If the Christians attempted to improve their
successes by penetrating to Jerusalem, they had a
city powerfully garrisoned in their front, a country
wasted and destitute of forage to act in, and Saladin
with a vast army on their rear' advantageously posted
to cut off their convoys and reinforcements.
successes by penetrating to Jerusalem, they had a
city powerfully garrisoned in their front, a country
wasted and destitute of forage to act in, and Saladin
with a vast army on their rear' advantageously posted
to cut off their convoys and reinforcements.
Edmund Burke
1173.
of these mercenaries into his service, and,
as he paid them: punctually, and; kept them always
in action, they served: him with fidelity. The Papal
authority, so often subservient, so often prejudicial
to his designs, he called to his assistance in a cause
which did not misbecome it, --the cause of a father
attacked by higs'children. This took off the ill impression left by Becket's death, and kept; the bishops firm in their allegiance. Having taken his measures
with judgment, he pursued the war in Normandy
with vigor. In this war his mercenaries had a great
and visible advantage over the feudal armies of
France: the latter, not so useful while they remained
in the field,-entered it late in the summer, and commonly. left it in forty days. The King of France was forced to raise the siege of Verneuil, to evacuate Normandy, and agree: to a truce. Then, at the head of his victorious Brabanqons, Henry marched into Brittany with an incredible expedition. The rebellious army, astonished as: much-:by the celerity of his
march as the fury of -his attack, was totally routed.
The principal towns and castles were reduced soon
? ? ? ? A'BRIDGMENTI OF ENGLISH HISTORY. 421
after. . . The custody of the conquered! country being
lodged in faithful. hands, he flew to the relief of England. There his natural son Geoffrey, Bishop elect of
Ely, faithful during the rebellion of all his legitimate
offspring, steadily maintained his cause, though with
forces much inferior to his zeal. The king, before
he entered into action, thought it expedient to perfor'm his expiation at the tomb of Becket.
A. D. 1174.
Hardly had he finished this ceremony, when
the news arrived that. the Scotch army was totally
defeated, and their king made prisoner. This victory was universally attributed to the prayers. of Becket; and whilst it established the credit of the. new
saint, it established Henry in the. minds. of his people: they no longer looked upon their king as an object of the Divine vengeance, but as a penitent reconciled to Heaven, and under the special protection of the martyr he had made. The Flemish army,
after several severe checks, capitulated to evacuate
the kingdom. The rebellious barons submitted soon
after. All was quiet in England; but the King of
France renewed hostilities in Normandy, and laid
siege to Rouen. Henry recruited his army with a
body of auxiliary Welsh, arrived at Rouen with his
usual expedition, raised the siege, and drove the King
of France quite out; of Normandy. It was then that
he agreed to an accommodation, and in the terms of
peace, which he dictated in, the midst of victory to
his sons, his subjects, and his enemies, there was seen
on one hand the tenderness of:a father, and on the
other the moderation of a wise man, not insensible of
the mutability of fortune,.
The war which threatened. his ruin being so happily ended, the greatness of the danger served only to
? ? ? ? 422 ABRIDGMENT OF ENGLISH HISTORY.
enhance his glory; whilst he saw the King of France
humbled, the Flemings defeated, the King of Scotland a prisoner, and his sons and subjects reduced to
the bounds of their duty. He employed this interval
of peace to secure its continuance, and to prevent a
return of the like' evils; for' which reason
A. D. 1176.
he made many reforms in the laws and polity of his dominions. He instituted itinerant justices,
to weaken the power of the great barons, and even
of the sheriffs, who were: hardly more obedient, --an
institution which, with great public advantages, has
remained to our times. In the spirit of the same
policy he'armed the whole body of the people: the
English commonalty had been in a manner disarmed
ever since. the Conquest. In this regulation we may
probably trace the origin of the militia, which, being
under'the orders of the' crown rather in a political
than a feudal respect, were judged' more to be relied on than the soldiers of tenure, to whose pride
and power they might prove a sort of counterpoise.
Amidst these changes' the affairs of the clergy remained untouched. The king: had experienced how
dangerous it was to attempt removing foundations so
deeply laid both in strength and opinion. He therefore wisely aimed at acquiring the favor of that body,
and turning to his own advantage a power he should
in vain attempt to overthrow, but which he might set
up against another power, which it was equally his
interest to reduce.
Though these measures were taken with the greatest judgment, and seemed to promise a peaceful evening to his reign, the seeds of rebellion remained still at home, and -the dispositions that nourished them
were rather increased abroad. The parental author
? ? ? ? ABRIDGMENT OF ENGLISH HISTORY. 423
ity, respectable at all times, ought to have the greatest force in times when the manners are rude and the laws imperfect. At that time Europe had not
emerged out of barbarism, yet this great natural bond
of society was extremely weak. The number of foi
eign obligations and duties almost dissolved thefamily obligations. From the moment a young man was knighted, so far as related to his father, he became
absolute master of his own conduct; but he contracted at the same time a sort of filial relation with the person who had knighted him. These various principles of duty distracted one another. . The custom which then prevailed, of bestowing lands and jurisdictions, under the name of Appanages, to the sons
of kings and the greater nobility, gave them a power
which was frequently employed against the giver;
and the military and licentious manners of the age
almost destroyed every trace of every kind of regular
authority. In the East, where the rivalship of broth-.
ers is so dangerous, such is the force of paternal power amongst a rude people, we scarce ever hear of a son in arms against his father. In Europe, for several ages, it was very common. It was Henry's great misfortune to suffer in a particular mannier from this
disorder.
Philip succeeded Louis, King of France.
A. D. 1180.
He followed closely the plan of his predecessor, to reduce the great vassals, and the King of
England, who was the greatest of them; but he followed it with far more skill and vigor, though he
made use of the same instruments in the work. He
revived the spirit of rebellion in the princes, Henry's
sons. These young princes were never in harmony
with each other but in a confederacy against their
? ? ? ? 424. . ABRIDGMENT OF ENGLISH HISTORY.
father, and the father had no recourse but in the melancholy safety derived from the disunion of his children. : This he thought it expedient to increase; but such policy, when discovered, has always a dangerous
effect. The sons, having just quarrelled enough to
give room for an explanation of each other's designs,
and to display those of their father, enter into a. D. 1183. new conspiracy. In the midst of these motions the young king dies, and showed at his
death such signs of a sincere repentance as served to
revive the old king's tenderness, and to take away all
comfort for. his loss. The death of his third son,. Geoffrey, followed close upon the heels of
this funeral. He died at Paris, whither he
had gone to concert measures against his father.
Richard and John remained. Richard, fiery, restless, ambitious, openly took up arms, and pursued
the war with implacable rancor, and such success as
drove the king, in the decline of his life, to a dishonorable treaty; nor was he then content, but excited
new troubles. John was his youngest and favorite
child; in him he reposed all his hopes, and consoled
himself for thei undutifulness of his other sons; but
after concluding:the treaty with the: King of France
and Richard, he found too soon that John had been
as deep as any in the conspiracy. This was his last
wound: afflicted by his children in their deaths and
harassed in their lives,; mortified as a father and a
king, worn down with cares and sorrows more: than
with years, he died, cursing his fortune, his children,
and the hour of his birth. When he perceived that
death approached him, by his own desire he was-carried into a church and laid at the altar's
A. fD. 1189.
foot. Hardly had he expired:when. he was
? ? ? ? ABRIDGMENT: OF'ENGLISH HISTORY. 425
stripped, then forsaken by his attendants, and left a
long time a naked and unheeded body in an empty
church:. affording a just consolation for the obscurity
of a: mean fortune, and an instructive lesson how little an outward greatness and'enjoyments foreign to the mind contribute towards a solid felicity, in the
example of one who was the greatest of kings and the
unhappiest of mankind.
CHAPTER VII.
REIGN OF RICHARD I.
WHILST Henry lived, the King of France had always an effectual means of breaking his power by
the divisions in his family. But now Rich- Richard I.
ard succeeded to all. the power of his father, A. 1189.
with an equal ambition to extend it, with a temper
infinitely more fiery and impetuous, and free from
every impediment of internal dissension. These circumstainces filled the mind of Philip with great and just uneasiness. There was no security but in finding exercise for the enterprising genius of the: young king at a distance from home. The new Crusade afforded an advantageous opportunity. A little before his father's death, Richard had taken the cross in
conjunction with the King of France. So precipitate were the fears of that monarch, that Richard
was hardly crowned when ambassadors were dispatched to England to remind him of his obligation, and to pique his pride by acquainting him that their
master was even then in readiness to fulfil his part
of their common vow. An enterprise of this sort
? ? ? ? 426 ABRIDGMENT OF ENGLISH HISTORY.
was extremely agreeable to the genius of Richard,
where religion sanctified the thirst of military glory;
and where the glory. itself seemed but the,more desirable bybeing unconnected with interest. : He immediately accepted- the proposal, and resolved to insure the success as well as the lustre of his expedition by the magnificence of his, preparations. Not content with the immense treasures amassed by his
father, he drew in vast sums by the sale of almost all
the demesnes of the crown, and of every office under
it, not excepting those of the- highest trust. The clergy, whose wealth' and policy enabled them to take advantage of the necessity and weakness of the Croises,
were generally the purchasers of both. To secure his
dominions in his absence, he made an alliance with
the princes of Wales, and with the King of Scotland.
To the latter he released, for a sum of money, the
homage which had been extorted by his father.
His brother John gave him most uneasiness; but
finding it unworthy, or impracticable, to use the'severer methods of jealous policy, he resolved to secure his fidelity by loading him with benefits. He
bestowed on him six earldoms, and gave him in
marriage the Lady Avisa, sole heiress of the great
house of Gloucester; but as he gave him no share in
the regency, he increased his power, and left him discontented in a kingdom committed to the care of new
men, who had merited their places by their money.
It will be proper to take a view of the condition
of the Holy Land at the time when this third Crusade was set on foot to repair the faults committed
in the two former. The conquests of the Croises,
extending over Palestine and a part of Syria, had
been erected into a sovereignty under the name
? ? ? ? ABRIDGMENT OF ENGLISH HISTORY. 427
of the Kingdom of Jerusalem. This kingdom, illordered within, surrounded on all. sides. by powerful
enemies, subsisted by a strength not its own for
near ninety years. But dissensions'arising about
the succession to the crown, between Guy of Lusignan and Raymond, Earl of Tripoli, Guy, either because he, thought the assistance of the European princes too distant, or that he feared their decision,
called in the aid of Saladin, Sultan of Egypt. This
able prince immediately entered Palestine. As the
whole strength of the Christians in Palestine depended upon foreign succor, he first made himself
master of the maritime towns, and then Jerusalem
fell an easy prey to his arms; whilst the competitors
contended with the utmost violence for a kingdom
which no longer existed for either of them. All Europe was alarmed at this revolution. The banished
Patriarch of Jerusalem filled every place with the
distresses of the Eastern Christians. The, Pope ordered a solemn fast to be forever kept for this loss,
_and then, exerting all his influence, excited a new
Crusade, in which vast numbers engaged with an
ardor unabated by their former misfortunes; but
wanting a proper subordination rather than a sufficient force, they made but a slow progress, also
when Richard and Philip, at the head of
more than one hundred thousand chosen men, the
one from Marseilles, the other from Genoa, set sail
to their assistance.
In his voyage to the Holy Land accident presented
Richard with an unexpected conquest. A
vessel of his fleet was driven by a storm
to take shelter in the Isle of Cyprus. That island
was governed by a prince named Isaac, of the ima
? ? ? ? 428 ABRIDGMENT OF ENGLISH HISTORY.
perial family of the Comneni, who not only refused
all relief to the sufferers, but plundered them of'the little remains of their substance. Richard, resenting this inhospitable treatment, aggravated by the insolence of the tyrant, turned his' force upon
Cyprus, vanquished Isaac in the field, took the capi,
tal city, and was solemnly crowned king of that
island. But deeming it as glorious to give as to
acquire a crown, he soon after resigned it to Lusi
gnan, to satisfy him for his claim on Jerusalem; in
whose descendants it continued for several generations, until, passing by marriage into the family of
Cornaro, a Venetian nobleman, it was acquired to
that state, the only state in Europe which had any
real benefit by all the. blood and treasure lavished
in:the: Holy War. ;
Richard arrived in Palestine some time after the
King of France. His arrival gave new vigor to the
operations of the Croises. ~ He reduced Acre to surrender at discretion, which had been in vain besieged
for two years, and in the siege of which. an infinite
number of C:hristians had perished; and so much
did he distinguish himself on this and on all occasions, that the. whole expedition seemed to rest on his
single valor. The King of France, seeing him fully
engaged, had all: that he desired. The climate was
disagreeable to his constitution, and, the war, in
which: he acted, but a second part, to his pride.
He therefore hastened home to execute his projects against Richard, amusing him with oaths made
to be violated, - leaving, indeed, a part of his: forces under the Duke of Burgundy, but with private
orders to give him underhand all possible obstruction. : Notwithstanding the desertion of" his ally,
? ? ? ? ABRIDGMENT OF ENGLISH HISTORY. 429
Richard: continued the war with uncommon alack.
rity. With very unequal numbers he engaged and
defeated the whole army of Saladin, and slew forty
thousand of his best troops. He obliged him to
evacuate all the towns on the sea-coast, and spread
the renown and terror of his arms over all Asia. A
thousand, great exploits did;not, however, enable him
to extend his conquests to the inland country. Jealousy, envy. , cabals, and a total want of discipline
reigned in the army of the Croises. The climate,
and their intemperance more than the climate, wasted
them with a swift decay. The vow which brought
them to the Holy Land was generally for a limited
time, at the conclusion of which they were, always
impatient to depart. Their armies broke up at the
most critical conjunctures, - as it was not the necessity of the service, but the- extent of their vows,
which held them together. As soon, therefore, as
they had habituated themselves to the country, and
attained some experience, they were gone; and new
men supplied their places, to acquire experience by
the same misfortunes, and to lose the benefit of it by
the same inconstancy. Thus the war could never be
carried on with steadiness and uniformity. On the
other side, Saladin continually repaired his losses;
his resources were at hand; and this great captain
very judiciously kept possession of that mountainous
country which, formed by a perpetual ridge of Libanus, in a manner walls in the sea-coast of Palestine.
There he hung, like a continual tempest, ready to
burst over the Christian army. On his rear was the
strong city of Jerusalem, which secured a communication with the countries of Chaldea and Mesopotamia, from whence he was well supplied with every
? ? ? ? 430 ABRIDGMENT OF ENGLISH HISTORY.
thing.
If the Christians attempted to improve their
successes by penetrating to Jerusalem, they had a
city powerfully garrisoned in their front, a country
wasted and destitute of forage to act in, and Saladin
with a vast army on their rear' advantageously posted
to cut off their convoys and reinforcements.
Richard was laboring to get over these disadvantages, when he was informed by repeated expresses
of the disorder of his affairs in Europe, disorders
which arose from the ill dispositions he had made at
his departure. The heads of his regency had abused
their power; they quarrelled with each other, and
the nobility with them. A sort of a civil war had
arisen, in which they were deposed. Prince John
was the main spring of these dissensions; he engaged
in a close communication of councils with. the King
of France, who had seized upon several places in
Normandy. It was with regret:that Richard found
himself obliged to' leave a theatre on which he had
planned such an illustrious scene of action. :A constant emulation in courtesy and politeness, as well as
in military exploits, had: been kept up between him
and Saladin. He now concluded a truce with that
generous enemy, and on his departure sent a messenger to assure him that on its expiration he would not fail to be again in Palestine. - Saladin replied, that,
if he must lose his kingdom, he would choose to lose
92 it to the King of England. Thus Richard
returned, leaving Jerusalem in the hands
of the Saracens; and this end had an enterprise in
which two of the most powerful monarchs in Europe
were personally engaged, an army of upwards of one
hundred thousand men employed, and to furnish
which the whole Christian world had been vexed and
? ? ? ? ,ABRIDGMENT OF ENGLISH HISTORY. 431
exhausted. It is a melancholy reflection, that the
spirit of great designs can seldom be inspired, but
where the reason of mankind is so uncultivated that
they can be turned to little advantage.
With this war ended the fortune of Richard, who
found the Saracens less dangerous than his Christian
allies. It is not well known what motive induced
him to land at Aquileia, at the bottom of the Gulf of
Venice, in order to take his route by Germany; but
he pursued his journey through the territories of the
Duke of'Austria, whom he had personally affronted
at the siege of Acre. And now, neither keeping himself'out of the power of that prince, nor rousing his
generosity by. seeming to confide in it, he attempted
to get through his dominions in disguise. Sovereigns
do not easily assume the private character; their
pride seldom suffers their disguise to be complete:
besides, Richard had made himself but too well
known. The Duke, transported with the opportunity of base revenge, discovered him, seized him,
and threw him into prison; from whence he was
only released to be thrown into another. The Emperor claimed him, and, without regarding A. D. 1193.
in this unfortunate captive the common dignity of sovereigns, or his great actions in the common
cause of Europe, treated him with yet greater cruelty.
To give a color of justice to his violence, he proposed
to accuse Richard at the Diet of the Empire upon
certain articles relative to his conduct in the Holy
Land.
The. news of the king's captivity caused the greatest consternation in all his good subjects; but it revived the hopes and machinations of Prince John, who bound himself by closer ties than ever to the
? ? ? ? 432 ABRIDGMENT OF ENGLISH HISTORY.
King of France, seized upon some strongholds in
England, and, industriously spreading a report of his
brother's death, publicly laid claim to the crown. as
lawful successor. All his endeavors, however, served
only to excite the indignation of the people, and to
attach them the more firmly to: their unfortunate
prince. Eleanor, the queen dowager, as good a mother as she had been a bad wife, acted with the utmost
vigor and prudence to retain them in their duty, and
omitted no means to procure the liberty of her son.
The nation seconded her with a zeal, in their circumstances,i uncommon. No tyrant ever imposed so severe a tax upon his people as the affection of the people of England, already exhausted, levied upon
themselves. The most favored religious orders were
charged on this occasion. The Church plate was
sold. The ornaments of the most holy relics were
not spared. And, indeed, nothing serves more to
demonstrate the poverty of the kingdom, reduced by
internal dissensions and remote wars, at that time,
than: the extreme difficulty of collecting the king's
ransom, which amounted to no more than one hundred thousand marks of silver, Cologne weight. For
raising this sum, the first taxation, the most heavy
and general that was ever known in England, proved
altogether insufficient. Another taxation was set on
foot. It was levied with the same rigor as the former',
and still fell short. Ambassadors were sent into Germany with all that could be raised, and with hostages
for the payment of whatever remained. The king
met these ambassadors as he was carried in chains to
plead his cause before the Diet of the Empire. The
ambassadors burst into tears at this affecting sight,
lrnd wept aloud; but Richard, though touched no
? ? ? ? ABRIDGMENT OF ENGLISH HISTORY. 433
less with the affectionate loyalty of his subjects than
with his own fallen condition, preserved his dignity
entire in his misfortunes, and with a cheerful air inquired of the state of his dominions, the behavior of. the King of Scotland, and the fidelity of his brother,
the Count John. At the Diet, no longer protected
by the character of a sovereign, he was supported by
his personal abilities. He had a ready wit and great
natural eloquence; and his high reputation and the
weight of his cause pleading for him more strongly,
the Diet at last interested itself in his favor, and prevailed on the Emperor to accept an excessive ransom for dismissing a prisoner whom he detained without
the least color of justice. Philip moved heaven and!
earth to prevent his enlargement: he negotiated, he
promised, he flattered, he threatened, he outbid his
extravagant ransom. The Emperor, in his own nature more inclined to the bribe, which tempted him
to be base, hesitated a long time between these offers.
But as the payment of the ransom was more certain
than Philip's promises, and as the instances of the
Diet, and the menaces of the Pope, who protected
Richard, as a prince serving under the Cross, were of
more immediate consequence than his threats, Richard was at length released; and though it is said the Emperor endeavored to seize him again, to extort an
other ransom, he escaped safely into England. 'Richard, on his coming to England, found
A. D. 1194.
all things in the utmost confusion; but before he'attempted to apply a remedy to so obstinate
a disease, in order to wipe off any degrading ideas
which might have arisen from his imprisonment, he
caused himself to be new crowned. Then holding:
his Court of Great Council at Southampton, he made:
VOL. VII. 28
? ? ? ? 434 ABRIDGMENT OF ENGLISH HISTORY.
-some useful regulations in the distribution of justice.
He called some great offenders to a strict account.
Count John deserved no favor, and he lay entirely
at the king's mercy, who, by an unparalleled generosity, pardoned him his multiplied offences, only depriving him of the power of which he had made so bad a use. Generosity did not oblige him to forget
the hostilities of the King of France. But to prosecute the war money was wanting, which new taxes
and new devices supplied with difficulty and with
dishonor. All the mean oppressions of a necessitous
government were exercised on this occasion. All the
grants which were made on the king's departure to
the Holy Land were revoked, on the weak pretence
that the purchasers had sufficient recompense whilst
they held them. Necessity seemed to justify this, as
well as many other measures that were equally violent. The whole revenue of the crown had been dissipated; means to support its dignity must be found; and these means were the least unpopular, as most
men saw with pleasure the wants of government fall
upon those who had started into a sudden greatness
by taking advantage of those wants.
Richard renewed the war with Philip, which continued, though frequently interrupted by truces, for
about five years. In this war Richard signalized
himself by that irresistible courage which on all
occasions gave him a superiority over the King of
France. But his revenues were exhausted; a great
scarcity reigned both in France and England; and
the irregular manner of carrying oil war in those
days prevented a clear decision in favor of either
party. Richard had still ail eye on the Holy Land,
which he considered as the only province worthy of
? ? ? ? ABRIDGMENT OF ENGLISH HISTORY. 435
his arms; and this continually diverted his thoughts
from the steady prosecution of the war in France.
The Crusade, like a superior orb, moved along with
all the particular systems of politics of that time,
and suspended, accelerated, or put back all operations on motives foreign to the things themselves.
In this war it must be remarked that Richard made
a considerable use of the mercenaries who had been
so serviceable to Henry the Second; and the King
of France, perceiving how much his father, Louis,
had suffered by a want of that advantage, kept on
foot a standing army in constant pay, which none
of his predecessors had done before him, and which
afterwards for a long time very unaccountably -fell
into disuse in both kingdoms.
Whilst this war was carried on by intervals and
starts, it came to the ears of Richard that a nobleman of Limoges had found on his lands a considerable hidden treasure. The king, necessitous and rapacious to the last degree, and stimulated by the
exaggeration and marvellous circumstances which
always attend the report of such discoveries, immediately sent to demand the treasure, under pretence
of the rights of seigniory. The Limosin, either because he had really discovered nothing or that he
was unwilling to part with so valuable an acquisition, refused to comply with the king's demand, and
fortified his castle. Enraged at the disappointment,
Richard relinquished the important affairs in which
he was engaged, and laid siege to this castle with all
the eagerness of a man who has his heart set upon a
trifle. In this siege he received a wound from -an
arrow, and it proved mortal; but in the last, as in all
the other acts of his life, something truly noble shone
? ? ? ? 436 ABRIDGMENT OF ENGLISH HISTORY.
out amidst the rash and irregular motions of his mind.
The castle was taken before he died. The man from
whom Richard had received the wound was brought
before him. Being asked why he levelled his arrow
at the king, he answered, with an undaunted countenance, "that the king with his own hand had slain his two brothers; that he thanked God who gave him
an opportunity to revenge their deaths even with the
certainty of his own. " Richard, more touched with
the magnanimity of the man than offended at the injury he had received or the boldness of the answer, ordered that his life should be spared. He appointed
his brother John to the succession; and with these. . 1199. acts ended a life and reign distinguished by
a great variety of fortunes in different parts
of the world, and crowned with great military glory,
but without any accession of power to himself, or
prosperity to his people, whom he entirely neglected,
and reduced, by his imprudence and misfortunes, to
no small indigence and distress.
In many respects, a striking parallel presents itself between this ancient King of England and
Charles the Twelfth, of Sweden. They were both
inordinately desirous of war, and rather generals
than kings. Both were rather fond of glory than
ambitious of empire. Both of them made and deposed sovereigns. They both carried on their wars
at a distance from home. They were both made
prisoners by a friend and ally. They were both reduced by an adversary inferior in war, but above
them in the arts of rule. After spending their lives
in remote adventures, each perished at last near home
in enterprises not suited to the splendor of their former exploits. Both died childless. And both, by
? ? ? ? ABRIDGMENT OF ENGLISH HISTORY. 437
the neglect of their affairs and the severity of their
government, gave their subjects provocation and encouragement to revive their freedom. - In all these respects the two characters were alike; but Richard
fell as mrch short of the Swedish hero in temperance, chastity, and equality of mind as he exceeded him in wit and eloquence. Some of his sayings are
the most spirited that we find in that time; and some
of his verses remain, which in a barbarous age might
have passed f6r poetry.
CHAPTER VIII.
REIGN OF JOHN.
WE are now arrived at one of the most
A. D. 1199.
memorable periods in the English story,
whether we consider the astonishing revolutions
which were then wrought, the calamities in which
both the prince and people were involved, or the
happy consequences which, arising from the midst
of those calamities, have constituted the glory and
prosperity of England for so- many years. We shall
see a throne founded in arms, and augmented by
the successive policy of five able princes, at once
shaken to its foundations: first made tributary by
the arts of a foreign power; then limited, and almost overturned, by the violence of its subjects.
We shall see a king, to reduce his people to obedience, draw into his territories a tumultuary foreign army, and destroy his country instead of establishing
his government. We shall behold the people, grown
desperate, call in another foreign army, with a foreign
? ? ? ? 438 ABRIDGMENT OF ENGLISH HISTORY.
prince at its head, and throw away that liberty which
they had sacrificed everything to preserve. We shall
see the arms of this prince successful against an established king in the vigor of his years, ebbing in the
full tide of their prosperity, and yielding to an infant: after this, peace and order and liberty restored,
the foreign force and foreign title purged off, and all
things settled as happily as beyond all hope.
Richard dying without lawful issue, the succession
to his dominions again became dubious. They consisted of various territories, governed by various rules
of descent, and all of them uncertain. There were
two competitors: the first was Prince John, youngest
son of Henry the Second; the other was Arthur, son
of Constance of Bretagne, by Geoffrey, the third son
of that monarch. If the right of consanguinity were
only considered, the title of John to the whole succession had been indubitable. If the right df representation had then prevailed, which now universally prevails, Arthur, as standing in the place of his father, Geoffrey, had a solid claim. About Brittany there
was no dispute. Anjou, Poitou, Touraine, and Guienne declared in favor of Arthur, on the principle of
representation. Normandy was entirely for John. In
England the point of law had never been entirely settled, but it seemed rather inclined to the side of con
sanguinity. Therefore in England, where this point
was dubious at best, the claim of Arthur, an infant
and a stranger, had little force against the pretensions
of John, declared heir by the will of the late king,
supported by his armies, possessed of his treasures,
and at the head of a powerful party. He secured in
his interests Hubert, Archbishop of Canterbury, and
Glanville, the chief justiciary, and by them the body
? ? ? ? ABRIDGMENT OF ENGLISH HISTORY. 439
of the ecclesiastics and the law. It is remarkable,
also, that he paid court to the cities and boroughs,
which is the first instance of that policy: but several
of these communities now happily began to emerge
from their slavery, and, taking advantage of the necessities and confusion of the late reign, increased in
wealth and consequence, and had then first attained
a free and regular form of administration. The
towns new to power declared heartily in favor of a
prince who was willing to allow that their declaration could confer a right. The nobility, who saw
themselves beset by the Church, the law, and the
burghers, had taken no measures, nor even a resolution, and therefore had nothing left but to concur in acknowledging the title of John, whom they
knew and hated. But though they were not able to
exclude him from the succession, they had strength
enough to oblige him to a solemn promise of restoring those liberties and franchises which they had always claimed without having ever enjoyed or even
perfectly understood. The clergy also took advantage of the badness of his title to establish one altogether as ill founded. Hubert, Archbishop of Canterbury, in the speech which he delivered at the king's coronation, publicly affirmed that the crown
of England was of right elective. He drew his examples in support of this doctrine, not from the histories of the ancient Saxon kings, although a species
of election within a certain family had then frequently prevailed, but from the history of the first kings of
the Jews: without doubt in order to revive those pretensions which the clergy first set up in the election
of Stephen, and which they had since been obliged
to conceal, but had not entirely forgotten.
? ? ? ? 440 ABRIDGMENT OF ENGLISH HISTORY.
John accepted a sovereignty weakened in the very
act by which he acquired it; but he submitted t(o the
times. He came to the throne at the age of thirtytwo. He had entered early into business, and had
been often involved in difficult and arduous enterprises, iii which he experienced a variety of men and
fortunes. His father, whilst he was very young, had
sent him into Ireland, which kingdom was destined
for his portion, inl order to habituate that people to
their future sovereign, and to give the young prince
an opportunity of conciliating the favor of his new
subjects. But he gave on this occasion no good
omens of capacity for government. Full of the insolent levity of a young man of high rank without education, and surrounded with others equally unpractised, he insulted the Irish chiefs, and, ridiculing their uncouth garb and manners, he raised such a disaffection to the English government, and so much opposition to it, as all the wisdom of his father's best officers
and counsellors was hardly able to overcome. In the
decline of his father's life he joined in the rebellion
of his brothers, with so much more guilt as with more
ingratitude and hypocrisy. During the reign of Richard he was the perpetual author of seditions and tumults; and yet was pardoned, and even favored by
that prince to his death, when he very unaccountably appointed him heir to all his dominions.
It was of the utmost moment to John, who had no
solid title, to conciliate the favor of all the world.
Yet one of his first steps, whilst his power still remained dubious and unsettled, was, on pretence of
consanguinity, to divorce his wife Avisa, with whom
he had lived many years, and to marry Isabella of
Angouleme, a woman of extraordinary beauty, but
? ? ? ? ABRIDGMENT OF ENGLISH HISTORY. 441
who had been betrothed to Hugh, Count of Marche:
thus disgusting at once the powerful friends of his
divorced wife, and those of the Earl of Marche, whom
lie had so sensibly wronged.
The King of France, Philip Augustus, saw with
pleasure these proceedings of John, as he had before
rejoiced at the dispute about the succession. He had
been always employed, and sometimes with success,
to reducde the English power through the reigns of
one very able and one very warlike prince. He had
greater advantages in this conjuncture, and a prince
of quite another character now to contend with. He
was therefore not long without choosing his part;
and whilst he secretly encouraged the Count of
Marche, already stimulated by his private wrongs, he
openly supported the claim of Arthur to the Duchies
of Anjou and Touraine. It was the character of this
prince readily to lay aside and as readily to reassume
his enterprises, as his affairs demanded. He saw
that he had declared himself too rashly, and that he
was in danger of being assaulted upon every side.
He saw it was necessary to break an alliance, which
the nice circumstances and timid character of John
would enable him to do. In fact, John was at this
time united in a close alliance with the Emperor and
the Earl of Flanders; and these princes were engaged in a war with France. He had then a most favorable opportunity to establish all his claims, and
at the same time to put the King of France out of a
condition to question them ever after. But
A. D. 1200.
he suffered himself to be overreached by
the artifices of Philip: he consented to a treaty of
peace, by which he received an empty acknowledgment of his right to the disputed territories, and in
? ? ?
of these mercenaries into his service, and,
as he paid them: punctually, and; kept them always
in action, they served: him with fidelity. The Papal
authority, so often subservient, so often prejudicial
to his designs, he called to his assistance in a cause
which did not misbecome it, --the cause of a father
attacked by higs'children. This took off the ill impression left by Becket's death, and kept; the bishops firm in their allegiance. Having taken his measures
with judgment, he pursued the war in Normandy
with vigor. In this war his mercenaries had a great
and visible advantage over the feudal armies of
France: the latter, not so useful while they remained
in the field,-entered it late in the summer, and commonly. left it in forty days. The King of France was forced to raise the siege of Verneuil, to evacuate Normandy, and agree: to a truce. Then, at the head of his victorious Brabanqons, Henry marched into Brittany with an incredible expedition. The rebellious army, astonished as: much-:by the celerity of his
march as the fury of -his attack, was totally routed.
The principal towns and castles were reduced soon
? ? ? ? A'BRIDGMENTI OF ENGLISH HISTORY. 421
after. . . The custody of the conquered! country being
lodged in faithful. hands, he flew to the relief of England. There his natural son Geoffrey, Bishop elect of
Ely, faithful during the rebellion of all his legitimate
offspring, steadily maintained his cause, though with
forces much inferior to his zeal. The king, before
he entered into action, thought it expedient to perfor'm his expiation at the tomb of Becket.
A. D. 1174.
Hardly had he finished this ceremony, when
the news arrived that. the Scotch army was totally
defeated, and their king made prisoner. This victory was universally attributed to the prayers. of Becket; and whilst it established the credit of the. new
saint, it established Henry in the. minds. of his people: they no longer looked upon their king as an object of the Divine vengeance, but as a penitent reconciled to Heaven, and under the special protection of the martyr he had made. The Flemish army,
after several severe checks, capitulated to evacuate
the kingdom. The rebellious barons submitted soon
after. All was quiet in England; but the King of
France renewed hostilities in Normandy, and laid
siege to Rouen. Henry recruited his army with a
body of auxiliary Welsh, arrived at Rouen with his
usual expedition, raised the siege, and drove the King
of France quite out; of Normandy. It was then that
he agreed to an accommodation, and in the terms of
peace, which he dictated in, the midst of victory to
his sons, his subjects, and his enemies, there was seen
on one hand the tenderness of:a father, and on the
other the moderation of a wise man, not insensible of
the mutability of fortune,.
The war which threatened. his ruin being so happily ended, the greatness of the danger served only to
? ? ? ? 422 ABRIDGMENT OF ENGLISH HISTORY.
enhance his glory; whilst he saw the King of France
humbled, the Flemings defeated, the King of Scotland a prisoner, and his sons and subjects reduced to
the bounds of their duty. He employed this interval
of peace to secure its continuance, and to prevent a
return of the like' evils; for' which reason
A. D. 1176.
he made many reforms in the laws and polity of his dominions. He instituted itinerant justices,
to weaken the power of the great barons, and even
of the sheriffs, who were: hardly more obedient, --an
institution which, with great public advantages, has
remained to our times. In the spirit of the same
policy he'armed the whole body of the people: the
English commonalty had been in a manner disarmed
ever since. the Conquest. In this regulation we may
probably trace the origin of the militia, which, being
under'the orders of the' crown rather in a political
than a feudal respect, were judged' more to be relied on than the soldiers of tenure, to whose pride
and power they might prove a sort of counterpoise.
Amidst these changes' the affairs of the clergy remained untouched. The king: had experienced how
dangerous it was to attempt removing foundations so
deeply laid both in strength and opinion. He therefore wisely aimed at acquiring the favor of that body,
and turning to his own advantage a power he should
in vain attempt to overthrow, but which he might set
up against another power, which it was equally his
interest to reduce.
Though these measures were taken with the greatest judgment, and seemed to promise a peaceful evening to his reign, the seeds of rebellion remained still at home, and -the dispositions that nourished them
were rather increased abroad. The parental author
? ? ? ? ABRIDGMENT OF ENGLISH HISTORY. 423
ity, respectable at all times, ought to have the greatest force in times when the manners are rude and the laws imperfect. At that time Europe had not
emerged out of barbarism, yet this great natural bond
of society was extremely weak. The number of foi
eign obligations and duties almost dissolved thefamily obligations. From the moment a young man was knighted, so far as related to his father, he became
absolute master of his own conduct; but he contracted at the same time a sort of filial relation with the person who had knighted him. These various principles of duty distracted one another. . The custom which then prevailed, of bestowing lands and jurisdictions, under the name of Appanages, to the sons
of kings and the greater nobility, gave them a power
which was frequently employed against the giver;
and the military and licentious manners of the age
almost destroyed every trace of every kind of regular
authority. In the East, where the rivalship of broth-.
ers is so dangerous, such is the force of paternal power amongst a rude people, we scarce ever hear of a son in arms against his father. In Europe, for several ages, it was very common. It was Henry's great misfortune to suffer in a particular mannier from this
disorder.
Philip succeeded Louis, King of France.
A. D. 1180.
He followed closely the plan of his predecessor, to reduce the great vassals, and the King of
England, who was the greatest of them; but he followed it with far more skill and vigor, though he
made use of the same instruments in the work. He
revived the spirit of rebellion in the princes, Henry's
sons. These young princes were never in harmony
with each other but in a confederacy against their
? ? ? ? 424. . ABRIDGMENT OF ENGLISH HISTORY.
father, and the father had no recourse but in the melancholy safety derived from the disunion of his children. : This he thought it expedient to increase; but such policy, when discovered, has always a dangerous
effect. The sons, having just quarrelled enough to
give room for an explanation of each other's designs,
and to display those of their father, enter into a. D. 1183. new conspiracy. In the midst of these motions the young king dies, and showed at his
death such signs of a sincere repentance as served to
revive the old king's tenderness, and to take away all
comfort for. his loss. The death of his third son,. Geoffrey, followed close upon the heels of
this funeral. He died at Paris, whither he
had gone to concert measures against his father.
Richard and John remained. Richard, fiery, restless, ambitious, openly took up arms, and pursued
the war with implacable rancor, and such success as
drove the king, in the decline of his life, to a dishonorable treaty; nor was he then content, but excited
new troubles. John was his youngest and favorite
child; in him he reposed all his hopes, and consoled
himself for thei undutifulness of his other sons; but
after concluding:the treaty with the: King of France
and Richard, he found too soon that John had been
as deep as any in the conspiracy. This was his last
wound: afflicted by his children in their deaths and
harassed in their lives,; mortified as a father and a
king, worn down with cares and sorrows more: than
with years, he died, cursing his fortune, his children,
and the hour of his birth. When he perceived that
death approached him, by his own desire he was-carried into a church and laid at the altar's
A. fD. 1189.
foot. Hardly had he expired:when. he was
? ? ? ? ABRIDGMENT: OF'ENGLISH HISTORY. 425
stripped, then forsaken by his attendants, and left a
long time a naked and unheeded body in an empty
church:. affording a just consolation for the obscurity
of a: mean fortune, and an instructive lesson how little an outward greatness and'enjoyments foreign to the mind contribute towards a solid felicity, in the
example of one who was the greatest of kings and the
unhappiest of mankind.
CHAPTER VII.
REIGN OF RICHARD I.
WHILST Henry lived, the King of France had always an effectual means of breaking his power by
the divisions in his family. But now Rich- Richard I.
ard succeeded to all. the power of his father, A. 1189.
with an equal ambition to extend it, with a temper
infinitely more fiery and impetuous, and free from
every impediment of internal dissension. These circumstainces filled the mind of Philip with great and just uneasiness. There was no security but in finding exercise for the enterprising genius of the: young king at a distance from home. The new Crusade afforded an advantageous opportunity. A little before his father's death, Richard had taken the cross in
conjunction with the King of France. So precipitate were the fears of that monarch, that Richard
was hardly crowned when ambassadors were dispatched to England to remind him of his obligation, and to pique his pride by acquainting him that their
master was even then in readiness to fulfil his part
of their common vow. An enterprise of this sort
? ? ? ? 426 ABRIDGMENT OF ENGLISH HISTORY.
was extremely agreeable to the genius of Richard,
where religion sanctified the thirst of military glory;
and where the glory. itself seemed but the,more desirable bybeing unconnected with interest. : He immediately accepted- the proposal, and resolved to insure the success as well as the lustre of his expedition by the magnificence of his, preparations. Not content with the immense treasures amassed by his
father, he drew in vast sums by the sale of almost all
the demesnes of the crown, and of every office under
it, not excepting those of the- highest trust. The clergy, whose wealth' and policy enabled them to take advantage of the necessity and weakness of the Croises,
were generally the purchasers of both. To secure his
dominions in his absence, he made an alliance with
the princes of Wales, and with the King of Scotland.
To the latter he released, for a sum of money, the
homage which had been extorted by his father.
His brother John gave him most uneasiness; but
finding it unworthy, or impracticable, to use the'severer methods of jealous policy, he resolved to secure his fidelity by loading him with benefits. He
bestowed on him six earldoms, and gave him in
marriage the Lady Avisa, sole heiress of the great
house of Gloucester; but as he gave him no share in
the regency, he increased his power, and left him discontented in a kingdom committed to the care of new
men, who had merited their places by their money.
It will be proper to take a view of the condition
of the Holy Land at the time when this third Crusade was set on foot to repair the faults committed
in the two former. The conquests of the Croises,
extending over Palestine and a part of Syria, had
been erected into a sovereignty under the name
? ? ? ? ABRIDGMENT OF ENGLISH HISTORY. 427
of the Kingdom of Jerusalem. This kingdom, illordered within, surrounded on all. sides. by powerful
enemies, subsisted by a strength not its own for
near ninety years. But dissensions'arising about
the succession to the crown, between Guy of Lusignan and Raymond, Earl of Tripoli, Guy, either because he, thought the assistance of the European princes too distant, or that he feared their decision,
called in the aid of Saladin, Sultan of Egypt. This
able prince immediately entered Palestine. As the
whole strength of the Christians in Palestine depended upon foreign succor, he first made himself
master of the maritime towns, and then Jerusalem
fell an easy prey to his arms; whilst the competitors
contended with the utmost violence for a kingdom
which no longer existed for either of them. All Europe was alarmed at this revolution. The banished
Patriarch of Jerusalem filled every place with the
distresses of the Eastern Christians. The, Pope ordered a solemn fast to be forever kept for this loss,
_and then, exerting all his influence, excited a new
Crusade, in which vast numbers engaged with an
ardor unabated by their former misfortunes; but
wanting a proper subordination rather than a sufficient force, they made but a slow progress, also
when Richard and Philip, at the head of
more than one hundred thousand chosen men, the
one from Marseilles, the other from Genoa, set sail
to their assistance.
In his voyage to the Holy Land accident presented
Richard with an unexpected conquest. A
vessel of his fleet was driven by a storm
to take shelter in the Isle of Cyprus. That island
was governed by a prince named Isaac, of the ima
? ? ? ? 428 ABRIDGMENT OF ENGLISH HISTORY.
perial family of the Comneni, who not only refused
all relief to the sufferers, but plundered them of'the little remains of their substance. Richard, resenting this inhospitable treatment, aggravated by the insolence of the tyrant, turned his' force upon
Cyprus, vanquished Isaac in the field, took the capi,
tal city, and was solemnly crowned king of that
island. But deeming it as glorious to give as to
acquire a crown, he soon after resigned it to Lusi
gnan, to satisfy him for his claim on Jerusalem; in
whose descendants it continued for several generations, until, passing by marriage into the family of
Cornaro, a Venetian nobleman, it was acquired to
that state, the only state in Europe which had any
real benefit by all the. blood and treasure lavished
in:the: Holy War. ;
Richard arrived in Palestine some time after the
King of France. His arrival gave new vigor to the
operations of the Croises. ~ He reduced Acre to surrender at discretion, which had been in vain besieged
for two years, and in the siege of which. an infinite
number of C:hristians had perished; and so much
did he distinguish himself on this and on all occasions, that the. whole expedition seemed to rest on his
single valor. The King of France, seeing him fully
engaged, had all: that he desired. The climate was
disagreeable to his constitution, and, the war, in
which: he acted, but a second part, to his pride.
He therefore hastened home to execute his projects against Richard, amusing him with oaths made
to be violated, - leaving, indeed, a part of his: forces under the Duke of Burgundy, but with private
orders to give him underhand all possible obstruction. : Notwithstanding the desertion of" his ally,
? ? ? ? ABRIDGMENT OF ENGLISH HISTORY. 429
Richard: continued the war with uncommon alack.
rity. With very unequal numbers he engaged and
defeated the whole army of Saladin, and slew forty
thousand of his best troops. He obliged him to
evacuate all the towns on the sea-coast, and spread
the renown and terror of his arms over all Asia. A
thousand, great exploits did;not, however, enable him
to extend his conquests to the inland country. Jealousy, envy. , cabals, and a total want of discipline
reigned in the army of the Croises. The climate,
and their intemperance more than the climate, wasted
them with a swift decay. The vow which brought
them to the Holy Land was generally for a limited
time, at the conclusion of which they were, always
impatient to depart. Their armies broke up at the
most critical conjunctures, - as it was not the necessity of the service, but the- extent of their vows,
which held them together. As soon, therefore, as
they had habituated themselves to the country, and
attained some experience, they were gone; and new
men supplied their places, to acquire experience by
the same misfortunes, and to lose the benefit of it by
the same inconstancy. Thus the war could never be
carried on with steadiness and uniformity. On the
other side, Saladin continually repaired his losses;
his resources were at hand; and this great captain
very judiciously kept possession of that mountainous
country which, formed by a perpetual ridge of Libanus, in a manner walls in the sea-coast of Palestine.
There he hung, like a continual tempest, ready to
burst over the Christian army. On his rear was the
strong city of Jerusalem, which secured a communication with the countries of Chaldea and Mesopotamia, from whence he was well supplied with every
? ? ? ? 430 ABRIDGMENT OF ENGLISH HISTORY.
thing.
If the Christians attempted to improve their
successes by penetrating to Jerusalem, they had a
city powerfully garrisoned in their front, a country
wasted and destitute of forage to act in, and Saladin
with a vast army on their rear' advantageously posted
to cut off their convoys and reinforcements.
Richard was laboring to get over these disadvantages, when he was informed by repeated expresses
of the disorder of his affairs in Europe, disorders
which arose from the ill dispositions he had made at
his departure. The heads of his regency had abused
their power; they quarrelled with each other, and
the nobility with them. A sort of a civil war had
arisen, in which they were deposed. Prince John
was the main spring of these dissensions; he engaged
in a close communication of councils with. the King
of France, who had seized upon several places in
Normandy. It was with regret:that Richard found
himself obliged to' leave a theatre on which he had
planned such an illustrious scene of action. :A constant emulation in courtesy and politeness, as well as
in military exploits, had: been kept up between him
and Saladin. He now concluded a truce with that
generous enemy, and on his departure sent a messenger to assure him that on its expiration he would not fail to be again in Palestine. - Saladin replied, that,
if he must lose his kingdom, he would choose to lose
92 it to the King of England. Thus Richard
returned, leaving Jerusalem in the hands
of the Saracens; and this end had an enterprise in
which two of the most powerful monarchs in Europe
were personally engaged, an army of upwards of one
hundred thousand men employed, and to furnish
which the whole Christian world had been vexed and
? ? ? ? ,ABRIDGMENT OF ENGLISH HISTORY. 431
exhausted. It is a melancholy reflection, that the
spirit of great designs can seldom be inspired, but
where the reason of mankind is so uncultivated that
they can be turned to little advantage.
With this war ended the fortune of Richard, who
found the Saracens less dangerous than his Christian
allies. It is not well known what motive induced
him to land at Aquileia, at the bottom of the Gulf of
Venice, in order to take his route by Germany; but
he pursued his journey through the territories of the
Duke of'Austria, whom he had personally affronted
at the siege of Acre. And now, neither keeping himself'out of the power of that prince, nor rousing his
generosity by. seeming to confide in it, he attempted
to get through his dominions in disguise. Sovereigns
do not easily assume the private character; their
pride seldom suffers their disguise to be complete:
besides, Richard had made himself but too well
known. The Duke, transported with the opportunity of base revenge, discovered him, seized him,
and threw him into prison; from whence he was
only released to be thrown into another. The Emperor claimed him, and, without regarding A. D. 1193.
in this unfortunate captive the common dignity of sovereigns, or his great actions in the common
cause of Europe, treated him with yet greater cruelty.
To give a color of justice to his violence, he proposed
to accuse Richard at the Diet of the Empire upon
certain articles relative to his conduct in the Holy
Land.
The. news of the king's captivity caused the greatest consternation in all his good subjects; but it revived the hopes and machinations of Prince John, who bound himself by closer ties than ever to the
? ? ? ? 432 ABRIDGMENT OF ENGLISH HISTORY.
King of France, seized upon some strongholds in
England, and, industriously spreading a report of his
brother's death, publicly laid claim to the crown. as
lawful successor. All his endeavors, however, served
only to excite the indignation of the people, and to
attach them the more firmly to: their unfortunate
prince. Eleanor, the queen dowager, as good a mother as she had been a bad wife, acted with the utmost
vigor and prudence to retain them in their duty, and
omitted no means to procure the liberty of her son.
The nation seconded her with a zeal, in their circumstances,i uncommon. No tyrant ever imposed so severe a tax upon his people as the affection of the people of England, already exhausted, levied upon
themselves. The most favored religious orders were
charged on this occasion. The Church plate was
sold. The ornaments of the most holy relics were
not spared. And, indeed, nothing serves more to
demonstrate the poverty of the kingdom, reduced by
internal dissensions and remote wars, at that time,
than: the extreme difficulty of collecting the king's
ransom, which amounted to no more than one hundred thousand marks of silver, Cologne weight. For
raising this sum, the first taxation, the most heavy
and general that was ever known in England, proved
altogether insufficient. Another taxation was set on
foot. It was levied with the same rigor as the former',
and still fell short. Ambassadors were sent into Germany with all that could be raised, and with hostages
for the payment of whatever remained. The king
met these ambassadors as he was carried in chains to
plead his cause before the Diet of the Empire. The
ambassadors burst into tears at this affecting sight,
lrnd wept aloud; but Richard, though touched no
? ? ? ? ABRIDGMENT OF ENGLISH HISTORY. 433
less with the affectionate loyalty of his subjects than
with his own fallen condition, preserved his dignity
entire in his misfortunes, and with a cheerful air inquired of the state of his dominions, the behavior of. the King of Scotland, and the fidelity of his brother,
the Count John. At the Diet, no longer protected
by the character of a sovereign, he was supported by
his personal abilities. He had a ready wit and great
natural eloquence; and his high reputation and the
weight of his cause pleading for him more strongly,
the Diet at last interested itself in his favor, and prevailed on the Emperor to accept an excessive ransom for dismissing a prisoner whom he detained without
the least color of justice. Philip moved heaven and!
earth to prevent his enlargement: he negotiated, he
promised, he flattered, he threatened, he outbid his
extravagant ransom. The Emperor, in his own nature more inclined to the bribe, which tempted him
to be base, hesitated a long time between these offers.
But as the payment of the ransom was more certain
than Philip's promises, and as the instances of the
Diet, and the menaces of the Pope, who protected
Richard, as a prince serving under the Cross, were of
more immediate consequence than his threats, Richard was at length released; and though it is said the Emperor endeavored to seize him again, to extort an
other ransom, he escaped safely into England. 'Richard, on his coming to England, found
A. D. 1194.
all things in the utmost confusion; but before he'attempted to apply a remedy to so obstinate
a disease, in order to wipe off any degrading ideas
which might have arisen from his imprisonment, he
caused himself to be new crowned. Then holding:
his Court of Great Council at Southampton, he made:
VOL. VII. 28
? ? ? ? 434 ABRIDGMENT OF ENGLISH HISTORY.
-some useful regulations in the distribution of justice.
He called some great offenders to a strict account.
Count John deserved no favor, and he lay entirely
at the king's mercy, who, by an unparalleled generosity, pardoned him his multiplied offences, only depriving him of the power of which he had made so bad a use. Generosity did not oblige him to forget
the hostilities of the King of France. But to prosecute the war money was wanting, which new taxes
and new devices supplied with difficulty and with
dishonor. All the mean oppressions of a necessitous
government were exercised on this occasion. All the
grants which were made on the king's departure to
the Holy Land were revoked, on the weak pretence
that the purchasers had sufficient recompense whilst
they held them. Necessity seemed to justify this, as
well as many other measures that were equally violent. The whole revenue of the crown had been dissipated; means to support its dignity must be found; and these means were the least unpopular, as most
men saw with pleasure the wants of government fall
upon those who had started into a sudden greatness
by taking advantage of those wants.
Richard renewed the war with Philip, which continued, though frequently interrupted by truces, for
about five years. In this war Richard signalized
himself by that irresistible courage which on all
occasions gave him a superiority over the King of
France. But his revenues were exhausted; a great
scarcity reigned both in France and England; and
the irregular manner of carrying oil war in those
days prevented a clear decision in favor of either
party. Richard had still ail eye on the Holy Land,
which he considered as the only province worthy of
? ? ? ? ABRIDGMENT OF ENGLISH HISTORY. 435
his arms; and this continually diverted his thoughts
from the steady prosecution of the war in France.
The Crusade, like a superior orb, moved along with
all the particular systems of politics of that time,
and suspended, accelerated, or put back all operations on motives foreign to the things themselves.
In this war it must be remarked that Richard made
a considerable use of the mercenaries who had been
so serviceable to Henry the Second; and the King
of France, perceiving how much his father, Louis,
had suffered by a want of that advantage, kept on
foot a standing army in constant pay, which none
of his predecessors had done before him, and which
afterwards for a long time very unaccountably -fell
into disuse in both kingdoms.
Whilst this war was carried on by intervals and
starts, it came to the ears of Richard that a nobleman of Limoges had found on his lands a considerable hidden treasure. The king, necessitous and rapacious to the last degree, and stimulated by the
exaggeration and marvellous circumstances which
always attend the report of such discoveries, immediately sent to demand the treasure, under pretence
of the rights of seigniory. The Limosin, either because he had really discovered nothing or that he
was unwilling to part with so valuable an acquisition, refused to comply with the king's demand, and
fortified his castle. Enraged at the disappointment,
Richard relinquished the important affairs in which
he was engaged, and laid siege to this castle with all
the eagerness of a man who has his heart set upon a
trifle. In this siege he received a wound from -an
arrow, and it proved mortal; but in the last, as in all
the other acts of his life, something truly noble shone
? ? ? ? 436 ABRIDGMENT OF ENGLISH HISTORY.
out amidst the rash and irregular motions of his mind.
The castle was taken before he died. The man from
whom Richard had received the wound was brought
before him. Being asked why he levelled his arrow
at the king, he answered, with an undaunted countenance, "that the king with his own hand had slain his two brothers; that he thanked God who gave him
an opportunity to revenge their deaths even with the
certainty of his own. " Richard, more touched with
the magnanimity of the man than offended at the injury he had received or the boldness of the answer, ordered that his life should be spared. He appointed
his brother John to the succession; and with these. . 1199. acts ended a life and reign distinguished by
a great variety of fortunes in different parts
of the world, and crowned with great military glory,
but without any accession of power to himself, or
prosperity to his people, whom he entirely neglected,
and reduced, by his imprudence and misfortunes, to
no small indigence and distress.
In many respects, a striking parallel presents itself between this ancient King of England and
Charles the Twelfth, of Sweden. They were both
inordinately desirous of war, and rather generals
than kings. Both were rather fond of glory than
ambitious of empire. Both of them made and deposed sovereigns. They both carried on their wars
at a distance from home. They were both made
prisoners by a friend and ally. They were both reduced by an adversary inferior in war, but above
them in the arts of rule. After spending their lives
in remote adventures, each perished at last near home
in enterprises not suited to the splendor of their former exploits. Both died childless. And both, by
? ? ? ? ABRIDGMENT OF ENGLISH HISTORY. 437
the neglect of their affairs and the severity of their
government, gave their subjects provocation and encouragement to revive their freedom. - In all these respects the two characters were alike; but Richard
fell as mrch short of the Swedish hero in temperance, chastity, and equality of mind as he exceeded him in wit and eloquence. Some of his sayings are
the most spirited that we find in that time; and some
of his verses remain, which in a barbarous age might
have passed f6r poetry.
CHAPTER VIII.
REIGN OF JOHN.
WE are now arrived at one of the most
A. D. 1199.
memorable periods in the English story,
whether we consider the astonishing revolutions
which were then wrought, the calamities in which
both the prince and people were involved, or the
happy consequences which, arising from the midst
of those calamities, have constituted the glory and
prosperity of England for so- many years. We shall
see a throne founded in arms, and augmented by
the successive policy of five able princes, at once
shaken to its foundations: first made tributary by
the arts of a foreign power; then limited, and almost overturned, by the violence of its subjects.
We shall see a king, to reduce his people to obedience, draw into his territories a tumultuary foreign army, and destroy his country instead of establishing
his government. We shall behold the people, grown
desperate, call in another foreign army, with a foreign
? ? ? ? 438 ABRIDGMENT OF ENGLISH HISTORY.
prince at its head, and throw away that liberty which
they had sacrificed everything to preserve. We shall
see the arms of this prince successful against an established king in the vigor of his years, ebbing in the
full tide of their prosperity, and yielding to an infant: after this, peace and order and liberty restored,
the foreign force and foreign title purged off, and all
things settled as happily as beyond all hope.
Richard dying without lawful issue, the succession
to his dominions again became dubious. They consisted of various territories, governed by various rules
of descent, and all of them uncertain. There were
two competitors: the first was Prince John, youngest
son of Henry the Second; the other was Arthur, son
of Constance of Bretagne, by Geoffrey, the third son
of that monarch. If the right of consanguinity were
only considered, the title of John to the whole succession had been indubitable. If the right df representation had then prevailed, which now universally prevails, Arthur, as standing in the place of his father, Geoffrey, had a solid claim. About Brittany there
was no dispute. Anjou, Poitou, Touraine, and Guienne declared in favor of Arthur, on the principle of
representation. Normandy was entirely for John. In
England the point of law had never been entirely settled, but it seemed rather inclined to the side of con
sanguinity. Therefore in England, where this point
was dubious at best, the claim of Arthur, an infant
and a stranger, had little force against the pretensions
of John, declared heir by the will of the late king,
supported by his armies, possessed of his treasures,
and at the head of a powerful party. He secured in
his interests Hubert, Archbishop of Canterbury, and
Glanville, the chief justiciary, and by them the body
? ? ? ? ABRIDGMENT OF ENGLISH HISTORY. 439
of the ecclesiastics and the law. It is remarkable,
also, that he paid court to the cities and boroughs,
which is the first instance of that policy: but several
of these communities now happily began to emerge
from their slavery, and, taking advantage of the necessities and confusion of the late reign, increased in
wealth and consequence, and had then first attained
a free and regular form of administration. The
towns new to power declared heartily in favor of a
prince who was willing to allow that their declaration could confer a right. The nobility, who saw
themselves beset by the Church, the law, and the
burghers, had taken no measures, nor even a resolution, and therefore had nothing left but to concur in acknowledging the title of John, whom they
knew and hated. But though they were not able to
exclude him from the succession, they had strength
enough to oblige him to a solemn promise of restoring those liberties and franchises which they had always claimed without having ever enjoyed or even
perfectly understood. The clergy also took advantage of the badness of his title to establish one altogether as ill founded. Hubert, Archbishop of Canterbury, in the speech which he delivered at the king's coronation, publicly affirmed that the crown
of England was of right elective. He drew his examples in support of this doctrine, not from the histories of the ancient Saxon kings, although a species
of election within a certain family had then frequently prevailed, but from the history of the first kings of
the Jews: without doubt in order to revive those pretensions which the clergy first set up in the election
of Stephen, and which they had since been obliged
to conceal, but had not entirely forgotten.
? ? ? ? 440 ABRIDGMENT OF ENGLISH HISTORY.
John accepted a sovereignty weakened in the very
act by which he acquired it; but he submitted t(o the
times. He came to the throne at the age of thirtytwo. He had entered early into business, and had
been often involved in difficult and arduous enterprises, iii which he experienced a variety of men and
fortunes. His father, whilst he was very young, had
sent him into Ireland, which kingdom was destined
for his portion, inl order to habituate that people to
their future sovereign, and to give the young prince
an opportunity of conciliating the favor of his new
subjects. But he gave on this occasion no good
omens of capacity for government. Full of the insolent levity of a young man of high rank without education, and surrounded with others equally unpractised, he insulted the Irish chiefs, and, ridiculing their uncouth garb and manners, he raised such a disaffection to the English government, and so much opposition to it, as all the wisdom of his father's best officers
and counsellors was hardly able to overcome. In the
decline of his father's life he joined in the rebellion
of his brothers, with so much more guilt as with more
ingratitude and hypocrisy. During the reign of Richard he was the perpetual author of seditions and tumults; and yet was pardoned, and even favored by
that prince to his death, when he very unaccountably appointed him heir to all his dominions.
It was of the utmost moment to John, who had no
solid title, to conciliate the favor of all the world.
Yet one of his first steps, whilst his power still remained dubious and unsettled, was, on pretence of
consanguinity, to divorce his wife Avisa, with whom
he had lived many years, and to marry Isabella of
Angouleme, a woman of extraordinary beauty, but
? ? ? ? ABRIDGMENT OF ENGLISH HISTORY. 441
who had been betrothed to Hugh, Count of Marche:
thus disgusting at once the powerful friends of his
divorced wife, and those of the Earl of Marche, whom
lie had so sensibly wronged.
The King of France, Philip Augustus, saw with
pleasure these proceedings of John, as he had before
rejoiced at the dispute about the succession. He had
been always employed, and sometimes with success,
to reducde the English power through the reigns of
one very able and one very warlike prince. He had
greater advantages in this conjuncture, and a prince
of quite another character now to contend with. He
was therefore not long without choosing his part;
and whilst he secretly encouraged the Count of
Marche, already stimulated by his private wrongs, he
openly supported the claim of Arthur to the Duchies
of Anjou and Touraine. It was the character of this
prince readily to lay aside and as readily to reassume
his enterprises, as his affairs demanded. He saw
that he had declared himself too rashly, and that he
was in danger of being assaulted upon every side.
He saw it was necessary to break an alliance, which
the nice circumstances and timid character of John
would enable him to do. In fact, John was at this
time united in a close alliance with the Emperor and
the Earl of Flanders; and these princes were engaged in a war with France. He had then a most favorable opportunity to establish all his claims, and
at the same time to put the King of France out of a
condition to question them ever after. But
A. D. 1200.
he suffered himself to be overreached by
the artifices of Philip: he consented to a treaty of
peace, by which he received an empty acknowledgment of his right to the disputed territories, and in
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