1
Writings
(Ford, W.
Arthur Schlesinger - Colonial Merchants and the American Revolution
If we are not
reliev'd at home we must live upon our own produce & manufactures. "
Ibid. , pp. 63-64. Hancock had taken over his uncle's business upon the
latter's death in August, 1764; and, according to Thomas Hutchinson,
old Thomas Hancock had amassed great wealth by "importing from
St. Eustatia great quantities of tea in molasses hogsheads, which sold
at a very great advance. " Mass. Bay, vol. ill, pp. 297-298.
1 Newport Merc. , Feb. 25, 1765.
1 Statement of the Society of Arts, Agriculture and Oeconomy, Wey-
ler's N. Y. Gas. , Dec. 10, 1764.
? Testimony of William Kelly, Feb. 11, 1766, Brit. Mus. Addl. Mss. ,
no. 33030 (L. C. Transcripts), ff. 130, 134-135, 137.
'"The Farmer" in Pa. Journ. , Aug. 23, 1764. The Philadelphia
merchant, Benjamin Marshall, wrote on Oct. 22, 1764: "Cash Mon-
strous scarce (I believe we must learn to Barter), as the Men of War
are here so strict that nothing can escape them . . . " Pa. Mag. , vol.
xx, p. 208. Vide also the business correspondence of S. Rhoads, Jr. , at
this period. Ibid. , vol. xiv, pp. 421-426.
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? FIRST CONTEST FOR REFORM 59
ers of the commercial provinces were involved in the gen-
eral distress. "Merchants and Farmers are breaking and
all things going into confusion," wrote a New Englander
despondently. 1 "What is your City without Trade, and
what the Country without a Market to vend their Com-
modities? " queried a Pennsylvania writer. 2
The merchants did not remain idle while their profits
evaporated and their debts accumulated. They had been
excited to activity by the first rumors that the old Molasses
Act might again be renewed in 1764. A keen observer de-
clared in retrospect, several years later, that the union among
the colonies had derived " its original source from no Object
of a more Respectable Cast than that of a Successful prac-
tice in Illicit Trade, I say contrived, prompted and pro-
moted by a Confederacy of Smuglers in Boston, Rhode
Island and other Seaport Towns on that Coast. "* These
gentry were aided and abetted by the rum-distillers, who
were particularly powerful in New England. 4 John Adams
was franker than most historians when he reflected in his
old age: " I know not why we should blush to confess that
molasses was an essent1al ingredient in American inde-
pendence. U3""
The first move was made by the merchants of Boston,
in April, 176. 1, when they nrgani*gd fop "Soripfty for
encouraging Trade and Commerce within the Province
1 N. H. Go*. , Dec. 7, 1764.
1" The Farmer " in Pa. Journ. , Aug. 23, 1764.
1 Letter of Richard Oswald, a native American and a Londoner in
the American trade, to Dartmouth, Feb. 9, 1775; Stevens, Facsimiles,
vol. xxiv, no. 2032, pp. 3-4.
* In another portion of his letter Oswald alluded to "the great Rum
Distillers of Boston who began all this disturbance. " Ibid.
* He added sagely: "Many great events have proceeded from much
smaller causes. " Works, vol. x, p. 345.
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? 60 THE COLONIAL MERCHANTS: 1763-1776
of Mass^hntu-tfa Bay " 1 There was to be a standing
committee of fifteen to watch trade affairs and to call
a general meeting of members whenever occasion de-
manded. A memorial was drawn up for presentation to
the General Court; and accounts of their activities were
sent to the merchants in other provinces. The committee
also corresponded with influential members of Parliament. 1
Further action was called for by an article in the
Boston Evening Post, November 21 and 28, 1763. The
writer proposed that, at the instance of the Boston mer-
chants, a provincial committee of merchants representing
the maritime towns should urge the General Court to peti-
tion Parliament for a revision of the acts of trade, par-
ticularly for the removal or substantial reduction of the
duties on foreign molasses and sugar. Perhaps in response
to this suggestion, a sub-committee of the Boston merchants
requested a meeting with committees of the merchants of
Marblehead, Salem and Plymouth; and the result was that
the merchants of these ports also presented memorials to the
General Court.
The merchants of New York were the next to take action.
Of these merchants, Lieutenant Governor Colden said:
"Many of them have rose suddenly from the lowest Rank
of the People to considerable Fortunes, & chiefly by illicit
Trade in the last War. They abhor every limitation of
Trade and Duty on it, & therefore gladly go into every
Measure whereby they hope to have Trade free. " * They
1 M. H. S. Ms. , 91 L, pp. 23-25. The rules of organization were
signed by one hundred forty-seven merchants. For a more detailed
account of this organization, vide Andrews, C. M. , "The Boston
Merchants and the Non-Importation Movement," Col. Soc. Mass. Pubs. ,
vol. xix, pp. 161-167.
1 Bos. Gas. , Jan. 16, Oct. 29, 1764.
'Letter Books, vol. ii, p. 68. Vide also Parliamentary History of
England (Cobbett, W. , ed. ), vol. xvi, p. 125.
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? FIRST CONTEST FOR REFORM 6l
met at Burn's Long Room on January 27, 1764 and took
under consideration the declining state of trade. _^. com-
mittee was appointed to memorialize the-Jejdslature on the
situat1on and to ask their interposition with Parliament.
The committee later established regular meeting nights. 1
A communication in the New York Gasette and Post-Boy
of February 2 commended the rational action of the mer-
chants and declared riotous opposition would be " seditious
and injurious to Government" when redress might be ob-
tained by dutiful petition. At the suggestion of theJMew
York Committee of Merchants, the merchants of Phila-
delphia became active, and appointed a committee to urge
the Pennsylvania Assembly to solicit Parliament to dis-
continue the molasses duties of 1733. 2
In every case the legislatures took the desired step, al-
though little was done until after the new duties of 1764
had become a law. 8 Only Rhode Island had been fore-
handed enough to petition for the repeal of the old Molasses
Act prior to the new legislation of Parliament. In June,
the Massachusetts House of Representatives ordered its
agent in London to press for a repeal of the new dut1es and
also to protest against the Sfflmp Art 'iru;"t' J"og TM" the
government's program for 1765. A committee was ap-
pointed to urge the other legislatures on the continent to
join in the movement. In July the Rhode Island Assembly
appointed a committee for the same purpose; and a com-
mittee of the New York Assembly began a similar pro-
paganda in October. *~
1 Weyler's N. Y. Co*. , Jan. 30, 1764; N. Y. Gas. & Post-Boy, Feb. a;
N. Y. Merc. , Mch. 5, 1764. The memorial was read in the provincial
assembly on Apr. 20, 1764.
* Bos. Post-Boy, Mch. 26, 1764.
* Frothingham, R. , The Rise of the Republic of the United States
(Boston, 1881), pp. 173-174.
* The New York committee was instructed to correspond "on the
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? 62 THE COLONIAL MERCHANTS: 1763-1776
(The problem of the commercial provinces was to enlist
the support of the plantation provinces in their campaign
for remedial legislation. In this way, a united front could
be shown to Parliament and the chances for success greatly
increased. The tobacco provinces were readier of response
than any of the others, because of the unsatisfactory condi-
tion of crops and crop prices and because of the scarcity
of money J " The Courts are filled with Law-Suits, and
many People are obliged to sell their Estates," wrote a Vir-
ginian. 1 George Washington, one of the large Virginia
planters, was forced to explain to a creditor that he had
fallen " so much in arrears " because he had not had " even
tolerable crops" for three straight years, and when he had
one, it did not sell well. 2 But these conditions could not
be attributed to the acts of 1764, and did not seem to pre-
vail in the more southerly provinces.
The position of the commercial provinces was greatly
strengthened strategically by the fact that the Stamp Act
was on the boards for active consideration by Parliament
in 1765. A stamp tax was clearly a departure from the
ancient custom of the home government. It was more
purely a fiscal measure than was the so-called Sugar Act of
1 764, its incidence was more obvious and it fell on people in
all the provinces. Thus, -nncprl stam r"
an opportunitv to the mercantile 1"frffjfftff f^tir IIP -a
Subject Matter of the Act, commonly called the Sugar Act; on the
Act restraining Paper Bills of Credit in the Colonies from being a
legal Tender; and of the several other Acts of Parliament lately passed,
with relation to the Trade of the Northern Colonies: And also on the
Subject of the impending Dangers which threaten the Colonies, of being
taxed by Laws to be passed in Great-Britain. " Note the sequence.
Pa. Gas. , Nov. 28, 1764.
1 Virginia and Maryland news in Prov. Gas. , Jan. 19, 1765; Bos.
Post-Boy, June 10, July 29.
1 Writings (Ford, W. C, ed. ), vol. ii, pp. 200-202.
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? FIRST CONTEST FOR REFORM 63
general disrnntpnf as w^ll ag tn I'nrr^go Wal His
Consciously or not, the northern legislatures made the most
of the occasion. In their official utterances, they dovetailed
in with their economic indictment of the Sugar Act a protest
against the proposed Stamp Act as an inexpedient and un-
constitutional measure. 1 Their efforts to secure continental
co-operation were successful : . petitions and remonstrances
were sent from Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina,
and, with considerablp reluctance, from Georgia. 2
Meantime, the hard times had been causing people in the
commercial provinces to retrench expenses; and in some
cases this object was accomplished by concerted effort. A
clear-seeing writer in the Providence Gazette, October 6,
1 764, proposed a continental agreement to suspend tradg
with the British West Indies, in order to strike a body blow
at the West India interest in Parliament; but it was ten
years too soon for such a proposal to win favorable re-
sponse. Fifty merchants of Boston set an example in
August, 1 764. by signing an agreement to discard laces and
ruffles, to buy no English cloths but at a fixed price, and
to forego the elaboratp and eyp^^vo mourning nf'thp
t1mes for the very simplest display. * The mourning reso-
1 As Oswald observed to Dartmouth in 1775, the disgruntled mer-
chants had had "the art to interweave in their System of Grievances
. . . some others of a political nature and apparently of a more liberal
cast than do[e]s really lye at the bottom of their designs. " Stevens,
Facsimiles, vol. xxiv, no. 2032, p. 5.
1 Of the commercial group, Connecticut and Pennsylvania now joined
in with the others. The southern legislatures generally included a com-
plaint against certain restrictions placed in 1764 upon the exportation
of lumber, a matter that was satisfactorily adjusted by Parliament in
1765. South Carolina also complained of the Currency Act. Docu-
mentary History of the American Revolution (Gibbes, R. W. , ed. ), vol.
ii, pp. l-d. The Virginia Committee of Correspondence expressed
alarm at the duties on Madeira wine but seemed pleased at the Cur-
rency Act. Va. Mag. , vol. xii, pp. 6-1 1.
* Newport Merc. , Aug. 20, 1764; also AT. Y. Gas. & Post-Boy, Aug. 30.
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? 64 THE COLONIAL MERCHANTS: 1763-1776
lutions were so well kept by the people generally that it was
reported that there had been only one or two violations after
four months' trial, although almost one hundred funerals
had occurred; and it was estimated that the saving would be
more than ? 10,000 sterling a year. 1 Burials " according to
the new mode" were recorded by the newspapers in New
Hampshire, Rhode Island, New Jersey and New York.
In September the tradesmen of Boston followed in the
path of the merchants, by agreeing to wear only leather of
Massachusetts manufacture for their work clothes. 2 In
November the students of Yale took unanimous action to
abstain from the use of foreign liquors. * The people of
New York apparently took no formal action; but five fire
companies of Philadelphia attempted to counteract the high
price of mutton by agreeing to refrain from the purchase of
lamb. * One company added a pledge against the drinking
of imported beer.
The logical counterpart of the efforts for the disuse of
imported superfluities was the
_manufactures. This movement had greatest vitality in New
York, where a number of prominent men in December, 1764,
organized the " Society for H1o frnmnn'op r,f A rtv Agri-
culture and Oecpnomy, and proceeded to award premiums
fora great variety of local productions, to print informing
pamphlets, and to promote the formation of similar societies
throughout the province8 Ja_other provinces, the news-
1 Bos. Eve. Post, Jan. 21, 1765; Bos. Post-Boy, Oct. 1, 8, 1764, July 1,
1/65.
'Ibid. , Oct . 1, 1764.
*N. Y. Gas. & Post-Boy, Nov. 22, 1764.
4 Pa. Gaz. , Feb. 28, Mch. 7, 14, May 16, 1765.
? F1les of Weyler's N. Y. Gas. and of the AT. Y. Merc, from Dec. 3,
1764, to June 1, 1767. The notice of Dec. 3, 1764, declared that the
society was formed upon a plan "wholly detached from all Party
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? FIRST CONTEST FOR REFORM 65
papers teemed with instructive articles on the methods and
opportunity of American manufactures; and the provinces
north of Maryland showed many instances of increased pro-
duction of linen and woolen homespun. Outside of New
York, greatest progress seems to have been made at Boston,
where the " Linen Manufactory" produced four hundred
yards of "Bengals, Lillepusias and Broglios" in a period
of three months, and " Lynn Shoes " won a merited popu-
larity. 1
On March 22, 1765, the Stamp Act received the royal as-
sent, and by its terms was to go into effect on November
the first of that year. The act was an integral part of the
taxation program inaugurated by Grenville in 1764. Stamp
duties were placed on commercial papers of various kinds,
on deeds, bonds, leases and other legal documents, on pam-
phlets, newspapers and advertisements, and on articles of
apprenticeship, liquor licenses, etc. Heavy fines and for-
feitures were provided for infractions of the law, and these
might be collected through the vice-admiralty courts at the
tion of the informer or prosecutor. 2
1 In view of the later revolutionary movement, it is not too
much to say that the Stamp Act derived its chief import-
ance from the fact . that it lifted the controversy from the
profit-and-loss considerations of the northern colonists and
furnished a common ground on which the planting provinces
might join with the commercial provinces in protest. ! The
eighteenth century Anglo-Saxon liked nothing better than
Spirit, personal Interest, political Views or private Motives. " The next
week, it was stated that the severe times had caused the formation of
the society.
1 Bos. Post-Boy, Oct. 8, 1764, Jan. 24, 1765. John Hancock's wealthy
uncle had bequeathed ? 200 to this society on his death on Aug. 1, 1764.
Ibid. , Aug. 13, 1764.
1 5 George III, c. 12.
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? 66 THE COLONIAL MERCHANTS: 1763-1776
the expansive phrases of the natural rights theory; and the
Stamp Act readily lent itself to protests against " taxation
without representation" and "trial without jury. " 1
The economic burden of the new law, as in the case of the
duties of 1764, fell very largely on the commercial provinces.
The merchants, lawyers and printers were the classes par-
ticularly affected; and these classes, as we shall see, felt im-
pelled to take a leading part in instigating popular demon-
strations against the measure.
The taxes on commercial documents threatened to
paralyze such business as had survived the restrictive legis-
lation of the preceding year. "Under this additional
Burthen of the Stamp Act," wrote one of the merchant
princes of Boston, "I cannot carry it [trade] on to any
profit and we were before Cramp'd in our Trade & suffi-
ciently Burthen'd, that any farther Taxes must Ruin us. "
In another letter, Hancock declared that if the act were
carried into execution, itC' will entirely Stagnate Trade
here, for it is universally determined here never to submit
1 Colonel George Mercer, of Virginia, told a committee of Parliament
in Feb. , 1766: "I have heard the Complaints of Right and oppression
blended together. But the thinking people don't speak so plainly on
the right as others; they complain of the oppression" ; he apprehended
that " the Idea of Oppression awakened the Idea of Right. " Brit. Mus.
Addl. Mss. , no. 33030 (L. C. Transcripts), ff. 126, 129. A letter from a
New Yorker to an English friend said: "It is thought the stamp act
would not have met with so violent an opposition if the colonies had
not previously been chagrined at the rigorous execution of the laws
against their trade. " Bos. Eve. Post, Feb. 17, 1766. Dean Tucker
wrote in his pamphlet, A Letter from a Merchant in London to his
Nephew in North America (1766): "What is the Cause of such an
amazing Outcry as you raise at present? Not the Stamp Duty itself;
. . . none can be so ignorant, or so stupid, as not to see that this is a
mere Sham and Pretence. What, then, are the real Grievances . . . ?
Why, some of you are exasperated against the Mother Country on the
Account of the Revival of certain iRestrictions laid upon their Trade. "
Pa. Mag. , vol. xxvi, p. 86.
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? FIRST CONTEST FOR REFORM 67
to it, and the principal merchants here will by no means
carry on Business under a StampTj Early in October, he
told Governor Bernard that he would rather perform the
severest manual labor than continue business under the bur-
den of the pending Stamp Act, and that " I am Determin'd
as soon as I know that they are Resolv'd to insist on this act
to Sell my Stock in Trade & Shut up my Warehouse Doors. "
In a letter a few days later, he protested that " there is not
cash enough here to support it. " I lancock's commercial
correspondence of this period snyndeH a gremnnf; nnte of
despair; and only as an afterthought did he allude, once or
twice, to the unconstitutionallv of the act. 1
vo1cing the apprehensions of the merchants of Pennsyl-
vania, John Dickinson questioned whether, under present
panic conditions, a merchant's commerce could bear "the
payment of all the taxes imposed by the Stamp Act on his
policies, fees with clerks, charter parties, protests, his other
notarial acts, his letters, and even his advertisements. " He
showed that hard times were having a cumulative effect.
Money, where any remained, had gone into hiding. When
creditors took out executions, they discovered that the lands
and personal estates could be sold only at a fraction of their
value. The records of the courts attested that the number
of debtors had increased enormously; at the last term, no
less than thirty-five persons from Philadelphia County alone
had sought relief under the insolvency act, although the law
applied only to those who owed no single debt above ? 150.
This being the situation, said Dickinson, " from whence is
the silver to come, with which the taxes imposed by this act,
and the duties imposed by other late acts, are to be paid? " 2
1 Brown, John Hancock His Book, pp. 83, 87, 88, 90. Vide also pp.
69, 70, 81, 86-90, 103-104, 115.
1 The Late Regulations etc. , Dickinson, Writings (Ford, L. , ed. ),
pp. 227-230. Vide also pp. 440-441.
?
reliev'd at home we must live upon our own produce & manufactures. "
Ibid. , pp. 63-64. Hancock had taken over his uncle's business upon the
latter's death in August, 1764; and, according to Thomas Hutchinson,
old Thomas Hancock had amassed great wealth by "importing from
St. Eustatia great quantities of tea in molasses hogsheads, which sold
at a very great advance. " Mass. Bay, vol. ill, pp. 297-298.
1 Newport Merc. , Feb. 25, 1765.
1 Statement of the Society of Arts, Agriculture and Oeconomy, Wey-
ler's N. Y. Gas. , Dec. 10, 1764.
? Testimony of William Kelly, Feb. 11, 1766, Brit. Mus. Addl. Mss. ,
no. 33030 (L. C. Transcripts), ff. 130, 134-135, 137.
'"The Farmer" in Pa. Journ. , Aug. 23, 1764. The Philadelphia
merchant, Benjamin Marshall, wrote on Oct. 22, 1764: "Cash Mon-
strous scarce (I believe we must learn to Barter), as the Men of War
are here so strict that nothing can escape them . . . " Pa. Mag. , vol.
xx, p. 208. Vide also the business correspondence of S. Rhoads, Jr. , at
this period. Ibid. , vol. xiv, pp. 421-426.
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? FIRST CONTEST FOR REFORM 59
ers of the commercial provinces were involved in the gen-
eral distress. "Merchants and Farmers are breaking and
all things going into confusion," wrote a New Englander
despondently. 1 "What is your City without Trade, and
what the Country without a Market to vend their Com-
modities? " queried a Pennsylvania writer. 2
The merchants did not remain idle while their profits
evaporated and their debts accumulated. They had been
excited to activity by the first rumors that the old Molasses
Act might again be renewed in 1764. A keen observer de-
clared in retrospect, several years later, that the union among
the colonies had derived " its original source from no Object
of a more Respectable Cast than that of a Successful prac-
tice in Illicit Trade, I say contrived, prompted and pro-
moted by a Confederacy of Smuglers in Boston, Rhode
Island and other Seaport Towns on that Coast. "* These
gentry were aided and abetted by the rum-distillers, who
were particularly powerful in New England. 4 John Adams
was franker than most historians when he reflected in his
old age: " I know not why we should blush to confess that
molasses was an essent1al ingredient in American inde-
pendence. U3""
The first move was made by the merchants of Boston,
in April, 176. 1, when they nrgani*gd fop "Soripfty for
encouraging Trade and Commerce within the Province
1 N. H. Go*. , Dec. 7, 1764.
1" The Farmer " in Pa. Journ. , Aug. 23, 1764.
1 Letter of Richard Oswald, a native American and a Londoner in
the American trade, to Dartmouth, Feb. 9, 1775; Stevens, Facsimiles,
vol. xxiv, no. 2032, pp. 3-4.
* In another portion of his letter Oswald alluded to "the great Rum
Distillers of Boston who began all this disturbance. " Ibid.
* He added sagely: "Many great events have proceeded from much
smaller causes. " Works, vol. x, p. 345.
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? 60 THE COLONIAL MERCHANTS: 1763-1776
of Mass^hntu-tfa Bay " 1 There was to be a standing
committee of fifteen to watch trade affairs and to call
a general meeting of members whenever occasion de-
manded. A memorial was drawn up for presentation to
the General Court; and accounts of their activities were
sent to the merchants in other provinces. The committee
also corresponded with influential members of Parliament. 1
Further action was called for by an article in the
Boston Evening Post, November 21 and 28, 1763. The
writer proposed that, at the instance of the Boston mer-
chants, a provincial committee of merchants representing
the maritime towns should urge the General Court to peti-
tion Parliament for a revision of the acts of trade, par-
ticularly for the removal or substantial reduction of the
duties on foreign molasses and sugar. Perhaps in response
to this suggestion, a sub-committee of the Boston merchants
requested a meeting with committees of the merchants of
Marblehead, Salem and Plymouth; and the result was that
the merchants of these ports also presented memorials to the
General Court.
The merchants of New York were the next to take action.
Of these merchants, Lieutenant Governor Colden said:
"Many of them have rose suddenly from the lowest Rank
of the People to considerable Fortunes, & chiefly by illicit
Trade in the last War. They abhor every limitation of
Trade and Duty on it, & therefore gladly go into every
Measure whereby they hope to have Trade free. " * They
1 M. H. S. Ms. , 91 L, pp. 23-25. The rules of organization were
signed by one hundred forty-seven merchants. For a more detailed
account of this organization, vide Andrews, C. M. , "The Boston
Merchants and the Non-Importation Movement," Col. Soc. Mass. Pubs. ,
vol. xix, pp. 161-167.
1 Bos. Gas. , Jan. 16, Oct. 29, 1764.
'Letter Books, vol. ii, p. 68. Vide also Parliamentary History of
England (Cobbett, W. , ed. ), vol. xvi, p. 125.
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? FIRST CONTEST FOR REFORM 6l
met at Burn's Long Room on January 27, 1764 and took
under consideration the declining state of trade. _^. com-
mittee was appointed to memorialize the-Jejdslature on the
situat1on and to ask their interposition with Parliament.
The committee later established regular meeting nights. 1
A communication in the New York Gasette and Post-Boy
of February 2 commended the rational action of the mer-
chants and declared riotous opposition would be " seditious
and injurious to Government" when redress might be ob-
tained by dutiful petition. At the suggestion of theJMew
York Committee of Merchants, the merchants of Phila-
delphia became active, and appointed a committee to urge
the Pennsylvania Assembly to solicit Parliament to dis-
continue the molasses duties of 1733. 2
In every case the legislatures took the desired step, al-
though little was done until after the new duties of 1764
had become a law. 8 Only Rhode Island had been fore-
handed enough to petition for the repeal of the old Molasses
Act prior to the new legislation of Parliament. In June,
the Massachusetts House of Representatives ordered its
agent in London to press for a repeal of the new dut1es and
also to protest against the Sfflmp Art 'iru;"t' J"og TM" the
government's program for 1765. A committee was ap-
pointed to urge the other legislatures on the continent to
join in the movement. In July the Rhode Island Assembly
appointed a committee for the same purpose; and a com-
mittee of the New York Assembly began a similar pro-
paganda in October. *~
1 Weyler's N. Y. Co*. , Jan. 30, 1764; N. Y. Gas. & Post-Boy, Feb. a;
N. Y. Merc. , Mch. 5, 1764. The memorial was read in the provincial
assembly on Apr. 20, 1764.
* Bos. Post-Boy, Mch. 26, 1764.
* Frothingham, R. , The Rise of the Republic of the United States
(Boston, 1881), pp. 173-174.
* The New York committee was instructed to correspond "on the
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? 62 THE COLONIAL MERCHANTS: 1763-1776
(The problem of the commercial provinces was to enlist
the support of the plantation provinces in their campaign
for remedial legislation. In this way, a united front could
be shown to Parliament and the chances for success greatly
increased. The tobacco provinces were readier of response
than any of the others, because of the unsatisfactory condi-
tion of crops and crop prices and because of the scarcity
of money J " The Courts are filled with Law-Suits, and
many People are obliged to sell their Estates," wrote a Vir-
ginian. 1 George Washington, one of the large Virginia
planters, was forced to explain to a creditor that he had
fallen " so much in arrears " because he had not had " even
tolerable crops" for three straight years, and when he had
one, it did not sell well. 2 But these conditions could not
be attributed to the acts of 1764, and did not seem to pre-
vail in the more southerly provinces.
The position of the commercial provinces was greatly
strengthened strategically by the fact that the Stamp Act
was on the boards for active consideration by Parliament
in 1765. A stamp tax was clearly a departure from the
ancient custom of the home government. It was more
purely a fiscal measure than was the so-called Sugar Act of
1 764, its incidence was more obvious and it fell on people in
all the provinces. Thus, -nncprl stam r"
an opportunitv to the mercantile 1"frffjfftff f^tir IIP -a
Subject Matter of the Act, commonly called the Sugar Act; on the
Act restraining Paper Bills of Credit in the Colonies from being a
legal Tender; and of the several other Acts of Parliament lately passed,
with relation to the Trade of the Northern Colonies: And also on the
Subject of the impending Dangers which threaten the Colonies, of being
taxed by Laws to be passed in Great-Britain. " Note the sequence.
Pa. Gas. , Nov. 28, 1764.
1 Virginia and Maryland news in Prov. Gas. , Jan. 19, 1765; Bos.
Post-Boy, June 10, July 29.
1 Writings (Ford, W. C, ed. ), vol. ii, pp. 200-202.
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? FIRST CONTEST FOR REFORM 63
general disrnntpnf as w^ll ag tn I'nrr^go Wal His
Consciously or not, the northern legislatures made the most
of the occasion. In their official utterances, they dovetailed
in with their economic indictment of the Sugar Act a protest
against the proposed Stamp Act as an inexpedient and un-
constitutional measure. 1 Their efforts to secure continental
co-operation were successful : . petitions and remonstrances
were sent from Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina,
and, with considerablp reluctance, from Georgia. 2
Meantime, the hard times had been causing people in the
commercial provinces to retrench expenses; and in some
cases this object was accomplished by concerted effort. A
clear-seeing writer in the Providence Gazette, October 6,
1 764, proposed a continental agreement to suspend tradg
with the British West Indies, in order to strike a body blow
at the West India interest in Parliament; but it was ten
years too soon for such a proposal to win favorable re-
sponse. Fifty merchants of Boston set an example in
August, 1 764. by signing an agreement to discard laces and
ruffles, to buy no English cloths but at a fixed price, and
to forego the elaboratp and eyp^^vo mourning nf'thp
t1mes for the very simplest display. * The mourning reso-
1 As Oswald observed to Dartmouth in 1775, the disgruntled mer-
chants had had "the art to interweave in their System of Grievances
. . . some others of a political nature and apparently of a more liberal
cast than do[e]s really lye at the bottom of their designs. " Stevens,
Facsimiles, vol. xxiv, no. 2032, p. 5.
1 Of the commercial group, Connecticut and Pennsylvania now joined
in with the others. The southern legislatures generally included a com-
plaint against certain restrictions placed in 1764 upon the exportation
of lumber, a matter that was satisfactorily adjusted by Parliament in
1765. South Carolina also complained of the Currency Act. Docu-
mentary History of the American Revolution (Gibbes, R. W. , ed. ), vol.
ii, pp. l-d. The Virginia Committee of Correspondence expressed
alarm at the duties on Madeira wine but seemed pleased at the Cur-
rency Act. Va. Mag. , vol. xii, pp. 6-1 1.
* Newport Merc. , Aug. 20, 1764; also AT. Y. Gas. & Post-Boy, Aug. 30.
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? 64 THE COLONIAL MERCHANTS: 1763-1776
lutions were so well kept by the people generally that it was
reported that there had been only one or two violations after
four months' trial, although almost one hundred funerals
had occurred; and it was estimated that the saving would be
more than ? 10,000 sterling a year. 1 Burials " according to
the new mode" were recorded by the newspapers in New
Hampshire, Rhode Island, New Jersey and New York.
In September the tradesmen of Boston followed in the
path of the merchants, by agreeing to wear only leather of
Massachusetts manufacture for their work clothes. 2 In
November the students of Yale took unanimous action to
abstain from the use of foreign liquors. * The people of
New York apparently took no formal action; but five fire
companies of Philadelphia attempted to counteract the high
price of mutton by agreeing to refrain from the purchase of
lamb. * One company added a pledge against the drinking
of imported beer.
The logical counterpart of the efforts for the disuse of
imported superfluities was the
_manufactures. This movement had greatest vitality in New
York, where a number of prominent men in December, 1764,
organized the " Society for H1o frnmnn'op r,f A rtv Agri-
culture and Oecpnomy, and proceeded to award premiums
fora great variety of local productions, to print informing
pamphlets, and to promote the formation of similar societies
throughout the province8 Ja_other provinces, the news-
1 Bos. Eve. Post, Jan. 21, 1765; Bos. Post-Boy, Oct. 1, 8, 1764, July 1,
1/65.
'Ibid. , Oct . 1, 1764.
*N. Y. Gas. & Post-Boy, Nov. 22, 1764.
4 Pa. Gaz. , Feb. 28, Mch. 7, 14, May 16, 1765.
? F1les of Weyler's N. Y. Gas. and of the AT. Y. Merc, from Dec. 3,
1764, to June 1, 1767. The notice of Dec. 3, 1764, declared that the
society was formed upon a plan "wholly detached from all Party
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? FIRST CONTEST FOR REFORM 65
papers teemed with instructive articles on the methods and
opportunity of American manufactures; and the provinces
north of Maryland showed many instances of increased pro-
duction of linen and woolen homespun. Outside of New
York, greatest progress seems to have been made at Boston,
where the " Linen Manufactory" produced four hundred
yards of "Bengals, Lillepusias and Broglios" in a period
of three months, and " Lynn Shoes " won a merited popu-
larity. 1
On March 22, 1765, the Stamp Act received the royal as-
sent, and by its terms was to go into effect on November
the first of that year. The act was an integral part of the
taxation program inaugurated by Grenville in 1764. Stamp
duties were placed on commercial papers of various kinds,
on deeds, bonds, leases and other legal documents, on pam-
phlets, newspapers and advertisements, and on articles of
apprenticeship, liquor licenses, etc. Heavy fines and for-
feitures were provided for infractions of the law, and these
might be collected through the vice-admiralty courts at the
tion of the informer or prosecutor. 2
1 In view of the later revolutionary movement, it is not too
much to say that the Stamp Act derived its chief import-
ance from the fact . that it lifted the controversy from the
profit-and-loss considerations of the northern colonists and
furnished a common ground on which the planting provinces
might join with the commercial provinces in protest. ! The
eighteenth century Anglo-Saxon liked nothing better than
Spirit, personal Interest, political Views or private Motives. " The next
week, it was stated that the severe times had caused the formation of
the society.
1 Bos. Post-Boy, Oct. 8, 1764, Jan. 24, 1765. John Hancock's wealthy
uncle had bequeathed ? 200 to this society on his death on Aug. 1, 1764.
Ibid. , Aug. 13, 1764.
1 5 George III, c. 12.
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? 66 THE COLONIAL MERCHANTS: 1763-1776
the expansive phrases of the natural rights theory; and the
Stamp Act readily lent itself to protests against " taxation
without representation" and "trial without jury. " 1
The economic burden of the new law, as in the case of the
duties of 1764, fell very largely on the commercial provinces.
The merchants, lawyers and printers were the classes par-
ticularly affected; and these classes, as we shall see, felt im-
pelled to take a leading part in instigating popular demon-
strations against the measure.
The taxes on commercial documents threatened to
paralyze such business as had survived the restrictive legis-
lation of the preceding year. "Under this additional
Burthen of the Stamp Act," wrote one of the merchant
princes of Boston, "I cannot carry it [trade] on to any
profit and we were before Cramp'd in our Trade & suffi-
ciently Burthen'd, that any farther Taxes must Ruin us. "
In another letter, Hancock declared that if the act were
carried into execution, itC' will entirely Stagnate Trade
here, for it is universally determined here never to submit
1 Colonel George Mercer, of Virginia, told a committee of Parliament
in Feb. , 1766: "I have heard the Complaints of Right and oppression
blended together. But the thinking people don't speak so plainly on
the right as others; they complain of the oppression" ; he apprehended
that " the Idea of Oppression awakened the Idea of Right. " Brit. Mus.
Addl. Mss. , no. 33030 (L. C. Transcripts), ff. 126, 129. A letter from a
New Yorker to an English friend said: "It is thought the stamp act
would not have met with so violent an opposition if the colonies had
not previously been chagrined at the rigorous execution of the laws
against their trade. " Bos. Eve. Post, Feb. 17, 1766. Dean Tucker
wrote in his pamphlet, A Letter from a Merchant in London to his
Nephew in North America (1766): "What is the Cause of such an
amazing Outcry as you raise at present? Not the Stamp Duty itself;
. . . none can be so ignorant, or so stupid, as not to see that this is a
mere Sham and Pretence. What, then, are the real Grievances . . . ?
Why, some of you are exasperated against the Mother Country on the
Account of the Revival of certain iRestrictions laid upon their Trade. "
Pa. Mag. , vol. xxvi, p. 86.
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? FIRST CONTEST FOR REFORM 67
to it, and the principal merchants here will by no means
carry on Business under a StampTj Early in October, he
told Governor Bernard that he would rather perform the
severest manual labor than continue business under the bur-
den of the pending Stamp Act, and that " I am Determin'd
as soon as I know that they are Resolv'd to insist on this act
to Sell my Stock in Trade & Shut up my Warehouse Doors. "
In a letter a few days later, he protested that " there is not
cash enough here to support it. " I lancock's commercial
correspondence of this period snyndeH a gremnnf; nnte of
despair; and only as an afterthought did he allude, once or
twice, to the unconstitutionallv of the act. 1
vo1cing the apprehensions of the merchants of Pennsyl-
vania, John Dickinson questioned whether, under present
panic conditions, a merchant's commerce could bear "the
payment of all the taxes imposed by the Stamp Act on his
policies, fees with clerks, charter parties, protests, his other
notarial acts, his letters, and even his advertisements. " He
showed that hard times were having a cumulative effect.
Money, where any remained, had gone into hiding. When
creditors took out executions, they discovered that the lands
and personal estates could be sold only at a fraction of their
value. The records of the courts attested that the number
of debtors had increased enormously; at the last term, no
less than thirty-five persons from Philadelphia County alone
had sought relief under the insolvency act, although the law
applied only to those who owed no single debt above ? 150.
This being the situation, said Dickinson, " from whence is
the silver to come, with which the taxes imposed by this act,
and the duties imposed by other late acts, are to be paid? " 2
1 Brown, John Hancock His Book, pp. 83, 87, 88, 90. Vide also pp.
69, 70, 81, 86-90, 103-104, 115.
1 The Late Regulations etc. , Dickinson, Writings (Ford, L. , ed. ),
pp. 227-230. Vide also pp. 440-441.
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