I 3, almost identical to the over-all PEC mean of 4-19? (The EAB mean is some- what lower, partly because of sampling differences and partly because the EB items-four on Jews and one on Negroes-had lower means. )
The correlation of ranks does not, however, tell the whole story. Many groups made a significantly higher mean on PEC than on E, or vice versa.
? POLITICO-ECONOMIC IDEOLOGY AND GROUP MEMBERSHIPS 17 3
Whether the group mean on PEC is higher than on E, or lower, seems to depend in large measure on the socioeconomic class of the group: the pre- dominantly middle-class groups tend to be lower on E than on PEC, while the working-class groups are, it appears, more ethnocentric than conservative. Consider the middle-class groups: the PEC and E means, respectively, for the Extension Testing Class Women are 4? 33 and 3. 77; for the George Wash- ington University Women, 4. 30 and 4. 04, for the California Service Club Men, 4. 83 and 4. 31; and similarly for the Middle-Class and Los Angeles Men and Women. Only one of these PEC-E differences is below the 5 per cent level of statistical significance. It will be recalled that in the Form 78 and Form 6o samples, largely middle class, the level of conservatism was greater than the level of ethnocentrism. The opposite trend is found in the working-class (or marginal middle-class) groups. Thus the PEC and E means, respectively, are: for the San Quentin Men, 4. 68 and 5. 33; Working- Class Men, 3? 39 and 3. 92; Working-Class Women, 3. 25 and 3. 91; Maritime School Men, 4? 32 and 4? 95; Employment Service Men Veterans, 4. 36 and 4-43? This leaves only the Psychiatric Clinic Men and Women, who are heterogeneous with respect to class and whose PEC and E means differ only slightly (o. 1-o. 2).
Several factors-not mutually exclusive-may help to explain these class differences. First, open prejudice is more accepted on a verbal level in the working class than in the middle class. The higher E means of the former may therefore reflect, in part, the verbal atmosphere rather than a difference in basic outgroup hostility. (This factor would not hold for the pro-ingroup items. ) Then there is the previously discussed "pseudodemocratic fa~ade," which is more characteristic of the middle than of the working class, and which the E-scale items probably only partially circumvented. Also, certain trends in liberal ideology may appeal to some workers not on a truly liberal basis but on a "class-ethnocentric" basis which is an aspect of general ethno- centrism. For example, some workers are strongly prounion and resentful of "bosses," yet at the same time are anti-Negro, anti-foreigner, and con-
servative regarding many political issues.
All in all, the group data lead us to investigate further the relationship
between ethnocentrism and conservatism, with an eye both to what makes the correlation relatively high and to what keeps it from being higher. These problems will be pursued further when we consider the correlations between the PEC and E scales, and the psychological connection between conservatism and ethnocentrism in the individual. But first we must complete the presentation of the PEC-scale data.
Table 9(V) gives a summary of the item analysis of the Form 45-40 PEC scale. Data for the men and the women are summarized separately. The over-all mean for the women, 4. 07, is significantly lower than that of 4. 25 for the men. The women were also, as noted in Chapter IV, slightly but sig-
? 1 74
No.
3.
7. 11. 14. 17.
THE AUTHORIT ARIAN PERSONALITY TABLE 9 (V)
MEANS AND DISCRIMINATORY POWERS OF THE PEC SCALE ITEMS (FORMS 40 AND 45)
Item
Mean D. P.
Rank
(4) (3) (5) (1) (2)
Mean D. P . Rank
4. 67 3. 49 (4) 4. 57 3. 98 (1) 3. 92 2. 97 (5) 3. 56 ? 3. 90 (2) 3. 62 3. 77 (3)
4. 07 3. 62
(Labor unions) 4. 51 3. 16 (American Way) 4. 90 3. 33 (Government controls) 4. 19 3. 08 (Ford and Morgan) 3. 75 3. 58 (Economic security) 3. 93 3. 46
Mean per iteme 4. 25 3. 32
MEN'S GROUPSa (N 869)b WOMEN'S GROUPSc (N 573)d
aThe individual groups of men in this sample are as follows: San Quentin Men Prisoners (N = 110). Employment Service Men Veterans (N = 106). Maritime School Men (N = 343). 'California Service Club Men (N = 63). Middle-Class Men (N = 69). Working-Class Men (N = 61). Los Angeles Men
(N = 117).
bThe over-all N for the PEC scale (men) is 100 less than that for the E scale because two groups were omitted: (1) Of the 50 Psychiatric Clinic Men, only 29 took the regular Form 45; the others took a form equated for E and F, but not for PEC. Because of the small N, no PEC scale analysis was made on this group. (2) The 50 Working-Class Men and Women were use~ as a statistical group for analysis on the E scale because additional data on the total E scale were desired; but their F and PEC scales were not analyzed statistically.
cThe individual groupg of women in this sample are as follows: Extension Testing dlass Women (N =59). George Washington University Women Students (N =132). Psychiatric Clinic Women (N =45). Middle-Class Women (N = 154). Working-Class Women (N = 53). Los Angeles Women
(N = 130).
dThis N is 26 less than the over-all N for women on the E and F scales because only 45 of the 71 Psychiatric Clinic Women took the regular Form 45. The remaining 26 took a form which was equated to Form 45 for E and F, but not for PEC.
eln obtaining the over? all means, the individual group means were not weighted by N.
nificantly less ethnocentric than the men. This may, however, be a differ- ence in the sample rather than in the total population, since we have no female groups comparable to the high-scoring San Quentin, Service Club, and Maritime School male groups. Moreover, as shown in Table S(V), for all comparable sex groups (Psychiatric Clinic, Middle Class, Working Class, Los Angeles) the means for men and women are almost--identical. Since the sampling methods used were not primarily designed to determine the aver- age intensity of any opinions or attitudes in broader populations, it is perhaps safest not to draw inferences about the total male and female population. It
? POLITICO-ECONOMIC IDEOLOGY AND GROUP MEMBERSHIPS I 75
can be said, however, that? for groups of the general type represented here, no sex differences of practical significance seem to exist; and that differences among male groups and among female groups are much greater than the differences between males and females.
The male and female subsamples are also very similar with regard to means and D. P. 's on the individual items. While the scale mean was lower in women, the relative standing of the item means was almost identical for the two sexes, the rank-order correlation being . 90. Women were more con- servative than men on only one item (unions). A similar relation holds also for the D. P. 's, the rank-order correlation being . 70.
The general level of D. P. 's would, other things being equal, be slightly greater for a 5-item than for a I4-item scale, since each item contributes more to the total score. Therefore, the average D. P. of 3? 4-3? 5 for Forms 45 and 40 is comparable or slightly superior to that of 2. I for Forms 78 and 6o. All of the present items seem statistically adequate. Item I I (Government controls over business) had the lowest D. P. , but in view of the greater suc- cess of the "government function" items in earlier forms, improvement should not be difficult. While the five items can hardly claim to be considered a "scale," they show sufficient internal consistency so that one may mean- ingfully speak of "total PEC score" and one may determine the relations between this and various other measures.
The level of internal consistency of the PEC scale is indicated also by a correlational analysis made on a group of 5I7 University of California women students. 6 A mean r of +o. 26 was found between each item and the sum of the remaining items, the range of r's being +o. Io to +o? 33? The rank order of these items, according to the size of the item's correlation with the sum of the others, was identical to the rank order of item D. P. 's for the combined women's groups above (Table 9(V)). The correlations among individual items averaged +o. I4, the range being +o. o2 to +o. 3o. The highest correla- tion, 0. 30, was between Item 7 (American Way ideal) and Item I4 (Ford and Morgan). Only three r's were below . 10 (the I per cent level of significance), and all of them involved Item II (Government controls). These correlations, while far below those for the E scale, indicate that the PEC scale meets the minimum requirements for its present uses, and that a scale of 20 or 30 such items might, without loss of breadth, achieve a re- liability in the neighborhood of . 8.
5. DISCUSSION: SOME P A TTERNS OF CONTEMPORARY LIBERALISM AND CONSERV A TISM
The reliability and internal consistency of the PEC scales suggest, on the one hand, that liberalism and conservatism are relatively organized and meas- urable patterns of current politico-economic thought; and, on the other
6 The group and procedure are discussed more fully in Chapters IV and VII.
? THE AUTHORITARIAN PERSONALITY
hand, that within each of these broad patterns there is considerable subpat- terning, inconsistency, and simple ignorance. To ignore either the relative generality or the relative inconsistency would, it seems, lead to serious mis- understanding of the problem. More detailed exploration of the nature and deeper psychological meaning of these ideological trends, as expressed in the interviews, will be made in Chapter XVII, following presentation of the clinical material. However, at this point we ought briefly to consider, on the basis of the scale data and of some individual patterns of scale response, certain variations within liberalism and within conservatism.
Liberalism was conceived not as a single, unitary attitude, but as an ideo- logical system containing a number of trends or components. The reliability and internal consistency of the initial forms of the scale show that these trends are interrelated significantly but imperfectly in the individual. The prototypic "liberal" is, according to our guiding conception, an individual who actively seeks progressive social change, who can be militantly critical (though not necessarily totally rejective) of the present status quo, who opposes or de-emphasizes numerous conservative values and beliefs regard- ing business success, rugged individualism, human nature, and the like, and who would diminish the power of business by increasing the power of labor and the economic functions of government.
It is clear, however, that many individuals who are generally liberal do not exhibit some of the above trends. While some of the inconsistency- perhaps the largest part-is due to confusion resulting from lacks and dis- tortions in the press and other media of mass communication, part of it seems also to reflect deep-lying emotional trends of considerable intensity and resistance to change. The individual's pattern of thought, whatever its con- tent, reflects his personality and is not merely an aggregate of opinions picked up helter-skelter from the ideological environment.
One variant, particularly common in the groups tested, might be called the politically pacifistic liberal. The guiding idea here seems to be fear of concentration of social power. This individual, who feels keenly the injus- tice of the present social order and who sympathizes with labor and other subordinate groups, nevertheless cannot militantly support their strivings for greater power. He feels that "powerful unions are as dangerous as powerful business. " He is prone to emphasize the idea that unions are no longer weak in relation to organized industry, and he is likely therefore to accept, in one form or another, the conservative argument that unions are all right but their power must be limited. He would like to decrease the power of business but finds difficulty in directly opposing it-"we might, after all, be as bad as they are. " He believes in extending the economic functions of gov- ernment, perhaps even in some degree of nationalization of industry, but fear of government power often leads him to oppose liberal measures or to
? POLITICO-ECONOMIC IDEOLOGY AND GROUP MEMBERSHIPS I 77
support halfway measures which accomplish little. Opposed to force, he tends to confuse force with militancy and to be indecisive, critical of both sides, overly compromising, inept at political action, shocked by the realities of political affairs.
He is likely to make a middle rather than low score on the PEC scale, not out of true conservatism but rather out of inhibited liberal- ism; he has, one might say, a "liberal" utopia but he cannot fight for the social changes necessary to realize it. Critical of things as they are, yet afraid of change-hating to submit, yet unable to rebel-he cannot actively support the status quo, but he can do little to oppose it.
We were not able to attempt a quantitative study of various types of left- wing ideology. In addition to militant and politically pacifistic liberalism, we should also have been interested in determining the existence and nature of other patterns such as "disillusioned liberalism," "stereotyped (ticket) liberalism," "revolutionary socialism," and so on. Some leads for future study derived from the interview material are presented in Chapter XIX.
The political right requires similar differentiation and study. The proto- typic "conservative," in terms of the present scale, is one who supports the status quo and resists changes in existing politico-economic power arrange- ments, who supports conservative values and traditions, who believes that labor is properly subordinate to employer or management, and who wishes to minimize the economic functions of government in order that individual businessmen can, in free and equal competition, provide goods of maximum quality at minimum cost to the consumer.
While this "traditional conservative" ideology is not uncommon today, the actual politico-economic situation has changed considerably from the one, of fifty or more years ago, to which the ideology refers. The individual small businessman or entrepreneur is no longer the primary economic unit; big business and group management have replaced the individual employer; the production process is more complex, organized, and impersonal; spe- cialization and mechanization threaten the individuality and the job satisfac- tion of worker and manager. As both labor and industry become more organized and more clear-cut social forces, the role of government be- comes increasingly an issue. The traditional conservative is in a dilemma. Shall he oppose the monopolistic trend of big business and want a return to rugged individualistic competition, with government having few eco- nomic functions (laissez-faire conservatism)? Shall he favor increased gov- ernment functioning as a means of preventing monopolistic practices, even though it mean increasing the power of labor (move toward liberalism)? Or shall he, basing everything on his allegiance to the symbol "business," want government to be a force in the service of business as opposed to labor (move toward fascism)? Most conservatives seem still to be in the process of ideological adjustment along these and other lines. Much research re-
? THE AUTHORIT ARIAN PERSONALITY
mains to be done concerning new patterns of conservatism and concerning the psychological dispositions making some individuals more receptive to one pattern, others to another.
It is proposed, then, that the PEC scale results can best be understood in terms of both general and specific factors. The general factors-over-all liberalism and conservatism-account for the significant reliability or con- sistency obtained, while the specific variations within the left and the right prevent the scale from attaining higher statistical standards.
C. THE RELA TION BETWEEN ETHNOCENTRISM AND CONSERVATISM
The correlations of the Anti-Semitism and Ethnocentrism scales with the PEC scale are presented in Table w(V). The correlations range in value from . 14 for the San Quentin Men to . 86 for the Working-Class Women, but they fall for the most part at the level of . 5-. 6. Of the 29 correlation coefficients obtained, there are only 4 below . 40, 5 above . 70. These correla- tions of individual scores are consistent with the rank-order correlation of . 50 between the group means on PEC and E (Forms 45 and 40).
The data in Table 10 (V) indicate that PEC is less closely related to A-S than to the other components of E. Thus, in Form 78, PEC correlates sig- nificantly higher withE (exclusive of A-S) than with A-S (. 59 to ? 43)? In Form 6o, where 4 of the 12 E-scale items deal with A-S, the average r is . sz, midway between the two for Form 78. The results for the two groups taking both Forms 45 and 40 (Maritime School Men and Employment Service Men Veterans) show the same thing: PEC correlates higher with EA than with EA+B (. 6o to ? 49, and . 41 to . 38). It will be recalled that EA contains no A-S items, while 4 of the 5 EB items refer to Jews. Finally, the highest PEC-E correlations were obtained on Form 40, which contained only EA. The aver- age r of . 66 on Form 40 is especially significant in view of the brevity of the two scales (5 items each). The explanation would seem to lie in the fact that these items represent the most general trends in their respective ideologies: in PEC, support of the status quo and conservative values; in E, generalized ingroup idealization and outgroup rejection. It is probably in broad trends such as these that conservatism and ethnocentrism overlap the most, because these ideological trends are rooted in the same deep-lying emotional disposi- tions (see Chapter VII). The specific factors which lower the correlation of A-S with PEC constitute an important problem for future research.
There appear to be no consistent sex or class differences in the E-PEC correlation. In the University, Middle-Class and Working-Class groups (with presumably comparable male and female samples in each), the value of r is about o. I lower for men than for women; but in the Los Angeles group this trend is reversed, while in the Psychiatric Clinic Patients the difference is
? POLITICO-ECONOMIC IDEOLOGY AND GROUP MEMBERSHIPS 179 TABLE 10 (V)
CORRELATIONS OF THE A-S AND E SCALES WITH THE PEC SCALE (ALL FORMS) N Correlation
A. Groups taking Fora 78:
Public Speaking Class WOmen Public Speaking Class Men Extension Psychology Class Women Professional Women
Mean ra
B. Groups taking Fora 60:
University of Oregon Student Women University of Oregon and University
of California Student Women University of Oregon and University
of California Student Men Oregon Service Club Men
Mean ra
140 ? 52 ? 49 52 ? 55 ? 32 40 ? 52 ? 23 63 ? 76 . 69
295 ? 59 ? 43
47 ? 48 54 ? 62
57 . 48 68 ? 52
226 . 52
c. Groups taking Fora 45:c
Extension Testing Class Women
San Quentin Men 110 Psychiatric Clinic women
Psychiatric Clinic Men
W orking-Class Men and
Women?
D. Groups taking Fora 40:c
George Washington University Women California Service Club Men Middle-Class Men
Middle-Class women
W orking-Class Men
WOrking-Class WOmen
Los Angeles Men
Los Angeles Women
Mean ra
E. Groups taking Foras 40 and 45: Employment Service Men Veterans
(Form 40)
(Form 45) Maritime School Men (Form 40) (Form 45)
Mean ra
Mean r for all groups taking Forms 40 and 45
59 . 60
. 14d 71 ? 53
50 ? 55d 50 ? 75
340 . 51
132 . 48 63 . 64 69 ? 67
154 . 76 61 . "74 53 ? 86
117 . 61 130 ? 52
779 ? 66
55 ? ooe
51 ? 49 164 . 4le 179 ? 38
449 . 47 1568 ? 57
Mean ra
~n obtaining the over-all means, the individual group means were not weighted by N, and Z,. was not used.
bit will be recalled that in Form 60 the E scale contained 4 A-S items, there being no separate A-S scale.
CpEC is correlated with EA in groups taking Form 40, with total EA+B scale in groups taking Form 45.
dFor the PEC scale in the Psychiatric Clinic groUPs, the number of -en was 45, the number of men 29~ due to a substitution of forms.
erhese correlations are based on the EA scores of subjects taking Form 45 . as well as those taking Form 40.
E:PEC
A-S:PEC
? THE AUTHORITARIAN PERSONALITY
negligible. The same holds for class differences: in the Working-Class Men and Women the correlations are very high (. 74 and . 86), but in other groups which draw heavily upon the working class, notably San Quentin and the Maritime School, the correlations are very low (. 14 and . 4). The reasons for the variations in the size of r seem to. lie more in the specific nature of the group than in its sex or class status. It is interesting in this connection that two groups in which the E-PEC correlation was very high, the Working Class Men (. 74) and Women (. 86) also had the two lowest PEC means (see Table 8(V) ). W e may hypothesize that the E-PEC correlation will be highest when, other things such as the S. D. being equal, the group contains a sizeable minority of strong liberals. Judging from some of the other groups, the number of strong conservatives has less influence on the correlation. W e shall return to this question shortly.
The general level of the E-PEC correlations demonstrates that ethnocen- trism and conservatism, as measured by the present scales, are significantly but imperfectly related. 7 In everyday terms, we may say that conservatives are, on the average, significantly more ethnocentric than liberals are. The more conservative an individual is, the greater the likelihood that he is ethno- centric-but this is a probability and not a certainty. Since the existence of an affinity between these ideological patterns has often been observed previ- ously, the present correlations are perhaps less a startling discovery than an indication of the validity of the scales. To those who have been unaware of the E-PEC relationship, the significance of the correlations must be stressed. To those who tend to equate conservatism and ethnocentrism as psycho- logical trends in the individual, it must be pointed out that the correlations are far from perfect. Even with a much more reliable measure of PEC, the correlation with E could hardly average over . 70-a value inadequate for predictive purposes. It becomes necessary, then, to understand what pro- duces the close association between these ideological patterns in the indi- vidual, as well as what systematic factors-apart from ignorance or misinfor- mation-make the E-PEC correlation less than I . o.
A theoretical basis for the close tie between conservatism and ethnocen- trism is suggested by certain similarities in their major underlying trends. Support of the prevailing politico-economic ideology and authority is, ap- parently, often a part of the generalized ethnocentric tendency to submit to accepted authority in all areas of social life. Similarly, ethnocentric rejection of outgroups is expressed in the politico-economic sphere by resistance to social change and by the tendency to subsume progressive political ideologies under the general heading of "foreign" outgroups and ideas (threats to in- group authority). The interconnection between the two ideologies and the difficulty of separating them even for purposes of study are revealed by a
? 7 These results are, on the whole, consistent with those of the other studies mentioned at the start of this chapter.
? POLITICO-ECO~OMIC IDEOLOGY AND GROUP MEMBERSHIPS I 8I
number of scale items. For example: "America may not be perfect, but the American Way has brought us about as close as human beings can get to a perfect society. " To support this idea is, it would seem, to express both politico-economic conservatism and the ingroup idealization so character- istic of ethnocentrism. The item, "The worst danger to real Americanism during the last 50 years has come from foreign ideas and agitators," is another example of politicalized ethnocentrism: again we find moral stereotypy and externalization of blame for social problems onto the threatening outgroup.
There are also theoretical reasons for expecting a relationship between liberalism and anti-ethnocentrism. Both tend to involve a critical attitude toward prevailing authorities and traditions. The identification with the masses (workers, "the common man," "the weak and downtrodden") so often a central theme in left-wing political ideology, finds expression also in opposition to ethnocentrism and outgroup suppression. Indeed, the forma- tion of leftist political views in youth often begins with a sense of the injus- tice of anti-Semitism or anti-Negroism; when sympathetic imagery of sub- ordinate groups is extended to include the working class, the transition from "group relations" to "politico-economic" ideology has begun. The further development of liberal-radical views is ordinarily based on imagery and atti- tudes identical to those underlying anti-ethnocentric ideology: opposition to hierarchy and to dominance-submission, removal of class and group barriers, emphasis on equalitarian interaction, and so on.
We have also to consider the "correlation-lowering" factors. Why, in view of the theoretical argument above, is the E-PEC correlation not higher? The present data suggest, but are not adequate to test, several hypotheses. The correlation charts (scattergrams) for each sample reveal that extreme liberals (low scorers on PEC) are for the most part low as well on E. But the "middles" on PEC are extremely diversified with respect to standing on E. It is possible that the group which is low on E but middle on PEC consists largely of the "politically pacifistic" liberals discussed previously. Practically none of the subjects were low on PEC and high on E (ethnocentric liberals); such il1dividuals would, however, be well worth intensive study.
The high scorers on PEC are more variable on E than are the low scorers. While most of those high on PEC are also high onE, a considerable number are middle and a small but consistent percentage low onE (nonethnocentric conservatives). In other words, strong political liberalism is a pretty good indicator of anti-ethnocentrism, but political conservatism is less consistently related to ethnocentrism.
In attempting to explain the variability of conservatives with respect to ethnocentrism, we are reminded of the distinction between "genuine" and "pseudo-" previously drawn with respect to patriotism and traditional- conventional values (Chapter IV). One can be politically conservative, just as one can be patriotic (in the sense of firm attachment to American culture
? THE AUTHORITARIAN PERSONALITY
and tradition), without being ethnocentric. vVe should like to use the term "genuine conservative" to refer to the individual with this broad pattern of thought. He is "genuine" because, whatever the merits of his political views, he is seriously concerned with fostering what is most vital in the American democratic tradition. He believes, for example, in the crucial importance of the profit motive and in the necessity of economic insecurity; but he wants the best man to win no matter what his social background. He is resistant to social change, but he can be seriously critical of the national and political ingroups and-what is more important-he is relatively free of the rigidity and deep-lying hostility characteristic of ethnocentrism.
The ethnocentric conservative is the pseudoconservative, for he betrays in his ethnocentrism a tendency antithetical to democratic values and tradi- tion. He is the E-PEC "correlation raiser" because, as discussed above, his politico-economic views are based on the same underlying trends-submis- sion to authority, unconscious handling of hostility toward authority by means of displacement and projection onto outgroups, and so on-as his ethnocentrism. It is indeed paradoxical that the greatest psychological poten- tial for antidemocratic change should come from those who claim to repre- sent democratic tradition. For the pseudoconservatives are the pseudo- democrats, and their needs dispose them to the use of force and oppression in order to protect a mythical "Americanism" which bears no resemblance to what is most vital in American history. .
An additional hypothesis may be proposed regarding individuals high on E but middle on PEC. These may well be pseudoconservatives who have kept up with changes in the actual politico-economic situation by making changes in traditional (individualistic) conservative ideology. They empha- size competitiveness as a value, yet they support the concentration of eco- nomic power in big business-the greatest single threat at present to the individual competing businessman. They emphasize economic mobility and the "Horatio Alger" myth, yet they support numerous forms of discrimina- tion that put severe limitations on the mobility of large sections of the popu- lation. They may also believe in extending the economic functions of government, not for humanitarian reasons but as a means of limiting the power of labor and other groups.
This is not merely a "modern conservatism. " It is, rather, a totally new direction: away from individualism and equality of opportunity, and teward a rigidly stratified society in which there is a minimum of economic mobility and in which the "right" groups are in power, the outgroups subordinate. Perhaps the term "reactionary" fits this ideology best. Ultimately it is fascism. While certainly not a necessary sequel to laissez-faire conservatism, it can be regarded as a possible (and not uncommon) distortion of con- servatism-a distortion which retains certain surface similarities but which changes the basic structure into the antithesis of the original. Since most
? No.
1. 5. 8.
13. 15. 22. 27. 36. 44. 52. 61. 63. 68. 71. 76. 78.
I t e m
(Value of dollar) (Depressions)
(Charity)
(Businessmen, artists) (Middle of the road) (Political candidate) (Rebellious ideas)
(Gov' t. responsibility) (Socialized medicine) (Taxes, corporations) (Economic security) (Gov' t. interference)? (Unions stronger)
(Ford, Morgan)
(Gov' t. activity) (Ability will tell)
Groupa Mack L a r r y Mean
6 7 6. 10 5 1 3,33 3 7 5. 46 1 1 2. 29 7 5 4.
? THE AUTHORIT ARIAN PERSONALITY
Middle-Class groups are more varied and probably more representative in membership. Furthermore, several groups with PEC means similar to those of the Middle-Class groups contain a large proportion of working-class indi- viduals; these groups are the San Quentin JVIen (almost entirely working class), the Psychiatric Clinic Patients, and the Maritime School and Employ- ment Service Veteran Men. In view of the intergroup as well as the intra- group variability, it seems safe to conclude that over-all class differences in political ideology are not extremely large, and that individual and group differences within each class are'so great that they become the primary problem requiring explanation. How does it happen, for example, that the same working-class background produces a law-abiding conservative worker, a politically conservative criminal, a company union leader, a C. I. O. leader, a Communist? W h y does one middle-class individual join a service club while another becomes a supporter of Henry Wallace? Why is it that some, perhaps most, workers identify with the middle class or with the economic status quo, and some individuals with middle-class background identify with what they conceive to be the true interests of the working class? These may be not so much questions of actual class or group membership as questions of class or group identification-and "identification" is a psychological variable. An individual, in making his social identification, is determining not only his ideology, but also what he is to be like as a person. We shall have occasion to consider further, in the chapters that follow, the deeper emotional trends that help to determine the individual's group memberships and identifications.
How close is the relation between conservatism and ethnocentrism in the various groups studied? A means for obtaining a preliminary answer to this question is to compare group means on PEC and onE (see Table 8(V)). Since most groups took the short EA scale, the EA means were used even for those groups which took the total EAB scale (see Chapter IV). The rank- order correlation between the PEC means and EA means for the fourteen groups was +-so, indicating a statistically significant but not very close re- lationship. In general, as the degree of group conservatism increases, the degree of ethnocentrism also increases. The four groups with conspicuously high EA means are the San Quentin Men (5. 33), the Maritime School Men
(4? 95), the Employment Service Men Veterans (4? 43), and the California Service Club Men (4. 31). These groups ranked 2, 5, 3, and 1, respectively, on PEC. No groups were conspicuously low onE, the eight lowest groups having no means within the fairly narrow range of 3. 64-3. 92; the most liberal groups were among the least ethnocentric. The over-all EA mean was 4? I 3, almost identical to the over-all PEC mean of 4-19? (The EAB mean is some- what lower, partly because of sampling differences and partly because the EB items-four on Jews and one on Negroes-had lower means. )
The correlation of ranks does not, however, tell the whole story. Many groups made a significantly higher mean on PEC than on E, or vice versa.
? POLITICO-ECONOMIC IDEOLOGY AND GROUP MEMBERSHIPS 17 3
Whether the group mean on PEC is higher than on E, or lower, seems to depend in large measure on the socioeconomic class of the group: the pre- dominantly middle-class groups tend to be lower on E than on PEC, while the working-class groups are, it appears, more ethnocentric than conservative. Consider the middle-class groups: the PEC and E means, respectively, for the Extension Testing Class Women are 4? 33 and 3. 77; for the George Wash- ington University Women, 4. 30 and 4. 04, for the California Service Club Men, 4. 83 and 4. 31; and similarly for the Middle-Class and Los Angeles Men and Women. Only one of these PEC-E differences is below the 5 per cent level of statistical significance. It will be recalled that in the Form 78 and Form 6o samples, largely middle class, the level of conservatism was greater than the level of ethnocentrism. The opposite trend is found in the working-class (or marginal middle-class) groups. Thus the PEC and E means, respectively, are: for the San Quentin Men, 4. 68 and 5. 33; Working- Class Men, 3? 39 and 3. 92; Working-Class Women, 3. 25 and 3. 91; Maritime School Men, 4? 32 and 4? 95; Employment Service Men Veterans, 4. 36 and 4-43? This leaves only the Psychiatric Clinic Men and Women, who are heterogeneous with respect to class and whose PEC and E means differ only slightly (o. 1-o. 2).
Several factors-not mutually exclusive-may help to explain these class differences. First, open prejudice is more accepted on a verbal level in the working class than in the middle class. The higher E means of the former may therefore reflect, in part, the verbal atmosphere rather than a difference in basic outgroup hostility. (This factor would not hold for the pro-ingroup items. ) Then there is the previously discussed "pseudodemocratic fa~ade," which is more characteristic of the middle than of the working class, and which the E-scale items probably only partially circumvented. Also, certain trends in liberal ideology may appeal to some workers not on a truly liberal basis but on a "class-ethnocentric" basis which is an aspect of general ethno- centrism. For example, some workers are strongly prounion and resentful of "bosses," yet at the same time are anti-Negro, anti-foreigner, and con-
servative regarding many political issues.
All in all, the group data lead us to investigate further the relationship
between ethnocentrism and conservatism, with an eye both to what makes the correlation relatively high and to what keeps it from being higher. These problems will be pursued further when we consider the correlations between the PEC and E scales, and the psychological connection between conservatism and ethnocentrism in the individual. But first we must complete the presentation of the PEC-scale data.
Table 9(V) gives a summary of the item analysis of the Form 45-40 PEC scale. Data for the men and the women are summarized separately. The over-all mean for the women, 4. 07, is significantly lower than that of 4. 25 for the men. The women were also, as noted in Chapter IV, slightly but sig-
? 1 74
No.
3.
7. 11. 14. 17.
THE AUTHORIT ARIAN PERSONALITY TABLE 9 (V)
MEANS AND DISCRIMINATORY POWERS OF THE PEC SCALE ITEMS (FORMS 40 AND 45)
Item
Mean D. P.
Rank
(4) (3) (5) (1) (2)
Mean D. P . Rank
4. 67 3. 49 (4) 4. 57 3. 98 (1) 3. 92 2. 97 (5) 3. 56 ? 3. 90 (2) 3. 62 3. 77 (3)
4. 07 3. 62
(Labor unions) 4. 51 3. 16 (American Way) 4. 90 3. 33 (Government controls) 4. 19 3. 08 (Ford and Morgan) 3. 75 3. 58 (Economic security) 3. 93 3. 46
Mean per iteme 4. 25 3. 32
MEN'S GROUPSa (N 869)b WOMEN'S GROUPSc (N 573)d
aThe individual groups of men in this sample are as follows: San Quentin Men Prisoners (N = 110). Employment Service Men Veterans (N = 106). Maritime School Men (N = 343). 'California Service Club Men (N = 63). Middle-Class Men (N = 69). Working-Class Men (N = 61). Los Angeles Men
(N = 117).
bThe over-all N for the PEC scale (men) is 100 less than that for the E scale because two groups were omitted: (1) Of the 50 Psychiatric Clinic Men, only 29 took the regular Form 45; the others took a form equated for E and F, but not for PEC. Because of the small N, no PEC scale analysis was made on this group. (2) The 50 Working-Class Men and Women were use~ as a statistical group for analysis on the E scale because additional data on the total E scale were desired; but their F and PEC scales were not analyzed statistically.
cThe individual groupg of women in this sample are as follows: Extension Testing dlass Women (N =59). George Washington University Women Students (N =132). Psychiatric Clinic Women (N =45). Middle-Class Women (N = 154). Working-Class Women (N = 53). Los Angeles Women
(N = 130).
dThis N is 26 less than the over-all N for women on the E and F scales because only 45 of the 71 Psychiatric Clinic Women took the regular Form 45. The remaining 26 took a form which was equated to Form 45 for E and F, but not for PEC.
eln obtaining the over? all means, the individual group means were not weighted by N.
nificantly less ethnocentric than the men. This may, however, be a differ- ence in the sample rather than in the total population, since we have no female groups comparable to the high-scoring San Quentin, Service Club, and Maritime School male groups. Moreover, as shown in Table S(V), for all comparable sex groups (Psychiatric Clinic, Middle Class, Working Class, Los Angeles) the means for men and women are almost--identical. Since the sampling methods used were not primarily designed to determine the aver- age intensity of any opinions or attitudes in broader populations, it is perhaps safest not to draw inferences about the total male and female population. It
? POLITICO-ECONOMIC IDEOLOGY AND GROUP MEMBERSHIPS I 75
can be said, however, that? for groups of the general type represented here, no sex differences of practical significance seem to exist; and that differences among male groups and among female groups are much greater than the differences between males and females.
The male and female subsamples are also very similar with regard to means and D. P. 's on the individual items. While the scale mean was lower in women, the relative standing of the item means was almost identical for the two sexes, the rank-order correlation being . 90. Women were more con- servative than men on only one item (unions). A similar relation holds also for the D. P. 's, the rank-order correlation being . 70.
The general level of D. P. 's would, other things being equal, be slightly greater for a 5-item than for a I4-item scale, since each item contributes more to the total score. Therefore, the average D. P. of 3? 4-3? 5 for Forms 45 and 40 is comparable or slightly superior to that of 2. I for Forms 78 and 6o. All of the present items seem statistically adequate. Item I I (Government controls over business) had the lowest D. P. , but in view of the greater suc- cess of the "government function" items in earlier forms, improvement should not be difficult. While the five items can hardly claim to be considered a "scale," they show sufficient internal consistency so that one may mean- ingfully speak of "total PEC score" and one may determine the relations between this and various other measures.
The level of internal consistency of the PEC scale is indicated also by a correlational analysis made on a group of 5I7 University of California women students. 6 A mean r of +o. 26 was found between each item and the sum of the remaining items, the range of r's being +o. Io to +o? 33? The rank order of these items, according to the size of the item's correlation with the sum of the others, was identical to the rank order of item D. P. 's for the combined women's groups above (Table 9(V)). The correlations among individual items averaged +o. I4, the range being +o. o2 to +o. 3o. The highest correla- tion, 0. 30, was between Item 7 (American Way ideal) and Item I4 (Ford and Morgan). Only three r's were below . 10 (the I per cent level of significance), and all of them involved Item II (Government controls). These correlations, while far below those for the E scale, indicate that the PEC scale meets the minimum requirements for its present uses, and that a scale of 20 or 30 such items might, without loss of breadth, achieve a re- liability in the neighborhood of . 8.
5. DISCUSSION: SOME P A TTERNS OF CONTEMPORARY LIBERALISM AND CONSERV A TISM
The reliability and internal consistency of the PEC scales suggest, on the one hand, that liberalism and conservatism are relatively organized and meas- urable patterns of current politico-economic thought; and, on the other
6 The group and procedure are discussed more fully in Chapters IV and VII.
? THE AUTHORITARIAN PERSONALITY
hand, that within each of these broad patterns there is considerable subpat- terning, inconsistency, and simple ignorance. To ignore either the relative generality or the relative inconsistency would, it seems, lead to serious mis- understanding of the problem. More detailed exploration of the nature and deeper psychological meaning of these ideological trends, as expressed in the interviews, will be made in Chapter XVII, following presentation of the clinical material. However, at this point we ought briefly to consider, on the basis of the scale data and of some individual patterns of scale response, certain variations within liberalism and within conservatism.
Liberalism was conceived not as a single, unitary attitude, but as an ideo- logical system containing a number of trends or components. The reliability and internal consistency of the initial forms of the scale show that these trends are interrelated significantly but imperfectly in the individual. The prototypic "liberal" is, according to our guiding conception, an individual who actively seeks progressive social change, who can be militantly critical (though not necessarily totally rejective) of the present status quo, who opposes or de-emphasizes numerous conservative values and beliefs regard- ing business success, rugged individualism, human nature, and the like, and who would diminish the power of business by increasing the power of labor and the economic functions of government.
It is clear, however, that many individuals who are generally liberal do not exhibit some of the above trends. While some of the inconsistency- perhaps the largest part-is due to confusion resulting from lacks and dis- tortions in the press and other media of mass communication, part of it seems also to reflect deep-lying emotional trends of considerable intensity and resistance to change. The individual's pattern of thought, whatever its con- tent, reflects his personality and is not merely an aggregate of opinions picked up helter-skelter from the ideological environment.
One variant, particularly common in the groups tested, might be called the politically pacifistic liberal. The guiding idea here seems to be fear of concentration of social power. This individual, who feels keenly the injus- tice of the present social order and who sympathizes with labor and other subordinate groups, nevertheless cannot militantly support their strivings for greater power. He feels that "powerful unions are as dangerous as powerful business. " He is prone to emphasize the idea that unions are no longer weak in relation to organized industry, and he is likely therefore to accept, in one form or another, the conservative argument that unions are all right but their power must be limited. He would like to decrease the power of business but finds difficulty in directly opposing it-"we might, after all, be as bad as they are. " He believes in extending the economic functions of gov- ernment, perhaps even in some degree of nationalization of industry, but fear of government power often leads him to oppose liberal measures or to
? POLITICO-ECONOMIC IDEOLOGY AND GROUP MEMBERSHIPS I 77
support halfway measures which accomplish little. Opposed to force, he tends to confuse force with militancy and to be indecisive, critical of both sides, overly compromising, inept at political action, shocked by the realities of political affairs.
He is likely to make a middle rather than low score on the PEC scale, not out of true conservatism but rather out of inhibited liberal- ism; he has, one might say, a "liberal" utopia but he cannot fight for the social changes necessary to realize it. Critical of things as they are, yet afraid of change-hating to submit, yet unable to rebel-he cannot actively support the status quo, but he can do little to oppose it.
We were not able to attempt a quantitative study of various types of left- wing ideology. In addition to militant and politically pacifistic liberalism, we should also have been interested in determining the existence and nature of other patterns such as "disillusioned liberalism," "stereotyped (ticket) liberalism," "revolutionary socialism," and so on. Some leads for future study derived from the interview material are presented in Chapter XIX.
The political right requires similar differentiation and study. The proto- typic "conservative," in terms of the present scale, is one who supports the status quo and resists changes in existing politico-economic power arrange- ments, who supports conservative values and traditions, who believes that labor is properly subordinate to employer or management, and who wishes to minimize the economic functions of government in order that individual businessmen can, in free and equal competition, provide goods of maximum quality at minimum cost to the consumer.
While this "traditional conservative" ideology is not uncommon today, the actual politico-economic situation has changed considerably from the one, of fifty or more years ago, to which the ideology refers. The individual small businessman or entrepreneur is no longer the primary economic unit; big business and group management have replaced the individual employer; the production process is more complex, organized, and impersonal; spe- cialization and mechanization threaten the individuality and the job satisfac- tion of worker and manager. As both labor and industry become more organized and more clear-cut social forces, the role of government be- comes increasingly an issue. The traditional conservative is in a dilemma. Shall he oppose the monopolistic trend of big business and want a return to rugged individualistic competition, with government having few eco- nomic functions (laissez-faire conservatism)? Shall he favor increased gov- ernment functioning as a means of preventing monopolistic practices, even though it mean increasing the power of labor (move toward liberalism)? Or shall he, basing everything on his allegiance to the symbol "business," want government to be a force in the service of business as opposed to labor (move toward fascism)? Most conservatives seem still to be in the process of ideological adjustment along these and other lines. Much research re-
? THE AUTHORIT ARIAN PERSONALITY
mains to be done concerning new patterns of conservatism and concerning the psychological dispositions making some individuals more receptive to one pattern, others to another.
It is proposed, then, that the PEC scale results can best be understood in terms of both general and specific factors. The general factors-over-all liberalism and conservatism-account for the significant reliability or con- sistency obtained, while the specific variations within the left and the right prevent the scale from attaining higher statistical standards.
C. THE RELA TION BETWEEN ETHNOCENTRISM AND CONSERVATISM
The correlations of the Anti-Semitism and Ethnocentrism scales with the PEC scale are presented in Table w(V). The correlations range in value from . 14 for the San Quentin Men to . 86 for the Working-Class Women, but they fall for the most part at the level of . 5-. 6. Of the 29 correlation coefficients obtained, there are only 4 below . 40, 5 above . 70. These correla- tions of individual scores are consistent with the rank-order correlation of . 50 between the group means on PEC and E (Forms 45 and 40).
The data in Table 10 (V) indicate that PEC is less closely related to A-S than to the other components of E. Thus, in Form 78, PEC correlates sig- nificantly higher withE (exclusive of A-S) than with A-S (. 59 to ? 43)? In Form 6o, where 4 of the 12 E-scale items deal with A-S, the average r is . sz, midway between the two for Form 78. The results for the two groups taking both Forms 45 and 40 (Maritime School Men and Employment Service Men Veterans) show the same thing: PEC correlates higher with EA than with EA+B (. 6o to ? 49, and . 41 to . 38). It will be recalled that EA contains no A-S items, while 4 of the 5 EB items refer to Jews. Finally, the highest PEC-E correlations were obtained on Form 40, which contained only EA. The aver- age r of . 66 on Form 40 is especially significant in view of the brevity of the two scales (5 items each). The explanation would seem to lie in the fact that these items represent the most general trends in their respective ideologies: in PEC, support of the status quo and conservative values; in E, generalized ingroup idealization and outgroup rejection. It is probably in broad trends such as these that conservatism and ethnocentrism overlap the most, because these ideological trends are rooted in the same deep-lying emotional disposi- tions (see Chapter VII). The specific factors which lower the correlation of A-S with PEC constitute an important problem for future research.
There appear to be no consistent sex or class differences in the E-PEC correlation. In the University, Middle-Class and Working-Class groups (with presumably comparable male and female samples in each), the value of r is about o. I lower for men than for women; but in the Los Angeles group this trend is reversed, while in the Psychiatric Clinic Patients the difference is
? POLITICO-ECONOMIC IDEOLOGY AND GROUP MEMBERSHIPS 179 TABLE 10 (V)
CORRELATIONS OF THE A-S AND E SCALES WITH THE PEC SCALE (ALL FORMS) N Correlation
A. Groups taking Fora 78:
Public Speaking Class WOmen Public Speaking Class Men Extension Psychology Class Women Professional Women
Mean ra
B. Groups taking Fora 60:
University of Oregon Student Women University of Oregon and University
of California Student Women University of Oregon and University
of California Student Men Oregon Service Club Men
Mean ra
140 ? 52 ? 49 52 ? 55 ? 32 40 ? 52 ? 23 63 ? 76 . 69
295 ? 59 ? 43
47 ? 48 54 ? 62
57 . 48 68 ? 52
226 . 52
c. Groups taking Fora 45:c
Extension Testing Class Women
San Quentin Men 110 Psychiatric Clinic women
Psychiatric Clinic Men
W orking-Class Men and
Women?
D. Groups taking Fora 40:c
George Washington University Women California Service Club Men Middle-Class Men
Middle-Class women
W orking-Class Men
WOrking-Class WOmen
Los Angeles Men
Los Angeles Women
Mean ra
E. Groups taking Foras 40 and 45: Employment Service Men Veterans
(Form 40)
(Form 45) Maritime School Men (Form 40) (Form 45)
Mean ra
Mean r for all groups taking Forms 40 and 45
59 . 60
. 14d 71 ? 53
50 ? 55d 50 ? 75
340 . 51
132 . 48 63 . 64 69 ? 67
154 . 76 61 . "74 53 ? 86
117 . 61 130 ? 52
779 ? 66
55 ? ooe
51 ? 49 164 . 4le 179 ? 38
449 . 47 1568 ? 57
Mean ra
~n obtaining the over-all means, the individual group means were not weighted by N, and Z,. was not used.
bit will be recalled that in Form 60 the E scale contained 4 A-S items, there being no separate A-S scale.
CpEC is correlated with EA in groups taking Form 40, with total EA+B scale in groups taking Form 45.
dFor the PEC scale in the Psychiatric Clinic groUPs, the number of -en was 45, the number of men 29~ due to a substitution of forms.
erhese correlations are based on the EA scores of subjects taking Form 45 . as well as those taking Form 40.
E:PEC
A-S:PEC
? THE AUTHORITARIAN PERSONALITY
negligible. The same holds for class differences: in the Working-Class Men and Women the correlations are very high (. 74 and . 86), but in other groups which draw heavily upon the working class, notably San Quentin and the Maritime School, the correlations are very low (. 14 and . 4). The reasons for the variations in the size of r seem to. lie more in the specific nature of the group than in its sex or class status. It is interesting in this connection that two groups in which the E-PEC correlation was very high, the Working Class Men (. 74) and Women (. 86) also had the two lowest PEC means (see Table 8(V) ). W e may hypothesize that the E-PEC correlation will be highest when, other things such as the S. D. being equal, the group contains a sizeable minority of strong liberals. Judging from some of the other groups, the number of strong conservatives has less influence on the correlation. W e shall return to this question shortly.
The general level of the E-PEC correlations demonstrates that ethnocen- trism and conservatism, as measured by the present scales, are significantly but imperfectly related. 7 In everyday terms, we may say that conservatives are, on the average, significantly more ethnocentric than liberals are. The more conservative an individual is, the greater the likelihood that he is ethno- centric-but this is a probability and not a certainty. Since the existence of an affinity between these ideological patterns has often been observed previ- ously, the present correlations are perhaps less a startling discovery than an indication of the validity of the scales. To those who have been unaware of the E-PEC relationship, the significance of the correlations must be stressed. To those who tend to equate conservatism and ethnocentrism as psycho- logical trends in the individual, it must be pointed out that the correlations are far from perfect. Even with a much more reliable measure of PEC, the correlation with E could hardly average over . 70-a value inadequate for predictive purposes. It becomes necessary, then, to understand what pro- duces the close association between these ideological patterns in the indi- vidual, as well as what systematic factors-apart from ignorance or misinfor- mation-make the E-PEC correlation less than I . o.
A theoretical basis for the close tie between conservatism and ethnocen- trism is suggested by certain similarities in their major underlying trends. Support of the prevailing politico-economic ideology and authority is, ap- parently, often a part of the generalized ethnocentric tendency to submit to accepted authority in all areas of social life. Similarly, ethnocentric rejection of outgroups is expressed in the politico-economic sphere by resistance to social change and by the tendency to subsume progressive political ideologies under the general heading of "foreign" outgroups and ideas (threats to in- group authority). The interconnection between the two ideologies and the difficulty of separating them even for purposes of study are revealed by a
? 7 These results are, on the whole, consistent with those of the other studies mentioned at the start of this chapter.
? POLITICO-ECO~OMIC IDEOLOGY AND GROUP MEMBERSHIPS I 8I
number of scale items. For example: "America may not be perfect, but the American Way has brought us about as close as human beings can get to a perfect society. " To support this idea is, it would seem, to express both politico-economic conservatism and the ingroup idealization so character- istic of ethnocentrism. The item, "The worst danger to real Americanism during the last 50 years has come from foreign ideas and agitators," is another example of politicalized ethnocentrism: again we find moral stereotypy and externalization of blame for social problems onto the threatening outgroup.
There are also theoretical reasons for expecting a relationship between liberalism and anti-ethnocentrism. Both tend to involve a critical attitude toward prevailing authorities and traditions. The identification with the masses (workers, "the common man," "the weak and downtrodden") so often a central theme in left-wing political ideology, finds expression also in opposition to ethnocentrism and outgroup suppression. Indeed, the forma- tion of leftist political views in youth often begins with a sense of the injus- tice of anti-Semitism or anti-Negroism; when sympathetic imagery of sub- ordinate groups is extended to include the working class, the transition from "group relations" to "politico-economic" ideology has begun. The further development of liberal-radical views is ordinarily based on imagery and atti- tudes identical to those underlying anti-ethnocentric ideology: opposition to hierarchy and to dominance-submission, removal of class and group barriers, emphasis on equalitarian interaction, and so on.
We have also to consider the "correlation-lowering" factors. Why, in view of the theoretical argument above, is the E-PEC correlation not higher? The present data suggest, but are not adequate to test, several hypotheses. The correlation charts (scattergrams) for each sample reveal that extreme liberals (low scorers on PEC) are for the most part low as well on E. But the "middles" on PEC are extremely diversified with respect to standing on E. It is possible that the group which is low on E but middle on PEC consists largely of the "politically pacifistic" liberals discussed previously. Practically none of the subjects were low on PEC and high on E (ethnocentric liberals); such il1dividuals would, however, be well worth intensive study.
The high scorers on PEC are more variable on E than are the low scorers. While most of those high on PEC are also high onE, a considerable number are middle and a small but consistent percentage low onE (nonethnocentric conservatives). In other words, strong political liberalism is a pretty good indicator of anti-ethnocentrism, but political conservatism is less consistently related to ethnocentrism.
In attempting to explain the variability of conservatives with respect to ethnocentrism, we are reminded of the distinction between "genuine" and "pseudo-" previously drawn with respect to patriotism and traditional- conventional values (Chapter IV). One can be politically conservative, just as one can be patriotic (in the sense of firm attachment to American culture
? THE AUTHORITARIAN PERSONALITY
and tradition), without being ethnocentric. vVe should like to use the term "genuine conservative" to refer to the individual with this broad pattern of thought. He is "genuine" because, whatever the merits of his political views, he is seriously concerned with fostering what is most vital in the American democratic tradition. He believes, for example, in the crucial importance of the profit motive and in the necessity of economic insecurity; but he wants the best man to win no matter what his social background. He is resistant to social change, but he can be seriously critical of the national and political ingroups and-what is more important-he is relatively free of the rigidity and deep-lying hostility characteristic of ethnocentrism.
The ethnocentric conservative is the pseudoconservative, for he betrays in his ethnocentrism a tendency antithetical to democratic values and tradi- tion. He is the E-PEC "correlation raiser" because, as discussed above, his politico-economic views are based on the same underlying trends-submis- sion to authority, unconscious handling of hostility toward authority by means of displacement and projection onto outgroups, and so on-as his ethnocentrism. It is indeed paradoxical that the greatest psychological poten- tial for antidemocratic change should come from those who claim to repre- sent democratic tradition. For the pseudoconservatives are the pseudo- democrats, and their needs dispose them to the use of force and oppression in order to protect a mythical "Americanism" which bears no resemblance to what is most vital in American history. .
An additional hypothesis may be proposed regarding individuals high on E but middle on PEC. These may well be pseudoconservatives who have kept up with changes in the actual politico-economic situation by making changes in traditional (individualistic) conservative ideology. They empha- size competitiveness as a value, yet they support the concentration of eco- nomic power in big business-the greatest single threat at present to the individual competing businessman. They emphasize economic mobility and the "Horatio Alger" myth, yet they support numerous forms of discrimina- tion that put severe limitations on the mobility of large sections of the popu- lation. They may also believe in extending the economic functions of government, not for humanitarian reasons but as a means of limiting the power of labor and other groups.
This is not merely a "modern conservatism. " It is, rather, a totally new direction: away from individualism and equality of opportunity, and teward a rigidly stratified society in which there is a minimum of economic mobility and in which the "right" groups are in power, the outgroups subordinate. Perhaps the term "reactionary" fits this ideology best. Ultimately it is fascism. While certainly not a necessary sequel to laissez-faire conservatism, it can be regarded as a possible (and not uncommon) distortion of con- servatism-a distortion which retains certain surface similarities but which changes the basic structure into the antithesis of the original. Since most
? No.
1. 5. 8.
13. 15. 22. 27. 36. 44. 52. 61. 63. 68. 71. 76. 78.
I t e m
(Value of dollar) (Depressions)
(Charity)
(Businessmen, artists) (Middle of the road) (Political candidate) (Rebellious ideas)
(Gov' t. responsibility) (Socialized medicine) (Taxes, corporations) (Economic security) (Gov' t. interference)? (Unions stronger)
(Ford, Morgan)
(Gov' t. activity) (Ability will tell)
Groupa Mack L a r r y Mean
6 7 6. 10 5 1 3,33 3 7 5. 46 1 1 2. 29 7 5 4.
