This thought model guarantees a new era of
metaphysical
specula- tion.
Sloterdijk -Critique of Cynical Reason
Antiquity is only now beginning to emerge.
Novalis
We encounter this man from Samosata on the Euphrates, a Syrian by birth, who has a place of honor in the history of evil tongues --half a millenium later --in a thoroughly transformed cultural setting. On his life in brief:
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After an unsuccessful attempt at sculpturing, Lucian (born about 120 A. D. ) became a rhetorician, a profession that scarcely has a parallel in our time and that has been not inappropriately translated as "concert speaker. " Thus, like Poseidonius and Paulus a great traveller and wan- derer, he moved across the country, through the entire Mediterranean region as far as Gaul, making showy and pompous speeches; and al- though he did not speak Greek without an accent, he had considerable success. But he was too clever, too restless, and intellectually not mod- est enough to be content with success on the podium and the applause of the elegant world. Thus, in his fortieth year, he turned to varied sa- tirical writing, or, as we would say, moralistic essays. It is they, of his life and works, that have stood the test of time. In later years he ac- cepted a position as public servant of the Roman Empire in Egypt, thereby letting himself in for something he himself had mocked not a little, namely, a secure salary and domiciled settledness. The last date
ar|
d where the old order can no longer deal with the new events, the bi-
ln
Aurelius (17 March 180 A. D. ). It is surmised, since it is not known
his life that can be fixed is the death of the emperor, Marcus
170 ? THE CABINET OF CYNICS
precisely, that he died soon after. (Otto Seel, afterword to Lukian, Gesprache der Gotter und Meergotter, der Toten und der Hetdren [Stuttgart, 1956], pp. 241-42)
It could be contended that in Lucian's time, the seed of the protokynic germi- nated in a puzzling way. An author during the middle period of the Roman em-
19
perors, a contemporary of the Stoic emperor, Marcus Aurelius,
important, though the most malicious, witness of the fact that one of the most powerful impulses in Western philosophy had issued from the apparent satyrical play of the kynical polemic against civilization. Indeed, after a good half a millenium, kynicism for the first time had found within the Roman Empire a truly ideal soil, a situation of flourishing alienation in which it inevitably expanded in all directions. The "dogs" had begun to howl in large packs, and moralistic resis- tance against the social and human circumstances in the empire had swelled to a powerful spiritual current. The kynicism of the time of the emperors has been called the hippie and escapist movement of antiquity (Hochkeppel). To the extent the empire transformed itself into a colossal bureaucratic apparatus whose inner and outer workings an individual could not fathom or influence, its ideological power to integrate and its capacity to rouse feelings of citizenship and commit- ment to the state had to dissipate. The administration's inaccessibility to the citizens, the despised extortion of taxes by the military and civil Moloch, the citizens' aversion to military service are all unmistakable signs of an advanced so- cial crisis. The Roman world order was long since no longer that res publico that had once grown naturally out of the life of societas. Rather, the imperial state ap-
paratus weighed on its citizens like a leaden foreign body. In such periods it was natural that the schools of philosophy, once the province of a few, received a mas- sive influx that assumed symptomatic proportions. The need for individualistic self-assertion against coercive society became a psychopolitical reality of the first order. Because no one could any longer cherish the illusion that he led his "own" life in this political system, innumerable people had to feel the impulse to reestab- lish their authenticity in areas free from the state, namely, in the form of philosophies of life and new religions. This explains the enormous success ot
as
Christianity, too, was at first only one of many forms of late-Roman exoticism and orientalism. Already at that time, not only the light but also the attractive darkness of mysteries came from the East. From the Greeks the Romans adopte their cultural decor and the doctrine of humanitas as well as those critical, i dividualistic forces from Attic sources that had been active as "moral moles ready during the disintegration of the Greek polis. This individualistic ferm again released its energies in the alienation of the Roman bureaucratic state, no however, in such mass forms that the individualistic impulse had to be qua! '
philosophical sects, mostly of Greek origin--to which the kynics also belong- well as of the new religious cults whose origins were in Asia Minor.
he is the most
eTHE CABINET OF CYNICS ? 171
tjvely transformed. The many individual cases resulted in a new quality of forma- tion of stereotypes. Among the educated there was a certain abhorrence of the sects with their vagabonds, preachers, moralists, cults, and communities, which
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for centuries formed part of the image of the time of the emperors. humanistic, high individualism of cultivated Romans looked contemptuously on the new and in part asocial energy of individualists. At that time, people turned up their noses just as much at the Christians as at the kynics. One of the older, ironically cultivated, conservative voices of this time is that of Lucian, as we can hear in his merciless satire on the voluntary death of the kynical sect leader, Peregrinus,
known as Proteus. We want to concentrate on this text. It is the para- digm of a new cynical tone of voice that intellectuals of more advanced times as- sume as soon as their contempt is provoked. The parallels to the present are so obvious that it is not necessary to pursue the issue. It is worthwhile to look into Lucian's ancient kynical mirror so as to recognize the fresh, cynical present in it.
What is it about? In his satire, Lucian deals with a spectacular incident that
is supposed to have happened on Olympus during the games, before a considera-
ble audience: The same Peregrinus had decided to burn himself publicly on a
large pyre in order to give the world the spectacle of a tragic and heroic voluntary
death, thereby increasing the stature of his sect and, as Lucian emphasizes, satis-
fying his own aspirations for fame. This plan, which was announced in advance
by the main actor in order to ensure a fitting resonance, was actually carried out.
The public gesture was consciously planned and designed to make an impression
on the crowd. Of course, as a model there was only Socrates, who had left behind
the greatest example of philosophical resoluteness through his voluntary death.
There were possibly also the Indian Brahmans of that time, whose self-chosen
death by fire had been heard about in the West since the days of Alexander's cam-
paign. Lucian claims to have witnessed the incident. The tone of the description
is so scornful that it is advisable to read it as more of a document on the witnesses'
critical view of things than as a factual report on the incidents mentioned. The
only thing that can be believed with some degree of certainty from this report is
that the kynicism of a Peregrinus must have had almost nothing in common with
Diogenes' kynicism except the name and some ascetic superficialities. The roles
appear to be reversed between Peregrinus and Lucian since, for Diogenes, a
Pathetic gesture such as a heroic self-chosen death would have been unthinkable.
e-clared it to be crazy because the kynic's concern, literarily speaking, is comedy, not tragedy; satire, not the serious myth. This reveals a profound struc-
ral change in kynical philosophy. Diogenes' existence drew its inspiration from
""elation to Athenian comedy. It is rooted in an urban, humorous culture, unshed by a mentality that is open to jokes, quick repartee, mockery, and a ny contempt for stupidity. Its existentialism is based on a satirical founda- ? Late-Roman kynicism is completely different. In it, the kynical impulse has
can be certain that Diogenes, agreeing with Lucian on this point, would have
The old-
172 ? THE CABINET OF CYNICS
obviously been split-in an existential direction and in a satirical-intellectual direction. Laughing becomes a function of literature, and living remains a deadly
21
serious business.
selves a program of life without needs, preparedness-for-anything, and auton- omy, but they had succumbed to their role as moralists, often with deadly serious- ness. The motif of laughter, which had called Athenian kynicism to life, had expired in late-Roman kynicism. The sect gathered around itself the unstable and resentful, bums and moral zealots, outsiders and narcissistic people needing something to hold on to rather than laughing individualists.
The best among them were probably moralists with an ascetic, independent bent, or gentle adepts at life, who traveled around as moral psychotherapists, wel- comed by those willing to experience something new; but for self-confident con- servatives, they were suspect, if not despised.
In relation to these people it is now Lucian who assumes the position of the satirist and humorist previously held by them. However, he no longer exercises the kynical mockery of the uncultivated sage on the representatives of vain knowl- edge. Rather, his satire is a cultivated attack on the uncultivated beggar-moralists and wailers, that is, a kind of
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master's satire on the intellectual simpletons of his
22
The sect kynics, it is true, had zealously prescribed for them-
time. Group dynamics probably plays a greater role than "theory"
pears in antiquity as a philosophical-moral dispute; there is some evidence for the view that Lucian comes down so hard on the kynics because they want the same thing he does. They direct themselves at a similar public and work over the same field, even though with other, more radical means. They too are wanderers, street orators, dependent on public attention, and a sort of intellectual recipient of alms. It is just possible that Lucian hates himself in them, to the extent that similarities exist. If the kynics are the world despisers of their epoch, Lucian is the despiser of the despisers, the moralist of the moralists. Himself all too well versed in such matters, he recognizes in his adversaries the tendency to supercilious, naive, pompous, gushing fanaticism, in which vanity and masochistic martyrlike char- acteristics may have played a role. This gives Lucian's satire its psychological background. What the kynic Peregrinus, who is eager to die, presents to his spec- tators as an example of wisdom and the heroic contempt for death is for Lucian nothing other than an aberration of a laughable mania for glory. If Peregrinus aims at self-deification in the eyes of his disciples and their contemporaries, u>> self-evident that Lucian must expose this plan as vanity. But we should bear in mind that in judging others, people employ the standards of their own frame o reference and therefore ultimately speak "about themselves" when they judg others. That the thirst for glory was the frame of reference in which a good pa of Lucian's existence had moved can hardly be doubted, given everything that 1 known about him. Whether it is by their frame of reference that we can best un derstand the kynical movement is doubtful. Let us follow Lucian's account.
in what ap-
THE CABINET OF CYNICS ? 173
Lucian's exposition says nothing good at all about its victim. At the beginning, T ucian sees a eulogist of Peregrinus enter, whom he, the very picture of his nraised master, portrays as a big-mouth, blubberer, virtuous poser, quack, and sentimental buffoon who tells the wildest stories as he sweats and breaks out in crocodile tears. The following speaker, by contrast, unfolds Peregrinus's life story and sketches a devastating picture of the man who wants to burn himself to death. There is no doubt that Lucian has put his own version in the mouth of this speaker --according to which the master is a criminal, charlatan, and megalomaniac. Peregrinus's life reads like the biography of a criminal whose stages consist entirely of profligacy: from adultery, after which, when he was caught, a radish was ignominiously stuck in his anus to pederasty and bribery, to the apex of heinous crimes, patricide. After that--forced to flee from his hometown, Parium--he was ripe for a career as traveling con man. Forthwith, Peregrinus joined a Christian(! ) congregation where he quickly moved up on the basis of his rhetorical stunts. The disciples of the "crucified Sophist" from Pales- tine are portrayed as naive people who can be duped into just about anything by a cunning mind. From the Christians then, or, as Lucian calls them, "Chris- tianers," he went over to the kynics, let a long philosopher's beard grow, took up the knapsack of the wandering preacher, staff and coat, and got as far as Egypt on his journeys. There he created a stir through public self-flagellations and by shaving half of his head, which was supposed to be a "completely new and ad- mirable kind of exercise of virtue. " Having arrived in Italy, he indulged in dia- tribes against the emperor, was thus expelled from Rome, and as a result gained the reputation of someone unjustly persecuted. In his puffed-up vanity he finally got the idea into his head of burning himself at the Olympic Games with great pomp.
After this presentation of the main actor, Lucian turns to a critique of the pyric act. He reviews it as a theater critic would a bad play.
In my view it would be more fitting to await death with composure, not, like a fleeing slave, to run from life. If, however, he is so firmly determined to die, why does it have to be by fire and with a pomp fit for a tragedy? What is the point of this way of dying when he could nave chosen a thousand other ways? (Lukian, Werke in drei Banden [Berlin and Weimar, 1974], vol. II, pp. 31. 38).
ecording to Lucian, in truth, complete justice was done him with this act of self-
re
wiself, and the only thing wrong with the act was the time he chose since it
^ould have been better for Peregrinus to have killed himself much earlier. Be-
n? d this, Lucian's laughing critic also objects that for this drama a more uncom- mation; it was nothing more than deserved punishment that he executed on
nPen one's mouth one time in order to die on the spot. Moreover, Lucian's speaker able death would have been appropriate; in self-cremation one only has to
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174 ? THE CABINET OF CYNICS
encourages all Peregrinus's disciples to follow their master by throwing them- selves as quickly as possible into the flames so that the specter of kynicism might come to an end.
These passages make clear the meaning of the phrase: Critique changes sides. Earlier we defined cynicism as a cheekiness that has changed sides. Lucian is talk- ing here as a cynical ideologue who denounces the critics of power to the powerful and cultivated as ambitious lunatics. His critic activities have turned into oppor- tunism trimmed to the irony of those in power, who want to make fun of their existential critics. Only this can explain how Lucian's speaker can come up with the idea that such examples of kynical contempt for death are dangerous for the state because, through lack of deterrence, they remove the last source of restraint from criminals threatened by the death penalty. It is a joyless laughter with which a sect of moralists is exhorted to commit mass suicide by fire or by smoke; Tens and hundreds of thousands of religious "dissidents" were yet to perish in the arenas and on the pyres of the Roman Empire.
The cynical fearlessness with which Lucian comments on the act of self- cremation is astounding. After Peregrinus himself had held a sort of corpse's speech and, "greedy for glory," had over and over again delayed the final moment of the burning, the moment finally came when the pyre was ignited by two disci- ples and the master jumped into it, invoking the paternal and maternal spirits. That provokes Lucian's laughter once more, as he recalls the story of the patri- cide. He called on those standing around to leave the dismal place: "It is truly not a charming sight to view a fried- up old manikin and, in doing so, to breathe in the foul fat-vapors. " (I quote here the juicier translation of Bernay in Lucian und die Kyniker [1879]. )
Of course, we must not judge Lucian solely on the basis of this scene. We have probably come upon him in his weakest moment, in the middle of a group-
23
dynamic wrangle with a rival, on whom he projects all of his contempt.
scene is important for us because in it the leap of the kynical impulse from a ple- beian, humorous culture-critique to a cynical ruler's satire can be observed. Lu- cian's laughter remains a nuance too shrill to be serene; it reveals more hate than sovereignty. In it there is the sarcasm of someone who feels himself put on the spot. When the kynics attacked the Roman state, Hellenic civilization, and the psychology of ambitious and comfortable citizens, they shook the social founda- tions on which the existence of the highly cultivated ironist also rested.
Mephistopheles, or: The Spirit that Always Denies and the Will to Knowledge
THE MASTER: I have never despised your kind. Of all spirits that deny,
The rogue weighs least heavily on my mind.
The
THE CABINET OF CYNICS ? 175
MEPH1STOPHELES: What, executioner! Of course, hands and feet And head and behind, they are yours.
Since Lucian's appearance as cynical satirist who jeers at the kynical sect, one and a half millennia have passed. Through all the changes in world history-the decline of the western Roman Empire, the Christianization of the Occident, the rise of feudalism, the age of chivalry, the Reformation, Renaissance, Absolutism, the rise of the bourgeoisie--the kynical impulse has continued in the most varied refractions and disguises. Goethe's famous theatrical devil meets us at the zenith of the Enlightenment, in that decade of the eighteenth century when the Sturm und Drang of the awakening bourgeois culture was at its most explosive. Mephistopheles appears in the stormy years of secularization that begin to liqui- date the thousand-year-old inheritance of Christianity. The essence of the bour- geois cultural revolution in the eighteenth century is characterized perhaps more than anything else by the fact that with the greatest poet of the age, it embodies itself in the figure of a devil that, like Satan, enjoys the freedom to say things "as they really are. " The Devil is the first post-Christian realist; his freedom to speak must still seem infernal to older contemporaries. When the Devil opens his mouth to say how it really is in the world, the old Christian metaphysics, theology, feu- dal morality are swept away. If his horns and claws are also taken away, there remains of Mephistopheles nothing more than a bourgeois philosopher: realist, antimetaphysicist, empiricist, positivist. Not by chance did Faust, the epitome of the modern researcher from the sixteenth to the nineteenth centuries, seal a pact with a devil of this kind. Only from the Devil can one learn "how things really are. " Only he has an interest in making us take off the religious spectacles and see with our own eyes. In this way, the idea of "God the Father, Son, & Co. "
becomes superfluous.
Mephistopheles is a fluorescent being who lives entirely in his metamor- phoses. He emerges from a dog. For his first appearance, the Devil chooses the symbol of the kynical sect of philosophers. Recall that Faust, at the nadir of his "theoretical despair," had decided to kill himself. The choirs of Easter night hold him back from his intention at the very point when the ampoule of poison is al- ready touching his lips. He returns to life. On his Easter stroll, he meditates on
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the dual nature of his soul. His thoughts on this can be read as the deep self- reflection of a bourgeois scientist: Within him there is struggle between realism and insatiability, the drive toward life and the longing for death, the "will to night" and the will to power, the sense for what is possible and the drive toward what is (still) impossible. In the dusk Faust sees a "black dog roaming through crop and stubble" that circles around the strollers in broad spiral movements. Faust imagines that he sees an inferno behind the animal; Wagner, however, re- mains blind to the magical manifestation. In the end, a black poodle lies before the scholar on its belly, tail wagging, well trained and apparently tame. In the
176 ? THE CABINET OF CYNICS
study, finally, the real metamorphosis of Satan begins, as the thinker is on the verge of translating the Evangelium of Saint John into German. As soon as Faust has found the correct translation for the Greek concept logos (Tat), the dog starts yowling. Curious changes of form begin: "How long and broad my poodle is be- coming. " In the end, the "traveling scholastic" appears as the "heart of the matter" [des Pudels Kern; literally, the poodle's kernel; --Trans. ] and gradually reveals the Devil's claws. The sequence of the scene graphically depicts the dialectic of master and servant. The Devil cowers at first in the role of a dog, then of a ser- vant, in order, so he thinks, to ultimately win complete domination over the schol- ar's soul.
The metamorphosis from dog to monster, from monster to traveling scholastic is only the beginning of a rather long series of transformations. Mephistopheles
24
is like a master of disguise, an impostor, or a spy
survival of evil in the post-Christian era is that it conceal itself behind the ap- propriate fashionable and socially accepted masks of innocuousness. The feudal personification of "evil" as corporeal Satan is, so to speak, annulled in Goethe's ironic drama. The point of Goethe's theatrical devil, namely, is its modernization to the worldly grand seigneur--a tendency continued by Thomas Mann in Doktor Faustus. The Devil becomes a figure of immanence, and evil even gains sympathy through its civility. In Goethe's drama, even the witches have to look twice to see through the dissolute squire, Junker Liederlich. On one occasion he appears as a worldly court figure with doublet and plume. On the next, in the student scene, he dons the costume of the great scholar, in order to parody the scholar's learned- ness in a satire inspired by a cynicism of knowledge -- the most malicious improvi- zation of a Gay Science before Nietzsche. Finally, he appears as an elegant gen-
tleman and magician who knows how to speak quick wittedly with procuresses, and as a fencing master, he instructs Faust on how he can expedite his lover's brother, who has become burdensome, into eternity. Impudent cheekiness and cold sarcasm belong inevitably to the attributes of the modern, "immanent" devil, just as much as cosmopolitanism, linguistic competence, cultivation, and legal understanding. (Contracts have to be made in writing. )
This modernization of evil does not arise from a poet's whim. Even though it is presented poetically-ironically, it rests on a solid logical basis. In the frame- work of modern forms of consciousness, art is in no way "merely" the locus or the beautiful and the amusing, but one of the most important points of access for research into what is traditionally called truth--truth in the sense of a perspective
was
on the whole, truth as understanding the essence of the world. "Great Art"
2always a pandemonic art that tried to capture the "theater of the world. "
is rooted the philosophical prominence of works of art such as Faust. At the point where traditional metaphysics fails -- in interpreting evil in the world--because the Christian background of these metaphysics with its optimism of salvation has faded, art jumps into the breach. Seen from the viewpoint of the history of ideas,
because the condition for the
Herein
THE CABINET OF CYNICS ? 177
? Gustav Grundgens in the role of Mephistophiles in Goethe's Faust.
Mephistopheles (whom I regard as a central figure of modern aesthetics) is a child of the idea of development, through which, in the eighteenth century, the age-old questions concerning the theodicy and the transience of phenomena can be posed in a new form and answered with a new logic. So much is certain: that from this time on, evil in the world--death, destruction, and negativities of all kinds-can no longer be interpreted as the punitive or testing interventions of God in human history, as was done by the centuries of Christianity. The secularization, naturali- zation, and objectification of our understanding of the world has made too much progress for theological answers to still be able to satisfy. For more fully devel- oped reason these have become not only logically untenable but, what is more important, existentially implausible. God, devil, and the entire theological nomenclature can at best be taken only symbolically. This is precisely
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what Goethe's drama attempts. It plays with the theological figures under "poetic license. " His irony seizes on a degenerated system of plausibility only to use the old characters to erect a new logic, a new system of meaning. In substance, it is the same logic that underlies the Hegelian conception of the world and of history, the logic of evolution, the logic of a positive dialectic that promises constructive destruction.
This thought model guarantees a new era of metaphysical specula- tion. It is borne by the powerful modern evidence that the world moves and that
26
its movement is forward and upward.
Perspective as the necessary price for development, which leads inexorably from the dark beginnings toward radiant goals. Enlightenment is not merely a theory ? f light but, still more, a theory of the movement toward light-optics, dynamics,
Suffering in the world appears from this
Is my proper element.
178 D THE CABINET OF CYNICS
organology, theory of evolution. Goethe's devil already practices this new way of seeing that, as we will show, constitutes a foundation of all great modern the- ories that are at least tempted by cynicism. In evolutionism lies the logical root of theorizing cynicisms that cast grand rulers' gazes on reality. In the sciences the- ories of evolution take over the metaphysical inheritance. Only they possess enough logical power to integrate with a comprehensive view the evil, degenera- tion, death, pain, the whole gamut of negativities inflicted on the living. Those who say "development" and affirm the goals of development have found a per- spective that can justify whatever serves development. Evolution (progress) is thus the modern theodicy; it provides the final logical underpinnings for the nega- tive. In the evolutionist's view of what must suffer and perish, modern intellectual cynicism already plays its ineluctable game; for it, the dead are the manure of the future. The death of others appears as the ontological and logical premise for the success of "one's own cause. " In an incomparable manner, Goethe has the Devil express the metaphysically permeated confidence in life of the newly con- ceived dialectic.
FAUST: Very well, who are you then? MEPHISTOPHELES: A part of that force,
that always wills evil and always creates good. FAUST: What is meant by this riddle? MEPHISTOPHELES: I am the spirit that constantly denies,
And that rightly so; for everything which arises, Is worthy of perishing!
Therefore, it would be better if nothing arose. Thus, everything which you call
Sin, destruction, in short, evil,
27
As far as the history of the kynical impulse is concerned, whose tracks we are following, Mephistopheles occupies an ambiguous position within it: with his grand seigneur side, just as with his proclivity for grand theory, he is a cynic; with his plebeian, realistic, and sensuously joyful side, he is kynically oriented. One of the paradoxes of this wordly and ordinary devil of evolution, who can also imitate Eulenspiegel, is that, in relation to Doctor Faust, he is the real enlight- ener. The scholar possesses a series of traits that today would be readily desig- nated as antienlightenment: the esoteric urge to communicate with the spirits be- yond. Interests in magic, and a questionable taste for crossing the limits of huma" reason and demanding too much of it. The person who is not satisfied with tn deficient rationalism and empiricism of human knowledge will really say in tttf end: "Here I stand, a fool so poor; I am as wise as I was before. " At the end o
l wan
the great will to knowledge there is of necessity always "theoretical despair. thinker's heart burns when he realizes that we cannot know what we "really"
'
THE CABINET OF CYNICS D 179
w) w. Faust is basically a desperate Kantian who tries to escape the compulsion self-limitation through a magical backdoor. The urge to go beyond the limit emains stronger than the insight into the limitedness of our knowledge. In Faust can already see what Nietzsche and, later, pragmatism will emphasize: that the will to knowledge is always nourished by a will to power. For this reason, ? he will to knowledge can never come to rest in knowledge itself; its urge, accord- ing to its roots, is immeasurable because, behind every knowledge, new puzzles mount up: A priori, knowledge wants to know more. "What one does not know, that is precisely what is needed. / And what one knows, cannot be used. " Wanting-to-know is an offspring of the desire for power, the striving for expan- sion, existence, sexuality, pleasure, enjoyment of the self, and for anesthetizing the necessity of dying. Whatever presents itself as theoretical enlightenment and research, in the nature of things, can never reach its alleged goals because these
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do not belong to the theoretical sphere.
For those who realize this the scientific impulse becomes an aesthetic impulse.
Art is the real Gay Science: It stands, as the last guarantor of a sovereign and realistic consciousness, between religion and science. However, it does not have to, like the former, appeal to faith, but has experience and the vitality of the senses on its side; on the other hand, it does not have to treat the empirically given in such a rigorously truncating way as the latter. The Devil, who, in Goethe's work, guarantees the principle of morally unrestricted experience, entices the despair- ing enlightener into the broad field of life: "So that you, without bonds, free / Ex- perience what life is. " What has been called the amoralism of art-to be allowed to see and say everything -- is really only the obverse side of this new, total empiri- cism. Those who have experienced the despair of the impossible will to knowl- edge can become free for the adventure of conscious living. Experience will never be entirely absorbed by theory-- as presupposed by consistent rationalists.
Experience what life is! The principle of experience, in the last analysis, bursts
all moralism, including that of the scientific method. What life is is grasped by
the researcher not in the theoretical attitude but solely through the leap into life
itself. Mephistopheles serves those who want to take the step beyond theory as
"? agister Ludi: He introduces them to the process of a kynical and cynical empiri-
cism from which alone life experience arises. Come what may, whether morally
good or evil, that is no longer the question. Scientists who hide their will to power
rom themselves and conceive of experience only as knowledge about "objects" o-nnot achieve that knowledge acquired by accumulating experience in the form
aUt a me
journey to the "real" things. For the empirical amoralist, life is not an object
Ves
. kynical empiricists inevitably encounter what is commonly called evil. >wever, they experience in so-called evil an unavoidable side; that puts them 8 t m the middle and above it at the same time. Evil appears to them as some-
29
As soon as they consciously experience their entanglement in the fate of other
dium, a journey, a practical essay, a project of alert existence.
180 ? THE CABINET OF CYNICS
thing that by its very nature, cannot be anything other than what it is. The proto- types of this "evil," which is stronger than morality (which demands only that the former ought not to be), are free sexuality, aggression, and unconsciousness (in- sofar as the last is to blame for fateful entanglements; compare the model tragedy of unconscious action, Oedipus Rex).
The greatest of all moral shamelessnesses and simultaneously the most un- avoidable of all is to be a survivor. Over shorter or longer causal chains, every living person is a sur-vivor [Uberlebener, literally, over-liver; --Trans. ] whose acts and omissions are connected to the downfall of others. Where such causal chains remain short and direct, one speaks of guilt; where they are more medi- ated, of guiltless guilt or tragedy; where they are strongly mediated, indirect and
30
universal, of bad conscience, uneasiness, tragic feeling toward life.
Faust, too, does not escape this experience. For he becomes not only the se- ducer and lover of Gretchen, but also the one who survives her. Pregnant by him, she murders the child of this love in despair. For her, out of good has come evil, out of sexual surrender, social scandal. The causality of fate, which arises from the mechanism of morality, rolls over her with merciless consistency; despair, confusion, murder, execution. The tragedy can be read as a passionate poetical plea for the widening of moral consciousness: Art is critique of naive, mechani- cal, reactive consciousness. Under the presupposition of naivete, disastrous con- sequences must follow repeatedly from the feelings, morals, identifications, and passions of human beings; only in naivete and unconsciousness can mechanical- moral causality make its game of individuals. But in contrast to Gretchen, who is destroyed by the "tragic" mechanisms, Faust has a master teacher at his side
who keeps him out of the possible causalities of blind, naive despair.
But you are otherwise rather bedeviled. I find nothing in the world more absurd Than a devil who despairs.
In vain Faust imprecates his teacher, who inflicts on him the pain of experienc- ing himself as an accomplice devil. He would gladly banish the Devil back into the shape of the kynical dog, or still further, into that of the snake. But all paths
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back to naivete are closed to him. He has gained the Mephistophelian conscious- ness for himself, which demands that whatever human beings can know about themselves, they should in fact know; it breaks the spell of the unconscious. The aesthetic amoralism of great art implies a school of becoming conscious: Morality works on in naive consciousness like a part of the unconscious; what is uncon- scious, mechanical, unfree in our behavior is the real evil.
Mephisto, as we said, possesses the profile of a kynical enlightener and thus displays a knowledge gained only by those who have risked having a perspective
31
ity, where, emphatically, moral inhibitions must first be left behind in order, lik
on things that is free of morality.
This is shown nowhere better than with sexual- e
THE CABINET OF CYNICS ? 181
Faust, "without bonds, free," to experience what life is. Mephisto is the first sex- ual positivist in our literature; his way of seeing is already that of sexual kynicism. "It is true, a child is a child, and play is play. " For him it is no secret how the clockwork in the man, Faust, can be wound up: "Only" the vision of the naked woman within him has to be awaked --in modern language, the erotic illusion, the "imago," the sought-after ideal, the sexual schema. The elixir of youth awakes the drive that makes every woman as desirable as Helen. The person who falls in love, as suggested by Goethe's irony, is basically the victim of a chemical reac- tion. More modern cynics or playboys assure us that love is nothing more than
32
a hormonal disturbance.
literarily, belongs to satire; existentially, to nihilism; epistemologically, to reduc- tionism; metaphysically, to (vulgar) materialism. As serene materialist, Mephistopheles professes the animal compulsiveness of love. "Custom or not, it passes too. " Whatever may occur to love-smitten fools by way of elevated gush- ing does not count, insofar as one as proper diabolus always thinks only of one thing: "what chaste hearts cannot do without. "
The attitude of the critical Devil toward the sciences is scarcely less lacking in respect. The entire lifeless, logically ossified, conceptual casuistry of learned stuff does not suit him. If empiricism is his program, then in the kynical, vital form: head over heels into a full life, let one's own experience be the ultimate criterion. His speech encourages one to risk experience, and because he distin- guishes sharply between the gray of theory and the green of life, he finds none of the academic forms of teaching to this taste. Professors are the fools of their own doctrinal structures, in modern language, accessories to their "discourses. " In all faculties vain babblers hang around, who complicate the simplest things to the point of unrecognizability, the jurists no less than the philosophers, the the- ologians by profession, and the medicos with a vengeance.
As a cynical gynecologist, Mephisto relates the pernicious old proverb that all
female diseases are to be "cured from one point. " Our theory devil can, of course,
expect more applause when he brings his semantic cynicism (today: language cri-
tique) into play against the pseudologies and arrogated terminologies of the dis-
ciplines. He sees that incomprehension likes to take refuge in words and that igno-
rance can keep itself afloat longest by having command of a jargon. The Devil
expresses what students feel: that "doctoral stupidity" (Flaubert) is part and parcel
? r the university, which, safe from discovery, smugly reproduces itself there,
what this devil presents in the Collegium logicum (students' scene) on the subject
0n
The cynical bite lies in the "nothing more," which,
the language of philosophers and theologians amounts to a poetical nominalism at stands up to the most rigorous logical reconstruction.
If one takes stock, one recognizes that Goethe's Mephistopheles, in spite of all symbolic concessions, is basically already no longer a Christian devil, but a post- hnstian figure with pre-Christian traits. The modern side in him touches on a actualized antiquity: Dialectic evolutionism (positive destruction, evil that is
re
182 D THE CABINET OF CYNICS
good) touches on a philosophical conception of nature that has more to do with Thales of Miletus and Heraclitus than with Kant and Newton.
The Grand Inquisitor, or: The Christian Statesman as Jesus Hunter and the Birth of the Institutional Doctrine out of the Spirit of Cynicism
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That's it precisely, the "but". . . called Ivan. So that you know, novice: What is senseless is all too necessary on earth. The world is based on the senseless, and without it, probably nothing at all would happen on earth. I know what I know! . . .
. . . According to my lamentable, earthly, Euclidean un- derstanding, I know only that suffering exists but no one is guilty, that everything follows immediately and simply one from the other, that everything flows and evens itself out-- but that is only Euclidean nonsense . . . . What do I gain by the fact that there are no guilty ones, that everything follows immedi- ately and simply one from the other and that I know that--I need retribution, otherwise I will annihilate myself . . . Lis- ten: If all have to suffer and with their suffering procure eter- nal harmony, what do children have to do with that? --Why have they too been caught up in the material and have to serve as the manure for someone's future harmony? Dostoyevsky, The Brothers Karamazov
Dostoyevsky's gloomy Grand Inquisitor, too, is only apparently a figure of the Christian Middle Ages, just as Goethe's Mephistopheles is only apparently still a Christian devil. In reality, both belong to the modernity of the nineteenth cen- tury, the one as aesthetician and evolutionist, the other as representative of a new, cynical political conservatism. Like Faust, the Grand Inquisitor is a retrospective projection of advanced ideological tensions from the nineteenth into the sixteenth century. Intellectually as well as chronologically, he stands closer to figures like Hitler and Goebbels, Stalin and Lunacharsky than to the historical Spanish Inqui- sition. But is it not frivolous to place an honorable Christian cardinal in such com- pany? The defamation weighs heavily and must be justified by strong evidence. This is provided by the Grand Inquisitor's story, as Ivan Karamazov tells it.
The cardinal and Grand Inquisitor of Seville, an ascetic old man of ninety years within whom all life seems to be extinguished except in his eyes a dark em- ber still glows, one day became --as Ivan says in his "fantastic poem"--a witness to the return of Christ. Before the cathedral, Jesus had repeated his miracle of long ago and, with a soft word, had brought a dead child to life. It seems as it the old man had immediately comprehended the significance of this act, but his
THE CABINET OF CYNICS ? 183
reaction is paradoxical. Instead of paying homage to the returned Lord, he points his bony finger at him and orders the watchman to arrest the man and lock him up in the vault of the Holy Tribunal. In the night, the old man descends the stairs to Jesus in the dungeon and says:
" 'Is it you? You? '
"But receiving no answer, he adds quickly: 'Do not answer, be si-
lent. And, indeed, what can you say? I know too well what you would say. Besides, you have no right to add anything to what you have said already in the days of old. Why, then, did you come to disrupt us? For you have come to disrupt and you know it. But do you know what is going to happen tomorrow? I know not who you are and I don't want to know: whether it is you or only someone who looks like him, I do not know, but tomorrow I shall condemn you and burn you at the stake as the vilest of heretics, and the same people who today kissed your feet, will at the first sign from me rush to rake up the coals at your stake tomorrow. Do you know that? Yes, perhaps you do know it . . . ' " (Trans. David Magarshack [Harmondsworth, 1958], p. 293, modified)
Those who find the Grand Inquisitor's behavior strange will be even more curi- ous about the meaning of the event when they have understood the decisive point with the greatest possible sharpness: In the thinking and action of the old man there is not a trace of dimness or blindness, no error and no misunderstanding. What Jesus had assumed about his crucifiers as grounds for forgiveness --"for they know not what they do"--can in no way be applied to the churchman. He knows what he is doing and he knows it with a downright shocking clarity, regarding which the only remaining question is whether it should be called tragic or cynical. If the Grand Inquisitor knows what he is doing, then he must be acting for reasons of overpowering gravity, reasons that are strong enough to dislodge the religious faith he outwardly represents. The old man does in fact give Jesus his reasons. To be concise, his speech is the reply of a politician to the founder of a religion. Seen somewhat more deeply, it is a settling of accounts of anthropol- ogy with theology, of administration with emancipation, of the institution with the individual.
We have just heard the main accusation against the returned one: He has come
to disrupt. " In what? The Inquisitor blames his Savior for returning precisely at
that moment when the Catholic Church, through the terror of the Inquisition, was
about to stamp out the last sparks of Christian freedom and was almost able to
delude itself into believing that it had completed its work: establishing domination
"rough the "true religion. " Having become completely unfree (in the religious-
Political sense), the people of this time are more than ever convinced that they
a
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Wl
H make us free? The Grand Inquisitor, however, can see through this decep-
re free. Did they not possess the truth? Had not Christ promised that the truth
184 ? THE CABINET OF CYNICS
tion. He is proud of his realism; as representative of the victorious church, he claims not only to have completed Jesus' work but still more, to have improved it! For Jesus, so he says, did not know how to think politically and had not com- prehended what human nature in a political respect required: namely, domina- tion. In the speech of Dostoyevsky's cardinal to his silent prisoner, we discover one of the origins of modern institutionalism, which, in this passage, and perhaps only in this passage, admits in a remarkably open way its cynical basis in con- scious deception that appeals to necessity. The powerful, according to Dostoyevsky's profound and vertiginous reflections, make the following calcu- lations:
Only a few possess the courage to be free, as Jesus demonstrated when he an- swered the question of the tempter in the desert (concerning why he did not, al- though he was hungry, transform stones into bread): "Man does not live by bread alone. " Only a few have the power to overcome hunger. The many, in all ages, will reject the offer of freedom in the name of bread. In other words, people in general are in search of disburdenment, ease, comfort, routine, security. Those invested with power can, in all ages, confidently assume that the great majority have a horror of freedom and know no deeper urge than to surrender their free- dom, to erect prisons around themselves, and to subjugate themselves to idols old and new. What can the master Christians, the representatives of a religion of free- dom, do in such a situation? The Grand Inquisitor understands his assuming power as a kind of self-sacrifice.
"But we shall tell them that we do your bidding and rule in your name. We shall deceive them again, for we shall not let you come near us again. That deception will be our suffering, for we shall be forced to lie. " (Ibid. , p. 297)
We are witnesses here of a unique, strangely convoluted thought experiment in which the paradoxes of modern conservatism are hatched. The churchman raises an anthropological protest against the unreasonable demand of freedom that the founder of the religion has left behind. For human life, frail as it is, needs first of all an ordered framework of habit, certainty, law, and tradition --in a word, social institutions. With breathtaking cynicism the Grand Inquisitor ac- cuses Jesus not of having abolished the discomfort of freedom but of having ag- gravated it. He has not accepted human beings as they are but has overstrained them with his love. To this extent, the later masters of the church have superseded Christ in their sort of love of humanity-which is thoroughly pervaded by con- tempt and realism. For they take human beings as they are: childlike and childish, indolent and weak. The system of a ruling church, however, can only be erected on the shoulders of people who take the moral burden of conscious deception on themselves, that is, priests who consciously preach the opposite of the actual teachings of Christ, which they have understood precisely. To be sure, they speak
THE CABINET OF CYNICS ? 185
the Christian language of freedom, but they serve the system of needs --bread, order, power, law --that makes people submissive. The concept of freedom, as the Grand Inquisitor knows, is the fulcrum in the system of oppression: The more repressive it is (Inquisition, etc. ), the more violently must the rhetoric of freedom be hammered into people's heads. Precisely this is the ideological stamp of all modern conservatisms in the East as well as in the West. They are all based on pessimistic anthropologies according to which the striving for freedom is nothing more than a dangerous illusion, a mere basically insubstantial urge that glosses over the necessary and ineluctable institutional ("bound") character of human life. Wherever in the world today theories of freedom and emancipation make them- selves heard, they are repudiated with words like the following from the Grand Inquisitor.
We encounter this man from Samosata on the Euphrates, a Syrian by birth, who has a place of honor in the history of evil tongues --half a millenium later --in a thoroughly transformed cultural setting. On his life in brief:
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After an unsuccessful attempt at sculpturing, Lucian (born about 120 A. D. ) became a rhetorician, a profession that scarcely has a parallel in our time and that has been not inappropriately translated as "concert speaker. " Thus, like Poseidonius and Paulus a great traveller and wan- derer, he moved across the country, through the entire Mediterranean region as far as Gaul, making showy and pompous speeches; and al- though he did not speak Greek without an accent, he had considerable success. But he was too clever, too restless, and intellectually not mod- est enough to be content with success on the podium and the applause of the elegant world. Thus, in his fortieth year, he turned to varied sa- tirical writing, or, as we would say, moralistic essays. It is they, of his life and works, that have stood the test of time. In later years he ac- cepted a position as public servant of the Roman Empire in Egypt, thereby letting himself in for something he himself had mocked not a little, namely, a secure salary and domiciled settledness. The last date
ar|
d where the old order can no longer deal with the new events, the bi-
ln
Aurelius (17 March 180 A. D. ). It is surmised, since it is not known
his life that can be fixed is the death of the emperor, Marcus
170 ? THE CABINET OF CYNICS
precisely, that he died soon after. (Otto Seel, afterword to Lukian, Gesprache der Gotter und Meergotter, der Toten und der Hetdren [Stuttgart, 1956], pp. 241-42)
It could be contended that in Lucian's time, the seed of the protokynic germi- nated in a puzzling way. An author during the middle period of the Roman em-
19
perors, a contemporary of the Stoic emperor, Marcus Aurelius,
important, though the most malicious, witness of the fact that one of the most powerful impulses in Western philosophy had issued from the apparent satyrical play of the kynical polemic against civilization. Indeed, after a good half a millenium, kynicism for the first time had found within the Roman Empire a truly ideal soil, a situation of flourishing alienation in which it inevitably expanded in all directions. The "dogs" had begun to howl in large packs, and moralistic resis- tance against the social and human circumstances in the empire had swelled to a powerful spiritual current. The kynicism of the time of the emperors has been called the hippie and escapist movement of antiquity (Hochkeppel). To the extent the empire transformed itself into a colossal bureaucratic apparatus whose inner and outer workings an individual could not fathom or influence, its ideological power to integrate and its capacity to rouse feelings of citizenship and commit- ment to the state had to dissipate. The administration's inaccessibility to the citizens, the despised extortion of taxes by the military and civil Moloch, the citizens' aversion to military service are all unmistakable signs of an advanced so- cial crisis. The Roman world order was long since no longer that res publico that had once grown naturally out of the life of societas. Rather, the imperial state ap-
paratus weighed on its citizens like a leaden foreign body. In such periods it was natural that the schools of philosophy, once the province of a few, received a mas- sive influx that assumed symptomatic proportions. The need for individualistic self-assertion against coercive society became a psychopolitical reality of the first order. Because no one could any longer cherish the illusion that he led his "own" life in this political system, innumerable people had to feel the impulse to reestab- lish their authenticity in areas free from the state, namely, in the form of philosophies of life and new religions. This explains the enormous success ot
as
Christianity, too, was at first only one of many forms of late-Roman exoticism and orientalism. Already at that time, not only the light but also the attractive darkness of mysteries came from the East. From the Greeks the Romans adopte their cultural decor and the doctrine of humanitas as well as those critical, i dividualistic forces from Attic sources that had been active as "moral moles ready during the disintegration of the Greek polis. This individualistic ferm again released its energies in the alienation of the Roman bureaucratic state, no however, in such mass forms that the individualistic impulse had to be qua! '
philosophical sects, mostly of Greek origin--to which the kynics also belong- well as of the new religious cults whose origins were in Asia Minor.
he is the most
eTHE CABINET OF CYNICS ? 171
tjvely transformed. The many individual cases resulted in a new quality of forma- tion of stereotypes. Among the educated there was a certain abhorrence of the sects with their vagabonds, preachers, moralists, cults, and communities, which
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20
for centuries formed part of the image of the time of the emperors. humanistic, high individualism of cultivated Romans looked contemptuously on the new and in part asocial energy of individualists. At that time, people turned up their noses just as much at the Christians as at the kynics. One of the older, ironically cultivated, conservative voices of this time is that of Lucian, as we can hear in his merciless satire on the voluntary death of the kynical sect leader, Peregrinus,
known as Proteus. We want to concentrate on this text. It is the para- digm of a new cynical tone of voice that intellectuals of more advanced times as- sume as soon as their contempt is provoked. The parallels to the present are so obvious that it is not necessary to pursue the issue. It is worthwhile to look into Lucian's ancient kynical mirror so as to recognize the fresh, cynical present in it.
What is it about? In his satire, Lucian deals with a spectacular incident that
is supposed to have happened on Olympus during the games, before a considera-
ble audience: The same Peregrinus had decided to burn himself publicly on a
large pyre in order to give the world the spectacle of a tragic and heroic voluntary
death, thereby increasing the stature of his sect and, as Lucian emphasizes, satis-
fying his own aspirations for fame. This plan, which was announced in advance
by the main actor in order to ensure a fitting resonance, was actually carried out.
The public gesture was consciously planned and designed to make an impression
on the crowd. Of course, as a model there was only Socrates, who had left behind
the greatest example of philosophical resoluteness through his voluntary death.
There were possibly also the Indian Brahmans of that time, whose self-chosen
death by fire had been heard about in the West since the days of Alexander's cam-
paign. Lucian claims to have witnessed the incident. The tone of the description
is so scornful that it is advisable to read it as more of a document on the witnesses'
critical view of things than as a factual report on the incidents mentioned. The
only thing that can be believed with some degree of certainty from this report is
that the kynicism of a Peregrinus must have had almost nothing in common with
Diogenes' kynicism except the name and some ascetic superficialities. The roles
appear to be reversed between Peregrinus and Lucian since, for Diogenes, a
Pathetic gesture such as a heroic self-chosen death would have been unthinkable.
e-clared it to be crazy because the kynic's concern, literarily speaking, is comedy, not tragedy; satire, not the serious myth. This reveals a profound struc-
ral change in kynical philosophy. Diogenes' existence drew its inspiration from
""elation to Athenian comedy. It is rooted in an urban, humorous culture, unshed by a mentality that is open to jokes, quick repartee, mockery, and a ny contempt for stupidity. Its existentialism is based on a satirical founda- ? Late-Roman kynicism is completely different. In it, the kynical impulse has
can be certain that Diogenes, agreeing with Lucian on this point, would have
The old-
172 ? THE CABINET OF CYNICS
obviously been split-in an existential direction and in a satirical-intellectual direction. Laughing becomes a function of literature, and living remains a deadly
21
serious business.
selves a program of life without needs, preparedness-for-anything, and auton- omy, but they had succumbed to their role as moralists, often with deadly serious- ness. The motif of laughter, which had called Athenian kynicism to life, had expired in late-Roman kynicism. The sect gathered around itself the unstable and resentful, bums and moral zealots, outsiders and narcissistic people needing something to hold on to rather than laughing individualists.
The best among them were probably moralists with an ascetic, independent bent, or gentle adepts at life, who traveled around as moral psychotherapists, wel- comed by those willing to experience something new; but for self-confident con- servatives, they were suspect, if not despised.
In relation to these people it is now Lucian who assumes the position of the satirist and humorist previously held by them. However, he no longer exercises the kynical mockery of the uncultivated sage on the representatives of vain knowl- edge. Rather, his satire is a cultivated attack on the uncultivated beggar-moralists and wailers, that is, a kind of
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master's satire on the intellectual simpletons of his
22
The sect kynics, it is true, had zealously prescribed for them-
time. Group dynamics probably plays a greater role than "theory"
pears in antiquity as a philosophical-moral dispute; there is some evidence for the view that Lucian comes down so hard on the kynics because they want the same thing he does. They direct themselves at a similar public and work over the same field, even though with other, more radical means. They too are wanderers, street orators, dependent on public attention, and a sort of intellectual recipient of alms. It is just possible that Lucian hates himself in them, to the extent that similarities exist. If the kynics are the world despisers of their epoch, Lucian is the despiser of the despisers, the moralist of the moralists. Himself all too well versed in such matters, he recognizes in his adversaries the tendency to supercilious, naive, pompous, gushing fanaticism, in which vanity and masochistic martyrlike char- acteristics may have played a role. This gives Lucian's satire its psychological background. What the kynic Peregrinus, who is eager to die, presents to his spec- tators as an example of wisdom and the heroic contempt for death is for Lucian nothing other than an aberration of a laughable mania for glory. If Peregrinus aims at self-deification in the eyes of his disciples and their contemporaries, u>> self-evident that Lucian must expose this plan as vanity. But we should bear in mind that in judging others, people employ the standards of their own frame o reference and therefore ultimately speak "about themselves" when they judg others. That the thirst for glory was the frame of reference in which a good pa of Lucian's existence had moved can hardly be doubted, given everything that 1 known about him. Whether it is by their frame of reference that we can best un derstand the kynical movement is doubtful. Let us follow Lucian's account.
in what ap-
THE CABINET OF CYNICS ? 173
Lucian's exposition says nothing good at all about its victim. At the beginning, T ucian sees a eulogist of Peregrinus enter, whom he, the very picture of his nraised master, portrays as a big-mouth, blubberer, virtuous poser, quack, and sentimental buffoon who tells the wildest stories as he sweats and breaks out in crocodile tears. The following speaker, by contrast, unfolds Peregrinus's life story and sketches a devastating picture of the man who wants to burn himself to death. There is no doubt that Lucian has put his own version in the mouth of this speaker --according to which the master is a criminal, charlatan, and megalomaniac. Peregrinus's life reads like the biography of a criminal whose stages consist entirely of profligacy: from adultery, after which, when he was caught, a radish was ignominiously stuck in his anus to pederasty and bribery, to the apex of heinous crimes, patricide. After that--forced to flee from his hometown, Parium--he was ripe for a career as traveling con man. Forthwith, Peregrinus joined a Christian(! ) congregation where he quickly moved up on the basis of his rhetorical stunts. The disciples of the "crucified Sophist" from Pales- tine are portrayed as naive people who can be duped into just about anything by a cunning mind. From the Christians then, or, as Lucian calls them, "Chris- tianers," he went over to the kynics, let a long philosopher's beard grow, took up the knapsack of the wandering preacher, staff and coat, and got as far as Egypt on his journeys. There he created a stir through public self-flagellations and by shaving half of his head, which was supposed to be a "completely new and ad- mirable kind of exercise of virtue. " Having arrived in Italy, he indulged in dia- tribes against the emperor, was thus expelled from Rome, and as a result gained the reputation of someone unjustly persecuted. In his puffed-up vanity he finally got the idea into his head of burning himself at the Olympic Games with great pomp.
After this presentation of the main actor, Lucian turns to a critique of the pyric act. He reviews it as a theater critic would a bad play.
In my view it would be more fitting to await death with composure, not, like a fleeing slave, to run from life. If, however, he is so firmly determined to die, why does it have to be by fire and with a pomp fit for a tragedy? What is the point of this way of dying when he could nave chosen a thousand other ways? (Lukian, Werke in drei Banden [Berlin and Weimar, 1974], vol. II, pp. 31. 38).
ecording to Lucian, in truth, complete justice was done him with this act of self-
re
wiself, and the only thing wrong with the act was the time he chose since it
^ould have been better for Peregrinus to have killed himself much earlier. Be-
n? d this, Lucian's laughing critic also objects that for this drama a more uncom- mation; it was nothing more than deserved punishment that he executed on
nPen one's mouth one time in order to die on the spot. Moreover, Lucian's speaker able death would have been appropriate; in self-cremation one only has to
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encourages all Peregrinus's disciples to follow their master by throwing them- selves as quickly as possible into the flames so that the specter of kynicism might come to an end.
These passages make clear the meaning of the phrase: Critique changes sides. Earlier we defined cynicism as a cheekiness that has changed sides. Lucian is talk- ing here as a cynical ideologue who denounces the critics of power to the powerful and cultivated as ambitious lunatics. His critic activities have turned into oppor- tunism trimmed to the irony of those in power, who want to make fun of their existential critics. Only this can explain how Lucian's speaker can come up with the idea that such examples of kynical contempt for death are dangerous for the state because, through lack of deterrence, they remove the last source of restraint from criminals threatened by the death penalty. It is a joyless laughter with which a sect of moralists is exhorted to commit mass suicide by fire or by smoke; Tens and hundreds of thousands of religious "dissidents" were yet to perish in the arenas and on the pyres of the Roman Empire.
The cynical fearlessness with which Lucian comments on the act of self- cremation is astounding. After Peregrinus himself had held a sort of corpse's speech and, "greedy for glory," had over and over again delayed the final moment of the burning, the moment finally came when the pyre was ignited by two disci- ples and the master jumped into it, invoking the paternal and maternal spirits. That provokes Lucian's laughter once more, as he recalls the story of the patri- cide. He called on those standing around to leave the dismal place: "It is truly not a charming sight to view a fried- up old manikin and, in doing so, to breathe in the foul fat-vapors. " (I quote here the juicier translation of Bernay in Lucian und die Kyniker [1879]. )
Of course, we must not judge Lucian solely on the basis of this scene. We have probably come upon him in his weakest moment, in the middle of a group-
23
dynamic wrangle with a rival, on whom he projects all of his contempt.
scene is important for us because in it the leap of the kynical impulse from a ple- beian, humorous culture-critique to a cynical ruler's satire can be observed. Lu- cian's laughter remains a nuance too shrill to be serene; it reveals more hate than sovereignty. In it there is the sarcasm of someone who feels himself put on the spot. When the kynics attacked the Roman state, Hellenic civilization, and the psychology of ambitious and comfortable citizens, they shook the social founda- tions on which the existence of the highly cultivated ironist also rested.
Mephistopheles, or: The Spirit that Always Denies and the Will to Knowledge
THE MASTER: I have never despised your kind. Of all spirits that deny,
The rogue weighs least heavily on my mind.
The
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MEPH1STOPHELES: What, executioner! Of course, hands and feet And head and behind, they are yours.
Since Lucian's appearance as cynical satirist who jeers at the kynical sect, one and a half millennia have passed. Through all the changes in world history-the decline of the western Roman Empire, the Christianization of the Occident, the rise of feudalism, the age of chivalry, the Reformation, Renaissance, Absolutism, the rise of the bourgeoisie--the kynical impulse has continued in the most varied refractions and disguises. Goethe's famous theatrical devil meets us at the zenith of the Enlightenment, in that decade of the eighteenth century when the Sturm und Drang of the awakening bourgeois culture was at its most explosive. Mephistopheles appears in the stormy years of secularization that begin to liqui- date the thousand-year-old inheritance of Christianity. The essence of the bour- geois cultural revolution in the eighteenth century is characterized perhaps more than anything else by the fact that with the greatest poet of the age, it embodies itself in the figure of a devil that, like Satan, enjoys the freedom to say things "as they really are. " The Devil is the first post-Christian realist; his freedom to speak must still seem infernal to older contemporaries. When the Devil opens his mouth to say how it really is in the world, the old Christian metaphysics, theology, feu- dal morality are swept away. If his horns and claws are also taken away, there remains of Mephistopheles nothing more than a bourgeois philosopher: realist, antimetaphysicist, empiricist, positivist. Not by chance did Faust, the epitome of the modern researcher from the sixteenth to the nineteenth centuries, seal a pact with a devil of this kind. Only from the Devil can one learn "how things really are. " Only he has an interest in making us take off the religious spectacles and see with our own eyes. In this way, the idea of "God the Father, Son, & Co. "
becomes superfluous.
Mephistopheles is a fluorescent being who lives entirely in his metamor- phoses. He emerges from a dog. For his first appearance, the Devil chooses the symbol of the kynical sect of philosophers. Recall that Faust, at the nadir of his "theoretical despair," had decided to kill himself. The choirs of Easter night hold him back from his intention at the very point when the ampoule of poison is al- ready touching his lips. He returns to life. On his Easter stroll, he meditates on
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the dual nature of his soul. His thoughts on this can be read as the deep self- reflection of a bourgeois scientist: Within him there is struggle between realism and insatiability, the drive toward life and the longing for death, the "will to night" and the will to power, the sense for what is possible and the drive toward what is (still) impossible. In the dusk Faust sees a "black dog roaming through crop and stubble" that circles around the strollers in broad spiral movements. Faust imagines that he sees an inferno behind the animal; Wagner, however, re- mains blind to the magical manifestation. In the end, a black poodle lies before the scholar on its belly, tail wagging, well trained and apparently tame. In the
176 ? THE CABINET OF CYNICS
study, finally, the real metamorphosis of Satan begins, as the thinker is on the verge of translating the Evangelium of Saint John into German. As soon as Faust has found the correct translation for the Greek concept logos (Tat), the dog starts yowling. Curious changes of form begin: "How long and broad my poodle is be- coming. " In the end, the "traveling scholastic" appears as the "heart of the matter" [des Pudels Kern; literally, the poodle's kernel; --Trans. ] and gradually reveals the Devil's claws. The sequence of the scene graphically depicts the dialectic of master and servant. The Devil cowers at first in the role of a dog, then of a ser- vant, in order, so he thinks, to ultimately win complete domination over the schol- ar's soul.
The metamorphosis from dog to monster, from monster to traveling scholastic is only the beginning of a rather long series of transformations. Mephistopheles
24
is like a master of disguise, an impostor, or a spy
survival of evil in the post-Christian era is that it conceal itself behind the ap- propriate fashionable and socially accepted masks of innocuousness. The feudal personification of "evil" as corporeal Satan is, so to speak, annulled in Goethe's ironic drama. The point of Goethe's theatrical devil, namely, is its modernization to the worldly grand seigneur--a tendency continued by Thomas Mann in Doktor Faustus. The Devil becomes a figure of immanence, and evil even gains sympathy through its civility. In Goethe's drama, even the witches have to look twice to see through the dissolute squire, Junker Liederlich. On one occasion he appears as a worldly court figure with doublet and plume. On the next, in the student scene, he dons the costume of the great scholar, in order to parody the scholar's learned- ness in a satire inspired by a cynicism of knowledge -- the most malicious improvi- zation of a Gay Science before Nietzsche. Finally, he appears as an elegant gen-
tleman and magician who knows how to speak quick wittedly with procuresses, and as a fencing master, he instructs Faust on how he can expedite his lover's brother, who has become burdensome, into eternity. Impudent cheekiness and cold sarcasm belong inevitably to the attributes of the modern, "immanent" devil, just as much as cosmopolitanism, linguistic competence, cultivation, and legal understanding. (Contracts have to be made in writing. )
This modernization of evil does not arise from a poet's whim. Even though it is presented poetically-ironically, it rests on a solid logical basis. In the frame- work of modern forms of consciousness, art is in no way "merely" the locus or the beautiful and the amusing, but one of the most important points of access for research into what is traditionally called truth--truth in the sense of a perspective
was
on the whole, truth as understanding the essence of the world. "Great Art"
2always a pandemonic art that tried to capture the "theater of the world. "
is rooted the philosophical prominence of works of art such as Faust. At the point where traditional metaphysics fails -- in interpreting evil in the world--because the Christian background of these metaphysics with its optimism of salvation has faded, art jumps into the breach. Seen from the viewpoint of the history of ideas,
because the condition for the
Herein
THE CABINET OF CYNICS ? 177
? Gustav Grundgens in the role of Mephistophiles in Goethe's Faust.
Mephistopheles (whom I regard as a central figure of modern aesthetics) is a child of the idea of development, through which, in the eighteenth century, the age-old questions concerning the theodicy and the transience of phenomena can be posed in a new form and answered with a new logic. So much is certain: that from this time on, evil in the world--death, destruction, and negativities of all kinds-can no longer be interpreted as the punitive or testing interventions of God in human history, as was done by the centuries of Christianity. The secularization, naturali- zation, and objectification of our understanding of the world has made too much progress for theological answers to still be able to satisfy. For more fully devel- oped reason these have become not only logically untenable but, what is more important, existentially implausible. God, devil, and the entire theological nomenclature can at best be taken only symbolically. This is precisely
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what Goethe's drama attempts. It plays with the theological figures under "poetic license. " His irony seizes on a degenerated system of plausibility only to use the old characters to erect a new logic, a new system of meaning. In substance, it is the same logic that underlies the Hegelian conception of the world and of history, the logic of evolution, the logic of a positive dialectic that promises constructive destruction.
This thought model guarantees a new era of metaphysical specula- tion. It is borne by the powerful modern evidence that the world moves and that
26
its movement is forward and upward.
Perspective as the necessary price for development, which leads inexorably from the dark beginnings toward radiant goals. Enlightenment is not merely a theory ? f light but, still more, a theory of the movement toward light-optics, dynamics,
Suffering in the world appears from this
Is my proper element.
178 D THE CABINET OF CYNICS
organology, theory of evolution. Goethe's devil already practices this new way of seeing that, as we will show, constitutes a foundation of all great modern the- ories that are at least tempted by cynicism. In evolutionism lies the logical root of theorizing cynicisms that cast grand rulers' gazes on reality. In the sciences the- ories of evolution take over the metaphysical inheritance. Only they possess enough logical power to integrate with a comprehensive view the evil, degenera- tion, death, pain, the whole gamut of negativities inflicted on the living. Those who say "development" and affirm the goals of development have found a per- spective that can justify whatever serves development. Evolution (progress) is thus the modern theodicy; it provides the final logical underpinnings for the nega- tive. In the evolutionist's view of what must suffer and perish, modern intellectual cynicism already plays its ineluctable game; for it, the dead are the manure of the future. The death of others appears as the ontological and logical premise for the success of "one's own cause. " In an incomparable manner, Goethe has the Devil express the metaphysically permeated confidence in life of the newly con- ceived dialectic.
FAUST: Very well, who are you then? MEPHISTOPHELES: A part of that force,
that always wills evil and always creates good. FAUST: What is meant by this riddle? MEPHISTOPHELES: I am the spirit that constantly denies,
And that rightly so; for everything which arises, Is worthy of perishing!
Therefore, it would be better if nothing arose. Thus, everything which you call
Sin, destruction, in short, evil,
27
As far as the history of the kynical impulse is concerned, whose tracks we are following, Mephistopheles occupies an ambiguous position within it: with his grand seigneur side, just as with his proclivity for grand theory, he is a cynic; with his plebeian, realistic, and sensuously joyful side, he is kynically oriented. One of the paradoxes of this wordly and ordinary devil of evolution, who can also imitate Eulenspiegel, is that, in relation to Doctor Faust, he is the real enlight- ener. The scholar possesses a series of traits that today would be readily desig- nated as antienlightenment: the esoteric urge to communicate with the spirits be- yond. Interests in magic, and a questionable taste for crossing the limits of huma" reason and demanding too much of it. The person who is not satisfied with tn deficient rationalism and empiricism of human knowledge will really say in tttf end: "Here I stand, a fool so poor; I am as wise as I was before. " At the end o
l wan
the great will to knowledge there is of necessity always "theoretical despair. thinker's heart burns when he realizes that we cannot know what we "really"
'
THE CABINET OF CYNICS D 179
w) w. Faust is basically a desperate Kantian who tries to escape the compulsion self-limitation through a magical backdoor. The urge to go beyond the limit emains stronger than the insight into the limitedness of our knowledge. In Faust can already see what Nietzsche and, later, pragmatism will emphasize: that the will to knowledge is always nourished by a will to power. For this reason, ? he will to knowledge can never come to rest in knowledge itself; its urge, accord- ing to its roots, is immeasurable because, behind every knowledge, new puzzles mount up: A priori, knowledge wants to know more. "What one does not know, that is precisely what is needed. / And what one knows, cannot be used. " Wanting-to-know is an offspring of the desire for power, the striving for expan- sion, existence, sexuality, pleasure, enjoyment of the self, and for anesthetizing the necessity of dying. Whatever presents itself as theoretical enlightenment and research, in the nature of things, can never reach its alleged goals because these
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do not belong to the theoretical sphere.
For those who realize this the scientific impulse becomes an aesthetic impulse.
Art is the real Gay Science: It stands, as the last guarantor of a sovereign and realistic consciousness, between religion and science. However, it does not have to, like the former, appeal to faith, but has experience and the vitality of the senses on its side; on the other hand, it does not have to treat the empirically given in such a rigorously truncating way as the latter. The Devil, who, in Goethe's work, guarantees the principle of morally unrestricted experience, entices the despair- ing enlightener into the broad field of life: "So that you, without bonds, free / Ex- perience what life is. " What has been called the amoralism of art-to be allowed to see and say everything -- is really only the obverse side of this new, total empiri- cism. Those who have experienced the despair of the impossible will to knowl- edge can become free for the adventure of conscious living. Experience will never be entirely absorbed by theory-- as presupposed by consistent rationalists.
Experience what life is! The principle of experience, in the last analysis, bursts
all moralism, including that of the scientific method. What life is is grasped by
the researcher not in the theoretical attitude but solely through the leap into life
itself. Mephistopheles serves those who want to take the step beyond theory as
"? agister Ludi: He introduces them to the process of a kynical and cynical empiri-
cism from which alone life experience arises. Come what may, whether morally
good or evil, that is no longer the question. Scientists who hide their will to power
rom themselves and conceive of experience only as knowledge about "objects" o-nnot achieve that knowledge acquired by accumulating experience in the form
aUt a me
journey to the "real" things. For the empirical amoralist, life is not an object
Ves
. kynical empiricists inevitably encounter what is commonly called evil. >wever, they experience in so-called evil an unavoidable side; that puts them 8 t m the middle and above it at the same time. Evil appears to them as some-
29
As soon as they consciously experience their entanglement in the fate of other
dium, a journey, a practical essay, a project of alert existence.
180 ? THE CABINET OF CYNICS
thing that by its very nature, cannot be anything other than what it is. The proto- types of this "evil," which is stronger than morality (which demands only that the former ought not to be), are free sexuality, aggression, and unconsciousness (in- sofar as the last is to blame for fateful entanglements; compare the model tragedy of unconscious action, Oedipus Rex).
The greatest of all moral shamelessnesses and simultaneously the most un- avoidable of all is to be a survivor. Over shorter or longer causal chains, every living person is a sur-vivor [Uberlebener, literally, over-liver; --Trans. ] whose acts and omissions are connected to the downfall of others. Where such causal chains remain short and direct, one speaks of guilt; where they are more medi- ated, of guiltless guilt or tragedy; where they are strongly mediated, indirect and
30
universal, of bad conscience, uneasiness, tragic feeling toward life.
Faust, too, does not escape this experience. For he becomes not only the se- ducer and lover of Gretchen, but also the one who survives her. Pregnant by him, she murders the child of this love in despair. For her, out of good has come evil, out of sexual surrender, social scandal. The causality of fate, which arises from the mechanism of morality, rolls over her with merciless consistency; despair, confusion, murder, execution. The tragedy can be read as a passionate poetical plea for the widening of moral consciousness: Art is critique of naive, mechani- cal, reactive consciousness. Under the presupposition of naivete, disastrous con- sequences must follow repeatedly from the feelings, morals, identifications, and passions of human beings; only in naivete and unconsciousness can mechanical- moral causality make its game of individuals. But in contrast to Gretchen, who is destroyed by the "tragic" mechanisms, Faust has a master teacher at his side
who keeps him out of the possible causalities of blind, naive despair.
But you are otherwise rather bedeviled. I find nothing in the world more absurd Than a devil who despairs.
In vain Faust imprecates his teacher, who inflicts on him the pain of experienc- ing himself as an accomplice devil. He would gladly banish the Devil back into the shape of the kynical dog, or still further, into that of the snake. But all paths
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back to naivete are closed to him. He has gained the Mephistophelian conscious- ness for himself, which demands that whatever human beings can know about themselves, they should in fact know; it breaks the spell of the unconscious. The aesthetic amoralism of great art implies a school of becoming conscious: Morality works on in naive consciousness like a part of the unconscious; what is uncon- scious, mechanical, unfree in our behavior is the real evil.
Mephisto, as we said, possesses the profile of a kynical enlightener and thus displays a knowledge gained only by those who have risked having a perspective
31
ity, where, emphatically, moral inhibitions must first be left behind in order, lik
on things that is free of morality.
This is shown nowhere better than with sexual- e
THE CABINET OF CYNICS ? 181
Faust, "without bonds, free," to experience what life is. Mephisto is the first sex- ual positivist in our literature; his way of seeing is already that of sexual kynicism. "It is true, a child is a child, and play is play. " For him it is no secret how the clockwork in the man, Faust, can be wound up: "Only" the vision of the naked woman within him has to be awaked --in modern language, the erotic illusion, the "imago," the sought-after ideal, the sexual schema. The elixir of youth awakes the drive that makes every woman as desirable as Helen. The person who falls in love, as suggested by Goethe's irony, is basically the victim of a chemical reac- tion. More modern cynics or playboys assure us that love is nothing more than
32
a hormonal disturbance.
literarily, belongs to satire; existentially, to nihilism; epistemologically, to reduc- tionism; metaphysically, to (vulgar) materialism. As serene materialist, Mephistopheles professes the animal compulsiveness of love. "Custom or not, it passes too. " Whatever may occur to love-smitten fools by way of elevated gush- ing does not count, insofar as one as proper diabolus always thinks only of one thing: "what chaste hearts cannot do without. "
The attitude of the critical Devil toward the sciences is scarcely less lacking in respect. The entire lifeless, logically ossified, conceptual casuistry of learned stuff does not suit him. If empiricism is his program, then in the kynical, vital form: head over heels into a full life, let one's own experience be the ultimate criterion. His speech encourages one to risk experience, and because he distin- guishes sharply between the gray of theory and the green of life, he finds none of the academic forms of teaching to this taste. Professors are the fools of their own doctrinal structures, in modern language, accessories to their "discourses. " In all faculties vain babblers hang around, who complicate the simplest things to the point of unrecognizability, the jurists no less than the philosophers, the the- ologians by profession, and the medicos with a vengeance.
As a cynical gynecologist, Mephisto relates the pernicious old proverb that all
female diseases are to be "cured from one point. " Our theory devil can, of course,
expect more applause when he brings his semantic cynicism (today: language cri-
tique) into play against the pseudologies and arrogated terminologies of the dis-
ciplines. He sees that incomprehension likes to take refuge in words and that igno-
rance can keep itself afloat longest by having command of a jargon. The Devil
expresses what students feel: that "doctoral stupidity" (Flaubert) is part and parcel
? r the university, which, safe from discovery, smugly reproduces itself there,
what this devil presents in the Collegium logicum (students' scene) on the subject
0n
The cynical bite lies in the "nothing more," which,
the language of philosophers and theologians amounts to a poetical nominalism at stands up to the most rigorous logical reconstruction.
If one takes stock, one recognizes that Goethe's Mephistopheles, in spite of all symbolic concessions, is basically already no longer a Christian devil, but a post- hnstian figure with pre-Christian traits. The modern side in him touches on a actualized antiquity: Dialectic evolutionism (positive destruction, evil that is
re
182 D THE CABINET OF CYNICS
good) touches on a philosophical conception of nature that has more to do with Thales of Miletus and Heraclitus than with Kant and Newton.
The Grand Inquisitor, or: The Christian Statesman as Jesus Hunter and the Birth of the Institutional Doctrine out of the Spirit of Cynicism
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That's it precisely, the "but". . . called Ivan. So that you know, novice: What is senseless is all too necessary on earth. The world is based on the senseless, and without it, probably nothing at all would happen on earth. I know what I know! . . .
. . . According to my lamentable, earthly, Euclidean un- derstanding, I know only that suffering exists but no one is guilty, that everything follows immediately and simply one from the other, that everything flows and evens itself out-- but that is only Euclidean nonsense . . . . What do I gain by the fact that there are no guilty ones, that everything follows immedi- ately and simply one from the other and that I know that--I need retribution, otherwise I will annihilate myself . . . Lis- ten: If all have to suffer and with their suffering procure eter- nal harmony, what do children have to do with that? --Why have they too been caught up in the material and have to serve as the manure for someone's future harmony? Dostoyevsky, The Brothers Karamazov
Dostoyevsky's gloomy Grand Inquisitor, too, is only apparently a figure of the Christian Middle Ages, just as Goethe's Mephistopheles is only apparently still a Christian devil. In reality, both belong to the modernity of the nineteenth cen- tury, the one as aesthetician and evolutionist, the other as representative of a new, cynical political conservatism. Like Faust, the Grand Inquisitor is a retrospective projection of advanced ideological tensions from the nineteenth into the sixteenth century. Intellectually as well as chronologically, he stands closer to figures like Hitler and Goebbels, Stalin and Lunacharsky than to the historical Spanish Inqui- sition. But is it not frivolous to place an honorable Christian cardinal in such com- pany? The defamation weighs heavily and must be justified by strong evidence. This is provided by the Grand Inquisitor's story, as Ivan Karamazov tells it.
The cardinal and Grand Inquisitor of Seville, an ascetic old man of ninety years within whom all life seems to be extinguished except in his eyes a dark em- ber still glows, one day became --as Ivan says in his "fantastic poem"--a witness to the return of Christ. Before the cathedral, Jesus had repeated his miracle of long ago and, with a soft word, had brought a dead child to life. It seems as it the old man had immediately comprehended the significance of this act, but his
THE CABINET OF CYNICS ? 183
reaction is paradoxical. Instead of paying homage to the returned Lord, he points his bony finger at him and orders the watchman to arrest the man and lock him up in the vault of the Holy Tribunal. In the night, the old man descends the stairs to Jesus in the dungeon and says:
" 'Is it you? You? '
"But receiving no answer, he adds quickly: 'Do not answer, be si-
lent. And, indeed, what can you say? I know too well what you would say. Besides, you have no right to add anything to what you have said already in the days of old. Why, then, did you come to disrupt us? For you have come to disrupt and you know it. But do you know what is going to happen tomorrow? I know not who you are and I don't want to know: whether it is you or only someone who looks like him, I do not know, but tomorrow I shall condemn you and burn you at the stake as the vilest of heretics, and the same people who today kissed your feet, will at the first sign from me rush to rake up the coals at your stake tomorrow. Do you know that? Yes, perhaps you do know it . . . ' " (Trans. David Magarshack [Harmondsworth, 1958], p. 293, modified)
Those who find the Grand Inquisitor's behavior strange will be even more curi- ous about the meaning of the event when they have understood the decisive point with the greatest possible sharpness: In the thinking and action of the old man there is not a trace of dimness or blindness, no error and no misunderstanding. What Jesus had assumed about his crucifiers as grounds for forgiveness --"for they know not what they do"--can in no way be applied to the churchman. He knows what he is doing and he knows it with a downright shocking clarity, regarding which the only remaining question is whether it should be called tragic or cynical. If the Grand Inquisitor knows what he is doing, then he must be acting for reasons of overpowering gravity, reasons that are strong enough to dislodge the religious faith he outwardly represents. The old man does in fact give Jesus his reasons. To be concise, his speech is the reply of a politician to the founder of a religion. Seen somewhat more deeply, it is a settling of accounts of anthropol- ogy with theology, of administration with emancipation, of the institution with the individual.
We have just heard the main accusation against the returned one: He has come
to disrupt. " In what? The Inquisitor blames his Savior for returning precisely at
that moment when the Catholic Church, through the terror of the Inquisition, was
about to stamp out the last sparks of Christian freedom and was almost able to
delude itself into believing that it had completed its work: establishing domination
"rough the "true religion. " Having become completely unfree (in the religious-
Political sense), the people of this time are more than ever convinced that they
a
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Wl
H make us free? The Grand Inquisitor, however, can see through this decep-
re free. Did they not possess the truth? Had not Christ promised that the truth
184 ? THE CABINET OF CYNICS
tion. He is proud of his realism; as representative of the victorious church, he claims not only to have completed Jesus' work but still more, to have improved it! For Jesus, so he says, did not know how to think politically and had not com- prehended what human nature in a political respect required: namely, domina- tion. In the speech of Dostoyevsky's cardinal to his silent prisoner, we discover one of the origins of modern institutionalism, which, in this passage, and perhaps only in this passage, admits in a remarkably open way its cynical basis in con- scious deception that appeals to necessity. The powerful, according to Dostoyevsky's profound and vertiginous reflections, make the following calcu- lations:
Only a few possess the courage to be free, as Jesus demonstrated when he an- swered the question of the tempter in the desert (concerning why he did not, al- though he was hungry, transform stones into bread): "Man does not live by bread alone. " Only a few have the power to overcome hunger. The many, in all ages, will reject the offer of freedom in the name of bread. In other words, people in general are in search of disburdenment, ease, comfort, routine, security. Those invested with power can, in all ages, confidently assume that the great majority have a horror of freedom and know no deeper urge than to surrender their free- dom, to erect prisons around themselves, and to subjugate themselves to idols old and new. What can the master Christians, the representatives of a religion of free- dom, do in such a situation? The Grand Inquisitor understands his assuming power as a kind of self-sacrifice.
"But we shall tell them that we do your bidding and rule in your name. We shall deceive them again, for we shall not let you come near us again. That deception will be our suffering, for we shall be forced to lie. " (Ibid. , p. 297)
We are witnesses here of a unique, strangely convoluted thought experiment in which the paradoxes of modern conservatism are hatched. The churchman raises an anthropological protest against the unreasonable demand of freedom that the founder of the religion has left behind. For human life, frail as it is, needs first of all an ordered framework of habit, certainty, law, and tradition --in a word, social institutions. With breathtaking cynicism the Grand Inquisitor ac- cuses Jesus not of having abolished the discomfort of freedom but of having ag- gravated it. He has not accepted human beings as they are but has overstrained them with his love. To this extent, the later masters of the church have superseded Christ in their sort of love of humanity-which is thoroughly pervaded by con- tempt and realism. For they take human beings as they are: childlike and childish, indolent and weak. The system of a ruling church, however, can only be erected on the shoulders of people who take the moral burden of conscious deception on themselves, that is, priests who consciously preach the opposite of the actual teachings of Christ, which they have understood precisely. To be sure, they speak
THE CABINET OF CYNICS ? 185
the Christian language of freedom, but they serve the system of needs --bread, order, power, law --that makes people submissive. The concept of freedom, as the Grand Inquisitor knows, is the fulcrum in the system of oppression: The more repressive it is (Inquisition, etc. ), the more violently must the rhetoric of freedom be hammered into people's heads. Precisely this is the ideological stamp of all modern conservatisms in the East as well as in the West. They are all based on pessimistic anthropologies according to which the striving for freedom is nothing more than a dangerous illusion, a mere basically insubstantial urge that glosses over the necessary and ineluctable institutional ("bound") character of human life. Wherever in the world today theories of freedom and emancipation make them- selves heard, they are repudiated with words like the following from the Grand Inquisitor.
