No More Learning

inflicted on them a signal defeat; in the year 404, when
they even spent the winter encamped upon the Alban mount and joined with the Greek pirates along the coast for plunder, till Lucius Furius Camillus, the son of the celebrated general, in the following year dislodged them- an incident which came to the ears of Aristotle who was
884 322 contemporary (370-432) in Athens. But these predatory expeditions, formidable and troublesome as they may have been, were rather incidental misfortunes than events of political significance; and their most essential result was, that the Romans were more and more regarded by them selves and by foreigners as the bulwark of the civilized nations of Italy against the onset of the dreaded barbarians --—a view which tended more than is usually supposed to further their subsequent claim to universal empire.
Further conquests of Rome in Etruria.
South Etruria Roman.
The Tuscans, who had taken advantage of the Celtic attack on Rome to assail Veii, had accomplished nothing, because they had appeared in insufficient force; the barbarians had scarcely departed, when the heavy arm of Latium descended on the Tuscans with undiminished weight. After the Etruscans had been repeatedly defeated, the whole of southern Etruria as far as the Ciminian hills remained in the hands of the Romans, who formed four new
387. tribes in the territories of Veii, Capena, and Falerii (36 7), and secured the northern boundary by establishing the . 383. 378. fortresses of Sutrium (371) and Nepete (381). With rapid
steps this fertile region, covered with Roman colonists, 358. became completely Romanized. About 396 the nearest Etruscan towns, Tarquinii, Caere, and Falerii, attempted to
revolt against the Roman encroachments, and the deep ex~ asperation which these had aroused in Etruria was shown by the slaughter of the whole of the Roman prisoners taken in the first campaign, three hundred and seven in number, in
can. rv THE CELTS
433
the market-place of Tarquinii; but it was the exasperation
of impotence. In the peace (403) Caere, which as situated 851. nearest to the Romans suffered the heaviest retribution,
was compelled to cede half its territory to Rome, and with
the diminished domain which was left to it to withdraw
from the Etruscan league, and to enter into the relationship
of subjects to Rome which had in the meanwhile been constituted primarily for individual Latin communities. It seemed, however, not advisable to leave to this more remote community alien in race from the Roman such communal independence as was still retained by the subject communities of Latium; the Caerite community received the Roman franchise not merely without the privilege of electing or of being elected at Rome, but also subject to the withholding of self. administration, so that the place of magistrates of its own was as regards justice and
the census taken by those of Rome, and a representative (pragfatus) of the Roman praetor conducted the adminis tration on the spot-a form of subjection, which in state
law first meets us here, whereby a state which had hitherto been independent became converted into a community continuing to subsist de jure, but deprived of all power of movement on its own part. Not long afterwards (411) 343, Falerii, which had preserved its original Latin nationality
even under Tuscan rule, abandoned the Etruscan league
and entered into perpetual alliance with Rome; and thereby the whole of southern Etruria became in one form
or other subject to Roman supremacy. In the case of Tarquinii and perhaps of northern Etruria generally, the Romans were content with restraining them for a lengthened period by a treaty of peace for 400 months (403). 851.
In northern Italy likewise the peoples that had come Racificl into collision and conflict gradually settled on a permanent
footing and within more defined limits. The migrations Italy. over the Alps ceased, partly perhaps in consequence of the
v01. 1 28
434
FALL OF THE ETRUSCAN POWER B00: 11
desperate defence which the Etruscans made in their more restricted home, and of the serious resistance of the power ful Romans, partly perhaps also in consequence of changes unknown to us on the north of the Alps. Between the Alps and the Apennines, as far south as the Abruzzi, the Celts were now generally the ruling nation, and they were masters more especially of the plains and rich pastures; but from the lax and superficial nature of their settlement their dominion took no deep root in the newly acquired land and by no means assumed the shape of exclusive
How matters stood in the Alps, and to what extent Celtic settlers became mingled there with earlier Etruscan or other stocks, our unsatisfactory information as to the nationality of the later Alpine peoples does not permit us to ascertain; only the Raeti in the modern Grisons and Tyrol may be described as a probably
Etruscan stock. The Umbrians retained the valleys of the Apennines, and the Veneti, speaking a different language, kept possession of the north-eastern portion of the valley of the Po. Ligurian tribes maintained their footing in the western mountains, dwelling as far south as Pisa and Arezzo, and separating the Celt-land proper from Etruria. The Celts dwelt only in the intermediate flat country, the Insubres and Cenomani to the north of the Po, the Boii to the south, and-not to mention smaller tribes-the Senones on the coast of the Adriatic, from Ariminum to Ancona, in the so-called “country of the Gauls” (ager Galliaus). But even there Etruscan settle
ments must have continued partially at least to subsist, somewhat as Ephesus and Miletus remained Greek under the supremacy of the Persians. Mantua at any rate, which was protected by its insular position, was a Tuscan city even in the time of the empire, and Atria on the Po also, where numerous discoveries of vases have been made, appears to have retained its Etruscan character; the
possession.
can. IV THE CELTS
435
description of the coasts that goes under the name of Scylax, composed about 418, calls the district of Atria and 386. Spina Tuscan land. This alone, moreover, explains how Etruscan corsairs could render the Adriatic unsafe till far into the fifth century, and why not only Dionysius of Syracuse covered its coasts with colonies, but even Athens,
as a remarkable document recently discovered informs us, resolved about 429 to establish a colony in the Adriatic 825. for the protection of seafarers against the Tyrrhene pirates.
But while more or less of an Etruscan character con tinued to mark these regions, it was confined to isolated remnants and fragments of their earlier power; the Etruscan nation no longer reaped the benefit of such gains as were still acquired there by individuals in peaceful commerce or in maritime war. On the other hand it was probably from these half-free Etruscans that the germs
of such civilization as we subsequently find among the Celts and Alpine peoples in general (p. 278). The very fact that the Celtic hordes in the plains of Lombardy, to use the language of the so-called Scylax, abandoned their warrior-life and took to permanent settle ment, must in part be ascribed to this influence; the rudiments moreover of handicrafts and arts and the alphabet came to the Celts in Lombardy, and in fact to the Alpine peoples as far as the modern Styria, through the medium of the Etruscans.
Thus the Etruscans, after the loss of their possessions Etruria in Campania and of the whole district to the north of the 52:12:22;
and to the south of the Ciminian Forest, on the remained restricted to very narrow bounds; their season of dame‘ power and of aspiration had for ever passed away. The
closest reciprocal relations subsisted between this external
decline and the internal decay of the nation, the seeds of
which indeed were doubtless already deposited at a far
earlier period. The Greek authors of this age are full of
proceeded
Apennines
436
FALL OF THE ETRUSCAN POWER BOOK I!
descriptions of the unbounded luxury of Etruscan life 2 poets of Lower Italy in the fifth century of the city celebrate the Tyrrhenian wine, and the contemporary historians Timaeus and Theopompus delineate pictures of Etruscan unchastity and of Etruscan banquets, such as fall nothing short of the worst Byzantine or French demoraliza tion. Unattested as may be the details in these accounts, the statement at least appears to be well founded, that the detestable amusement of gladiatorial combats-the gangrene of the later Rome and of the last epoch of
antiquity generally-first came into vogue among the Etruscans. At any rate on the whole they leave no doubt as to the deep degeneracy of the nation. It pervaded even its political condition. As far as our scanty informa tion reaches, we find aristocratic tendencies prevailing, in the same way as they did at the same period in Rome, but more harshly and more perniciously. The abolition of royalty, which appears to have been carried out in all the cities of Etruria about the time of the siege of Veii, called into existence in the several cities a patrician government, which experienced but slight restraint from the laxity of the federal bond. That bond but seldom succeeded in combining all the Etruscan cities even for the defence of the land, and the nominal hegemony of Volsinii does not admit of the most remote comparison with the energetic vigour which the leadership of Rome communicated to the
Latin nation. The struggle against the exclusive claim put forward by the old burgesses to all public offices and to all public usufructs, which must have destroyed even the Roman state, had not its external successes enabled it in some measure to satisfy the demands of the oppressed proletariate at the expense of foreign nations and to open up other paths to ambition-that struggle against the exclusive rule and (what was specially prominent in
Etruria) the priestly monopoly of the clan-nobility-must
can. IV THE CELTS
437
have ruined Etruria politically, economically, and morally. Enormous wealth, particularly in landed property, became concentrated in the hands of a few nobles, while the masses
were impoverished ; the social revolutions which thence
arose increased the distress which they sought to remedy;
and, in consequence of the impotence of the central power,
no course at last remained to the distressed aristocrats
e. g. in Arretium in 45 3, and in Volsinii in 488—but to call 801. 266. in the aid of the Romans, who accordingly put an end to
the disorder but at the same time extinguished the remnant of independence. The energies of the nation were broken from the day of Veii and Melpum. Earnest attempts were still once or twice made to escape from ‘the Roman supremacy, but in such instances the stimulus was com municated to the Etruscans from without-from another
Italian stock, the Samnites.
Thehege many of Rome over lznhnn
THE great achievement of the regal period was the establish ment of the sovereignty of Rome over Latium under the form of hegemony. It is in the nature of the case evident
438 SUBJUGATION
OF THE LATINS BOOK ll
SUBJUGATXON
CHAPTER V
or THE LATINS AND CAMPANIANS BY ROME
shaken and that the change in the constitution of Rome could not but re-estab
lbhe¢
499! 496!
affect both the relations of the Roman state towards Latium and the internal organization of the Latin communities themselves; and that it did so, is obvious from tradition. The fluctuations which the revolution in Rome occasioned in the Romano-Latin confederacy are attested by the legend, unusually vivid and various in its hues, of the victory at the lake Regillus, which the dictator or consul Aulus Postumius (2 5 5? 258 ? ) is said to have gained over the Latins with the help of the Dioscuri, and still more definitely by the renewal of the perpetual league between Rome and Latium by Spurius Cassius in his
powerfully
493. second consulate (261). These narratives, however, give us no information as to the main matter, the legal relation between the new Roman republic and the Latin con federacy; and what from other sources we learn regarding that relation comes to us without date, and can only be inserted here with an approximation to probability.
The nature of a hegemony implies that it becomes gradually converted into sovereignty by the mere inward force of circumstances; and the Roman hegemony over
CBAP. v AND CAMPANIAN S BY ROME
439
Latium formed no exception to the rule. It was based Original
upon the essential equality of rights between the Roman equality of rights
state on the one side and the Latin confederacy on the between
but at least in matters of war and the Rome and Iatium.
other
treatment of the acquisitions thereby made this relation between the single state on the one hand and the league of states on the other virtually involved hegemony. According to the original constitution of the league not only was the right of making wars and treaties with foreign states-in other words, the full right of political self determination—reserved in all probability both to Rome and to the individual towns of the Latin league; and when
130)
joint war took place, Rome and Latium probably furnished the like contingent, each, as rule, an “army” of 8400 men but the chief command was held by the Roman general, who then nominated the olficers of the staff, and so the leaders~of-division (trz'bum' mih'tum), according to his own choice. In case of victory the moveable part of the spoil, as well as the conquered territory, was shared between Rome and the confederacy; when the establish ment of fortresses in the conquered territory was resolved on, their garrisons and population were composed partly of Roman, partly of confederate colonists; and not only so, but the newly-founded community was received as a sovereign federal state into the Latin confederacy and furnished with seat and vote in the Latin diet.
These stipulations must probably even in the regal Encroach.
period, certainly in the republican epoch, have undergone ments on that
alteration more and more to the disadvantage of the con- equality of federacy and to the further development of the hegemony rights.
of Rome. The earliest that fell into abeyance was beyond As to Wm doubt the right of the confederacy to make wars and $2,,‘
The original equality of the two armies
5:; viii. 14, and Dionys. 15; but most clearly from Polyb. vi. a6.
evident from Liv.
I 8,
a ;1
is
i.
a
(p. ;
a
a
in
44° SUBJUGATION
OF THE LATINS aoox r!
treaties with foreigners;1 the decision of war and treaty
As to the passed once for all to Rome. The staff oflicers for the
oflicering of the army.
Latin troops must doubtless in earlier times have been likewise Latins ; afterwards for that purpose Roman citizens were taken, if not exclusively, at any rate predominantly. 2 On the other hand, afterwards as formerly, no stronger contingent could he demanded from the Latin confederacy as a whole than was furnished by the Roman community; and the Roman commander-in-chief was likewise bound not to break up the Latin contingents, but to keep the contingent sent by each community as a separate division of the army under the leader whom that community had appointed. 8 The right of the Latin confederacy to an equal share in the moveable spoil and in the conquered land continued to subsist in form; in reality, however, the substantial fruits of war beyond doubt went, even at an early period, to the leading state. Even in the founding of the federal fortresses or the so-called Latin colonies as a rule presumably most, and not unfrequently all, of the
1 Dionysius (viii. I5) expressly states, that in the later federal treaties between Rome and Latium the Latin communities were interdicted from calling out their contingents of their own motion and sending them into the field alone.
3 These Latin staff-officers were the twelve praefecti . totiorum, who subsequently, when the old phalanx had been resolved into the later legions and alae, had the charge of the two alas of the federal contingents, six to each ala, just as the twelve war-tribunes of the Roman army had charge of the two legions, six to each legion. Polybius (vi. 26, 5) states that the consul nominated the former, as he originally nominated the latter. Now, as according to the ancient maxim of law, that every person under obligation of service might become an oflicer (p. 106), it was legally allowable for the general to appoint a Latin as leader of a Roman, as well as conversely a Roman as leader of a Latin, legion, this led to the practical result that the tribuni militum were wholly, and the
praefecti raciorum at least ordinarily, Romans.
‘ These were the decuflanes tumarum and fraefecti cohorlium (Polyb.
vi. :1, 5; Liv. xxv. r4; Sallust. Jug. 69, at 01. ) Of course, as the Roman consuls were in law and ordinarily also in fact commanders-in chief, the presidents of the community in the dependent towns also were perhaps throughout, or at least very frequently, placed at the head of the community-contingcnts (Liv. xxiii. r9; Orelli, Inur. 7022). indeed, the usual name given to the Latin magistrates (praetarer) indicates that they were oficers.
A: to ac qulsitionl in war.
CHAP. v AND CAMPANIANS BY ROME
44!
colonists were Romans; and although by the transfer ence they were converted from Roman burgesses into members of an allied community, the newly planted town ship in all probability frequently retained a preponderant -and for the confederacy dangerous-attachment to the real mother-city.
The rights, on the contrary, which were secured by the Private federal treaties to the individual burgess of one of the allied rights. communities in every city belonging to the league, under
went no restriction. These included, in particular, full equality of rights as to the acquisition of landed property
and moveable estate, as to trafiic and exchange, marriage and testament, and an unlimited liberty of migration; so that not only was a man who had burgess-rights in a town of the league legally entitled to settle in any other, but where ever he settled, he as a right'sharer (mum'cqis) participated in all private and political rights and duties with the ex ception of eligibility to office, and was even-although in a limited fashion-entitled to vote at least in the comitia tributa. 1
Of some such nature, in all probability, was the relation between the Roman community and the Latin confederacy in the first period of the republic. We cannot, however ascertain what elements are to be referred to earlier stipulations, and what to the revision of the alliance in 261.
With somewhat greater certainty the remodelling of the arrangements of the several communities belonging to the Latin confederacy, after the pattern of the consular
1 Such a metoikos was not like an actual burgess assigned to a specific
voting district once for all, but before each particular vote the district in
which the metoeci were upon that occasion to vote was fixed by lot. ties afier
In reality this probably amounted to the concession to the Latins of one vote in the Roman camih'a fributa. As a place in some tribe was a preliminary condition of the ordinary centuriate suffrage, if the metoen' shared in the voting in the assembly of the centuries—which we do not know—a similar allotment must have been fixed for the latter. In the curies they must have taken part like the plebeians.
493.
the Roman pattern.
Remodel ling ot' the arrange ments of the Latin communi
442 SUBJUGATION
OF THE LATINS BOOK ll
constitution in Rome, may be characterized as an innova tion and introduced in this connection. For, although the different communities may very well have arrived at the abolition of royalty in itself independently of each other 31 the identity in the appellation of the new annual kings in the Roman and other commonwealths of Latium, and the comprehensive application of the peculiar
of collegiateness,1 evidently point to some external connection. At some time or other after the expulsion of the Tarquins from Rome the arrangements of the Latin communities must have been throughout revised in accordance with the scheme of the consular constitution. This adjustment of the Latin constitutions in conformity with that of the leading city may possibly belong only to later period; but internal probability rather favours the supposition that the Roman nobility,
Ordinarily, as well known, the Latin communities were presided over by two praetors. Besides these there occur in several communities single magistrates, who in that case bear the title of dictator as in Alba (Orelli-Henzen, later. 2293), Tusculum (p. 445, note 2), Lanuvium (Cicero, pro Mil. 1o, 27; 17, 45; Asconius, in Mil. p. 32, OrelL; Orelli, n. 2786, 5157, 6086); Compitum (Orelli, 3324); Nomentum
(Orelli, 208, 6138, 7032; comp. Henzen, Bullett. 1858, 169); and Aricia (Orelli, n. 1455). To these falls to be added the similar dictator in the eivitas rine sufiagia of Caere (Orelli, n. 3787, 5772 also Garrucci Din. arc/l. p. 31, although erroneously placed after Sutrium); and further the officials of the like name at Fidenae (Orelli, 112). All these magistracies or priesthoods that originated in magistracies (the dictator of Caere to be explained in accordance with Liv. ix. 43 Anagninir magirtratibus praeter quam sacrorum curatiane inlerdictum), were annual (Orelli, 208). The statement of Macer likewise and of the annalists who borrowed from him, that Alba was at the time of its fall no longer under kings, but under annual directors (Dionys. v. 74; Plutarch, Romul. 27; Liv. 23), presumably a mere inference from the institution, with which he was acquainted, of the sacerdotal Alban dictatorship which was beyond doubt annual like that of Nomentum; a view in which, moreover, the democratic partisanship of its author may have come into play. It
may be question whether the inference valid, and whether, even if Alba at the time of its dissolution wa under rulers holding oflice for life, the abolition of monarchy in Rome might not subsequently lead to the conversion of the Alban dictatorship into an annual ofiice.
All these Iatin magistracies substantially coincide in reality, as well as specially in name, with the arrangement established in Rome by the revolution in a way which not adequately explained by the mere similarity of the political circumstances underlying them.
principle
is
i. a
is
i.
(p. 5),
is
is
:;
p. ;
1
is
a
CHAP- V AND CAMPANIANS BY ROME
443
after having effected the abolition of royalty for life at home, suggested a similar change of constitution to the communities of the Latin confederacy, and at length introduced aristocratic government everywhere in Latium notwithstanding the serious resistance, imperilling the stability of the Romano-Latin league itself, which seems to have been offered on the one hand by the expelled Tarquins, and on the other by the royal clans and by partisans well affected to monarchy in the other communi ties of Latium. The mighty development of the power of Etruria that occurred at this very time, the constant assaults of the Veientes, and the expedition of Porsena, may have materially contributed to secure the adherence of the Latin nation to the once-established form of union, or, in other words, to the continued recognition of the
of Rome, and disposed them for its sake to acquiesce in a change of constitution for which, beyond doubt, the way had been in many respects prepared even in the bosom of the Latin communities, nay perhaps to submit even to an enlargement of the rights of I hegemony.
supremacy
The permanently united nation was able not only to maintain, but also to extend on all sides its power. We have already (p. 414) mentioned that the Etruscans remained only for a short time in possession of supremacy over Latium, and that the relations there soon returned to the position in which they stood during the regal period; but it was not till more than a century after the expulsion of the kings from Rome that any real extension of the Roman boundaries took place in this direction.
With the Sabines who occupied the middle mountain
from the borders of the Umbrians down to the
region between the Tiber and the Anio, and who, at the Sabines. epoch when the history of Rome begins, penetrated
and conquering as far as Latium itself, the
range
fighting
223:“
Extension
253°“ Latium to
ihniiefitb.
Atthe
At the
Romans notwithstanding their immediate neighbourhood subsequently came comparatively little into contact. The feeble sympathy of the Sabines with the desperate re sistance offered by the neighbouring peoples in the east and south, is evident even from the accounts of the annals; and —what is of more importance—we find here no fortresses to keep the land in subjection, such as were so numerously established especially in the Volscian plain. Perhaps this lack of opposition was connected with the fact that the Sabine hordes probably about this very time poured them selves over Lower Italy. Allured by the pleasantness of the settlements on the Tifernus and Volturnus, they appear to have interfered but little in the conflicts of which the region to the south of the Tiber was the arena.
Far more vehement and lasting was the resistance of
444 SUBJUGATION
OF THE LATINS BOOK It
expense of the Aequi, who, having their settlements to the eastward of the Aequi
and Volsci. Rome as far as the valleys of the Turano and Salto and on the northern verge of the Fucine lake, bordered with the Sabines and Marsi,1 and of the Volsci, who to the south of the Rutuli settled around Ardea, and of the Latins extend ing southward as far as Cora, possessed the coast almost as far as the river Liris along with the adjacent islands and in the interior the whole region drained by the Liris. We do not intend to narrate the feuds annually renewed with these two peoples-feuds which are related in the Roman chronicles in such a way that the most insignificant foray is scarcely distinguishable from a momentous war, and historical connection is totally disregarded; it is suflicient to indicate the permanent results. We plainly perceive that it was the especial aim of the Romans and Latins
1 The country of the Aequi embraces not merely the valley of the Anio above Tibur and the territory of the later Latin colonies Carsioli (on the upper part of the Turano) and Alba (on the Fucine lake), but also the district of the later municipium of the Aequiculi, who are nothing but that remnant of the Aequi to which, after the subjugation by the Romans, and after the assignation of the largest portion of the territory to Roman or
Latin colonists, municipal independence was left.
CRAP. V AND CAMPANIAN S BY ROME
445
to separate the Aequi from the Volsci, and to become masters of the communications between them; in the region between the southern slope of the Alban range, the Volscian mountains and the Pomptine marshes, moreover,
the Latins and the Volscians appear to have come first
into contact and to have even had their settlements inter mingled. 1 In this region the Latins took the first steps beyond the bounds of their own land, and federal fortresses
on foreign soil-Latin colonies, as they were called-were
first established, namely: in the plain Velitrae (as is alleged, about 260) beneath the Alban range itself, and Suessa in the 494. Pomptine low lands, in the mountains Norba (as is alleged,
in 262) and Signia (alleged to have been strengthened in 492. 259), both of which lie at the points of connection between 495. the Aequian and Volscian territories. The object was League attained still more fully by the accession of the Hemici to with the
Hernici. the league of the Romans and Latins (268), an accession 486.
which isolated the Volscians completely, and provided the league with a bulwark against the Sabellian tribes dwelling on the south and east; it is easy therefore to perceive why this little people obtained the concession of full equality with the two others in counsel and in distribution of the
The feebler Aequi were thenceforth but little for midable; it was suflicient to undertake from time to time a plundering expedition against them. The Rutuli also, who bordered with Latium on the south in the plain along the coast, early succumbed; their town Ardea was converted into a Latin colony as early as 3n. 2 The Volscians
1 To all appearance Velitrae, although situated in the plain, was originally Volscian, and so a Latin colony; Cora, on the other hand, on the Volscian mountains, was originally Latin.
2 Not long afterwards must have taken place the founding of the Nemus Diarrae in the forest of Aricia, which, according to Cato's account (p. 12, Jordan), a Tusculan dictator accomplished for the urban com munities of old Latium, Tusculum, Aricia, Lanuvium, Laurentum, Cora, and Tibur, and of the two Latin colonies (which therefore stand last) Suessa Pometia and Ardea (popular Ardealir Rutulur). The absence of Praeneste and of the smaller communities of the old Latium shows, as was
spoil.
Crises within the Romano Latin league.
882.
waged no further wars against Rome.
But the more decided the successes that the league
of Romans, Latins, and Hernici achieved against the Etruscans, Aequi, Volsci, and Rutuli, the more that league became liable to disunion. The reason lay partly in the increase of the hegemonic power of Rome, of which we have already spoken as necessarily springing out of the existing circumstances, but which nevertheless was felt as a
implied in the nature of the case, that not all the communities of the Latin league at that time took part in the conseu'ation. That it falls before 372 is proved by the emergence of Pometia (p. 449), and the list quite accords with what can otherwise be ascertained as to the state of the league shortly after the accession of Ardea.
More credit may be given to the traditional statements regarding the years of the foundations than to most of the Oldest traditions, seeing that the numbering of the year aé urbe condita, common to the Italian cities, has to all appearance preserved, by direct tradition, the year in which the colonies were founded.
446 SUBJUGATION
OF THE LATINS BOOK II
opposed a more serious resistance. The first notable success, after those mentioned above, achieved over them by the Romans was, remarkably enough, the foundation of
893. Circeii in 361, which, as long as Antium and Tarracina continued free, can only have held communication with Latium by sea. Attempts were often made to occupy
467.
Antium, and one was temporarily successful in 287 ; but in 459. 295 the town recovered its freedom, and it was not till after the Gallic conflagration that, in consequence of a violent war 889-877 of thirteen years (365-377), the Romans gained a decided superiority in the Antiate and Pomptine territory. Satricum,
not far from Antium, was occupied with a Latin colony 885. in 369, and not long afterwards probably Antium itself as well as Tarracina. 1 The Pomptine territory was secured by
882. 379. the founding of the fortress Setia (372, strengthened in 375),
and was distributed into farm-allotments and
883. districts in the year 371 and following years. After this date the Volscians still perhaps rose in revolt, but they
1 The two do not appear as Latin colonies in the so-called Cassian list 882. 848. about 372, but they so appear in the Carthaginian treaty of 406; the
towns had thus become Latin colonies in the interval.
burgess
can. v AND CAMPANIANS BY ROME
447
heavy burden in Latium; partly in particular acts of odious injustice perpetrated by the leading community. Of this nature was especially the infamous sentence of arbitration between the Aricini and the Rutuli in Ardea in 308, in 446. which the Romans, called in to be arbiters regarding a border territory in dispute between the two communities,
took it to themselves; and when this decision occasioned in Ardea internal dissensions in which the people wished to join the Volsci, while the nobility adhered to Rome, these dis sensions were still more disgracefully employed as a pretext for the—already mentioned—sending of Roman colonists into the wealthy city, amongst whom the lands of the adherents of the party opposed to Rome were distributed
The main cause however of the internal breaking 44! . up of the league was the very subjugation of the common
foe; forbearance ceased on one side, devotedness ceased
on the other, from the time when they thought that they
had no longer need of each other. The open breach between the Latins and Hernici on the one hand and the Romans on the other was more immediately occasioned partly by the capture of Rome by the Celts and the
weakness which it produced, partly by the definitive occupation and distribution of the Pomptine territory. The former allies soon stood opposed in the
field. Already Latin volunteers in great numbers had
taken part in the last despairing struggle of the Antiates:
now the most famous of the Latin cities, Lanuvium (371), 383. Praeneste (372-374, 400), Tusculum (373), Tibur (394, 382-880.
400), and even several of the fortresses established in the 35 4. 381.
Volscian land by the Romano-Latin league, such as Velitrae and Circeii, had to be subdued by force of arms, and the Tiburtines were not afraid even to make common cause
(312).
momentary
Rome with the once more advancing hordes of the Gauls. No concerted revolt however took place, and Rome mastered the individual towns without much trouble.
against
360. 854.
Closing of the Latin eonfedera- tion. [384.
In manifest connection with this crisis in the relations
498- 493.
1 In the list given by Dionysius (v. 61) of the thirty Latin federal cities-the only list which we possess—there are named the Ardeates, Aricini, Bovillani, Bubentani (site unknown), Corni (rather Cor'ani), Carventani (site unknown), Circeienses, Coriolani, Corbintes, Cabani (perhaps the Cabenses on the Alban Mount, Bull. dell’ Inst. 1861, p. 205), Fortinei (unknown), Gabini, Laurentes, Lanuvini, Lavinata, Labicani, Nomentani, Norbani, Praenestini, Pedani, Querquetulani (site unknown), Satricani, Scaptini, Setini, Tiburtini, Tusculani, Tellenii (site unknown), Tolerini (site unknown), and Veliterni. The occasional notices of communities entitled to participate, such as of Ardea (Liv. until. I), Laurentum (Liv. xxxvii. 3), Lanuvium (Liv. xli. 16), Bovillae, Gabii, Labici (Cicero, pro Plane. 9, 23) agree with this list. Dionysius givs it on occasion of the declaration of war by Latium against Rome in 256, and it was natural therefore to regard-as Niebuhr did-this list as derived from the well-known renewal of the league in 261. But, as in this list drawn up according to the Latin alphabet the letter gappears
. .
N“
443 SUBJUGATION OF THE LATINS k noox rr . fiy. ‘
VI‘
8B1. Tusculum was even compelled (in 373) to give up its
political independence, and to enter into the burgess-union of Rome as a subject community (a'vitas sine rufragr'o), so that the town retained its walls and an—although limited —self-administration, including magistrates and a burgess- assembly of its own, whereas its burgesses as Romans lacked the right of electing or being elected-the first instance of a whole burgess-body being incorporated as a dependent community with the Roman commonwealth.
The struggle with the Hernici was more severe 862-358. (392-396) ; the first consular commander-in-chief belong
ing to the plebs, Lucius Genucius, fell in it; but here too Renewal_of the Romans were victorious. The crisis terminated with $252? the renewal of the treaties between Rome and the Latin
358. and Hernican confederacies in 396. The precise contents of these treaties are not known, but it is evident that both confederacies submitted once more, and probably on harder terms, to the Roman hegemony. The institution which took place in the same year of two new tribes in the Pomptine territory shows clearly the mighty advances made by the Roman power.
between Rome and Latium stands the closing of the Latin __
confederation,1 which took place about the year 370,
CHAP- V AND CAMPANIANS BY ROME
449
although we cannot precisely determine whether it was the effect or, as is more probable, the cause of the revolt of Latium against Rome which we have just described. As the law had hitherto stood, every sovereign city founded by Rome and Latium took its place among the communes entitled to participate in the federal festival and federal diet, whereas every community incorporated with another city and thereby politically annihilated was erased from the ranks of the members of the league. At the same time, however, according to Latin use and wont the number
in a position which it certainly had not at the time of the Twelve Tables and scarcely came to occupy before the fifth century (see my Unteritalirclu Dial. p. 33), it must be taken from a much more recent source; and it is by far the simplest hypothesis to recognize it as a list of those places which were afterwards regarded as the ordinary members of the Latin confederacy, and which Dionysius in accordance with his systematizing custom specifies as its original component elements. As was to be expected, the list presents not a single non-Latin community; it simply enumerates places originally Latin or occupied by Latin colonies-no one will lay stress on Corbio and Corioli as exceptions. Now if we compare with this list that of the Latin colonies, there had been founded down to
372 Suessa Pometia, Velitrae, Norba, Signia, Ardea, Circeii (361),
Satricum (369), Sutrium (371), Nepete (371), Setia (372). Of the last 386. 883. three founded at nearly the same time the two Etruscan ones may very 382.
well date somewhat later than Setia, since in fact the foundation of every
town claimed a certain amount of time, and our list cannot be free from
minor inaccuracies. If we assume this, then the list contains all the
colonies sent out up to the year 372, including the two soon afterwards 382. deleted from the list, Satricum destroyed in 377 and Velitrae divested of 377.
Latin rights in 416; there are wanting only Suessa Pometia, beyond 438.
doubt as having been destroyed before 372, and Signia, probably because 382.
in the text of Dionysius. who mentions only twenty-nine names,
ZII‘NINON has dropped out after ZHTINON. In entire harmony with
this view there are absent from this list all the Latin colonies founded
after 372 as well as all places, which like Ostia, Antemnae, Alba, were 382. incorporated with the Roman community before the year 370, whereas 384.
those incorporated subsequently, such as Tusculum, Lanuvium, Velitrae,
are retained in it.
As regards the list given by Pliny of thirty-two townships extinct in his time which had formerly participated in the Alban festival, after deduction of seven that also occur in Dionysius (for the Cusuetani of Pliny appear to be the Carventani of Dionysius), there remain twenty-five townships, most of them quite unknown, doubtless made up partly of those seventeen non-voting communities-most of which perhaps were just the oldest subsequently disqualified members of the Alban festal league-partly of a number of other decayed or ejected members of the league, to which latter class above all the ancient presiding township of Alba, also named by Pliny. belonged.
vol. r
29
382. 898.
45° SUBJ'UGATION OF THE LATINS BOOK r!
once fixed of thirty confederate communities was so adhered to, that of the participating cities never more and never less than thirty were entitled to vote, and a number of the communities that were of later admission, or were
for their slight importance or for the crimes they had committed, were without the right of voting. In 884. this way the confederacy was constituted about 370 as follows. Of old Latin townships there were-besides some which have now fallen into oblivion, or whose sites are
disqualified
‘18.
unknown-still autonomous and entitled to vote, Nomentum, between the Tiber and the Anio; Tibur, Gabii, Scaptia, Labici,1 Pedum, and Praeneste, between the Anio and the Alban range; Corbio, Tusculum, Bovillae, Aricia, Corioli, and Lanuvium on the Alban range; Cora in the Volscian mountains, and lastly, Laurentum in the plain along the coast. To these fell to be added the colonies instituted by Rome and the Latin league; Ardea in the former territory of the Rutuli, and Satricum, Velitrae, Norba,
Signia, Setia and Circeii in that of the Volsci. Besides, seventeen other townships, whose names are not known with certainty, had the privilege of participating in the Latin festival without the right of voting. On this footing —of forty-seven townships entitled to participate and thirty entitled to vote-the Latin confederacy continued henceforward unalterably fixed. The Latin communities founded subsequently, such as Sutrium, Nepete (p. 432), Antium, Tarracina (p. 446), and Cales, were not admitted into the confederacy, nor were the Latin communities
1 Livy certainly states (iv. 47) that Labici bemme a colony in 336. But-apart from the fact that Diodorus (xiii. 6) says nothing of it Labici cannot have been a burgess-colony, for the town did not lie on the coast and besides it appears subsequently as still in possession of autonomy; nor can it have been a Latin one, for there is not. nor can there be from the nature of these foundations, a single other example of a Latin colony established in the original Latium. Here as elsewhere it is most probable-especially as two jugmz are named as the portion of land allotted-that a public assignation to the burgesses has been con founded with a colonial assignation (p. 240).
CHAP- v AND CAMPANIANS BY ROME
451
subsequently divested of their autonomy, such as Tusculum and Lanuvium, erased from the list.
With this closing of the confederacy was connected the Fixingd geographical settlement of the limits of Latium. So long
as the Latin confederacy continued open, the bounds of
Latium had advanced with the establishment of new federal
cities: but as the later Latin colonies had no share in the
Alban festival, they were not regarded geographically as
part of Latium. For this reason doubtless Ardea and
Circeii were reckoned as belonging to Latium, but not
Sutrium or Tarracina.
But not only were the places on which Latin privileges Isolation of were bestowed after 370 kept aloof from the federal 3,‘; 33:‘ association; they were isolated also from one another as cities” respected private rights. While each of them was allowed gig“ to have reciprocity of commercial dealings and probably rights‘
also of marriage (:ommera'um et conubium) with Rome, no
such reciprocity was permitted with the other Latin com
munities. The burgess of Satrium, for example, might
in full property a piece of ground in Rome, but not in Praeneste; and might have legitimate children with a. Roman, but not with a Tiburtine, wife. 1
If hitherto considerable freedom of movement had been Prevention allowed within the confederacy, and for example the six old 3322'? Latin communities, Aricia, Tusculum, Tibur, Lanuvium,
Cora, and Laurentum, and the two new Latin, Ardea and
Suessa Pometia, had been permitted to found in common a shrine for the Aricine Diana; it is doubtless not the mere result of accident that we find no further instance in later times of similar separate confederations fraught with danger to the hegemony of Rome.
| This restriction of the ancient full reciprocity of Latin rights first occurs in the renewal of the treaty in 416 (Liv. viii. 14); but as the 338, system of isolation, of which it was an essential part, first began in reference
to the Latin colonies settled after 370, and was only generalized in 416, it
is proper to mention this alteration here.
possess
Rcvlflonof
We may likewise assign to this epoch the further re modelling which the Latin municipal constitutions under
Domlnn-
‘gym’ exnspera-
848.
After the fall of Veii and the conquest of the Pomptine territory, Rome evidently felt herself powerful enough to tighten the reins of her hegemony and to reduce the whole of the Latin cities to a position so dependent that they became in fact completely subject. At this period (406) the Carthaginians, in a commercial treaty concluded with Rome, bound themselves to inflict no injury on the Latins who were subject to Rome, viz. the maritime towns of Ardea, Antium, Circeii, and Tarracina; however, any one of the Latin towns should fall away from the Roman alliance, the Phoenicians were to be allowed to attack but the event of conquering they were bound not to raze but to hand over to the Romans. This plainly shows by what chains the Roman community bound to itself the towns protected and how much town, which dared to withdraw from the native protectorate, sacrificed or risked by such course.
It true that even now the Latin confederacy at least
452 SUBJUGATION
OF THE LATINS 800! u
nimiom. went, and their complete assimilation to the constitution of
1221;:
Rome. If in after times two aediles, intrusted with the police-supervision of markets and highways and the administration of justice in connection therewith, make their appearance side by side with the two praetors as necessary elements of the Latin magistracy, the institution of these urban police functionaries, which evidently took place at the same time and at the instigation of the leading power in all the federal communities, certainly cannot have preceded the establishment of the curule aedileship in
867. Rome, which occurred in 387; probably it took place about that very time. Beyond doubt this arrangement was only one of a series of measures curtailing the liberties and modifying the organization of the federal communities in the interest of aristocratic policy.
is
a
it
by it
it
a
it, it, in
if,
CHAP- v AND CAMPANIANS BY ROME
453
-—if not also the Hernican-retained its formal title to a
third of the gains of war, and doubtless some other remnants of the former equality of rights; but what was
palpably lost was important enough to explain the exaspera
tion which at this period prevailed among the Latins
against Rome. Not only did numerous Latin volunteers
fight under foreign standards against the community at their
head, wherever they found armies in the field against
Rome ; but in 405 even the Latin federal assembly resolved 849.
to refuse to the Romans its contingent. To all appearance Collision a renewed rising of the whole Latin confederacy might be it? ” anticipated at no distant date ; and at that very moment a Roman: collision was imminent with another Italian nation, which 2:33;" was able to encounter on equal terms the united strength of
the Latin stock. After the overthrow of the northern Vol scians no considerable people in the first instance opposed
the Romans in the south ; their legions unchecked approached the Liris. As early as 397 they had contended 357, successfully with the Privernates ; and in 409 occupied 845. Sora on the upper Liris. Thus the Roman armies had reached the Samnite frontier; and the friendly alliance, which the two bravest and most powerful of the Italian nations concluded with each other in 400, was the sure s54. token of an approaching struggle for the supremacy of Italy
—a struggle which threatened to become interwoven with the crisis within the Latin nation.
The Samnite nation, which, at the time of the expulsion of conquests
the Tarquins from Rome, had doubtless already been for a considerable period in possession of the hill-country which
£2,213," in the south 0mm,‘
rises between the Apulian and Campanian plains and com- mands them both, had hitherto found its further advance impeded on the one side by the Daunians-the power and prosperity of Arpi fall within this period—on the other by
the Greeks and Etruscans. But the fall of the Etruscan power towards the end of the third, and the decline of the 450
454 SUBJUGATION
OF THE LATINS BOOK u
‘60-850. Greek colonies in the course of the fourth century, made room for them towards the west and south ; and now one Samnite host after another marched down to, and even moved across, the south Italian seas. They first made their appearance in the plain adjoining the bay, with which the name of the Campanians has been associated from the beginning of the fourth century; the Etruscans there were suppressed, and the Greeks were confined within narrower
424. bounds ; Capua was wrested from the former (33o), Cumae from the latter (3 34). About the same time, perhaps even earlier, the Lucanians appeared in Magna Graecia: at the beginning of the fourth century they were involved in con flict with the people of Terina and Thurii ; and a consider
890. able time before 364 they had established themselves in the Greek Laus. About this period their levy amounted to 30,000 infantry and 4000 cavalry. Towards the end of the fourth century mention first occurs of the separate con federacy of the Bruttii,1 who had detached themselves from the Lucanians—not, like the other Sabellian stocks, as a colony, but through a quarrel-and had become mixed up with many foreign elements. The Greeks of Lower Italy tried to resist the pressure of the barbarians; the league of
898. the Achaean cities was reconstructed in 361 ; and it was determined that, if any of the allied towns should be assailed by the Lucanians, all should furnish contingents, and that the leaders of contingents which failed to appear should suffer the punishment of death. But even the union of Magna Graecia no longer availed; for the ruler of Syracuse, Dionysius the Elder, made common cause with the Italians against his countrymen. While Dionysius wrested from the fleets of Magna Graecia the mastery of the Italian seas, one Greek city after another was occupied
l The name itself is very ancient; in fact it is the most ancient indigenous name for the inhabitants of the present Calabria (Antiochus,
Fr. 5. Mllll. . The well-known derivation is doubtless an invention.
can. v AND CAMPANIANS BY ROME
455
or annihilated by the Italians. In an incredibly short time the circle of flourishing cities was destroyed or laid desolate. Only a few Greek settlements, such as Neapolis, succeeded with difliculty, and more by means of treaties than by force of arms, in preserving at least their existence and their nationality. Tarentum alone remained thoroughly in dependent and powerful, maintaining its ground in con sequence of its more remote position and its preparation for war-the result of its constant conflicts with the Messapians. Even that city, however, had constantly to fight for its existence with the Lucanians, and was com pelled to seek for alliances and mercenaries in the mother country of Greece.
About the period when Veii and the Pomptine plain came into the hands of Rome, the Samnite hordes were already in possession of all Lower Italy, with the exception
of a few unconnected Greek colonies, and of the Apulo Messapian coast. The Greek Periplus, composed about 418, sets down the Samnites proper with their “five 336. tongues” as reaching from the one sea to the other ; and specifies the Campanians as adjoining them on the Tyrrhene sea to the north, and the Lucanians to the south, amongst whom in this instance, as often, the Bruttii are included, and who already had the whole coast apportioned among them from Paestum on the Tyrrhene, to Thurii on
the Ionic, sea. In fact to one who compares the achieve ments of the two great nations of Italy, the Latins and the Samnites, before they came into contact, the career of conquest on the part of the latter appears far wider and more splendid than that of the former. But the character
of their conquests was essentially different. From the fixed urban centre which Latium possessed in Rome the dominion
of the Latin stock spread slowly on all sides, and lay within limits comparatively narrow; but it planted its foot firmly
at every step, partly by founding fortified towns of the
Relations
giggle; nites and
Roman type with the rights of dependent allies, partly by Romanizing the territory which it conquered. It was otherwise with Samnium. There was in its case no single leading community and therefore no policy of conquest. While the conquest of the Veientine and Pomptine terri tories was for Rome a real enlargement of power, Samnium was weakened rather than strengthened by the rise of the Campanian cities and of the Lucanian and Bruttian con federacies ; for every swarm, which had sought and found new settlements, thenceforward pursued a path of its own.
The Samnite tribes filled a disproportionately large space, while yet they showed no disposition to make it thoroughly their own. The larger Greek cities, Tarentum,
456 SUBJUGATION
or THE LATINS 300: n
‘he Gmk“ Thurii, Croton, Metapontum, Heraclea, Rhegium, and Neapolis, although weakened and often dependent, con tinued to exist; and the Hellenes were tolerated even in the open country and in the smaller towns, so that Cumae for instance, Posidonia, Laus, and Hipponiurn, still re mained—as the Periplus already mentioned and coins show—Greek cities even under Samnite rule. Mixed populations thus arose; the bi-lingual Bruttii, in particular, included Hellenic as well as Samnite elements and even perhaps remains of the ancient autochthones; in Lucania and Campania also similar mixtures must to a lesser extent
Campanian Hellenism‘
.
have taken place.
The Samnite nation, moreover, could not resist the
dangerous charm of Hellenic culture; least of all in Campania, where Neapolis early entered into friendly intercourse with the immigrants, and where the sky itself humanized the barbarians. Nola, Nuceria, and Teanum, although having a purely Samnite population, adopted Greek manners and a Greek civic constitution ; in fact the indigenous cantonal form of constitution could not possibly subsist under these altered circumstances. The Samnite cities of Campania began to coin money, in part with
CHAP- V AND CAMPANIANS BY ROME
457
Greek inscriptions; Capua became by its commerce and agriculture the second city in Italy in point of size—the first in point of wealth and luxury. The deep demoraliza tion, in which, according to the accounts of the ancients, that city surpassed all others in Italy, is especially reflected in the mercenary recruiting and in the gladiatorial sports, both of which pre-eminently flourished in Capua. No where did recruiting oflicers find so numerous a. concourse as in this metropolis of demoralized civilization; while Capua knew not how to save itself from the attacks of the aggressive Samnites, the warlike Campanian youth flocked forth in crowds under self-elected condotlieri, especially to Sicily. How deeply these soldiers of fortune influenced by their enterprises the destinies of Italy, we shall have after wards to show; they form as characteristic a feature of Campanian life as the gladiatorial sports which likewise, if they did not originate, were at any rate carried to perfection in Capua. There sets of gladiators made their appearance even during banquets; and their number was proportioned to the rank of the guests invited. This degeneracy of the most important Samnite city—a degeneracy which beyond doubt was closely connected with the Etruscan habits that lingered there—rnust have been fatal for the nation at large; although the Campanian nobility knew how to combine chivalrous valour and high mental culture with the deepest moral corruption, it could never become to its nation' what the Roman nobility was to the Latin. Hellenic influence had a similar, though less powerful, effect on the Lucanians and Bruttians as on the Campanians. The objects discovered in the tombs throughout all these
show how Greek art was cherished there in barbaric luxuriance ; the rich ornaments of gold and amber and the magnificent painted pottery, which are now dis interred from the abodes of the dead, enable us to con
jecture how extensive had been their departure from the
regions
‘Dre Sam nite con federacy.
ancient manners of their fathers. Other indications are preserved in their writing. The old national writing which they had brought with them from the north was abandoned by the Lucanians and Bruttians, and exchanged for Greek , while in Campania the national alphabet, and perhaps also the language, developed itself under the influence of the Greek model into greater clearness and delicacy. We meet even with isolated traces of the influence of Greek philosophy.
The Samnite land, properly so called, alone remained unaffected by these innovations, which, beautiful and natural as they may to some extent have been, powerfully contributed to relax still more the bond of national unity which even from the first was loose. Through the influence of Hellenic habits a deep schism took place in the Samnite stock. The civilized “Philhellenes” of Campania were accustomed to tremble like the Hellenes themselves before the ruder tribes of the mountains, who were continually penetrating into Campania and disturbing the degenerate earlier settlers. Rome was a compact state, having the strength of all Latium at its disposal; its subjects might murmur, but they obeyed. The Samnite stock was dispersed and divided; and, while the con federacy in Samnium proper had preserved unimpaired the manners and valour of their ancestors, they were on that very account completely at variance with the other
Samnite tribes and towns.
In fact, it was this variance between the Samnites of
the plain and the Samnites of the mountains that led the
iubmission If Capua
to Rome.
453 SUBJUGATION
OF THE LATINS 8001‘ n
Romans over the Liris. The Sidicini in Teanum, and the B48. Campanians in Capua, sought aid from the Romans (411)
against their own countrymen, who in swarms ever renewed ravaged their territory and threatened to establish them‘ selves there. When the desired alliance was refused, the Campanian envoys made offer of the submission of their
CHAP- V AND CAMPANIANS BY ROME
459
country to the supremacy of Rome: and the Romans were unable to resist the bait. Roman envoys were sent to the Samnites to inform them of the new acquisition, and to summon them to respect the territory of the friendly power. The further course of events can no longer be ascertained in detail ,1 we discover only that—whether after a campaign, or without the intervention of a war-Rome and Samnium came to an agreement, by which Capua was left at the disposal of the Romans, Teanum in the hands of the Samnites, and the upper Liris in those of the Volscians.
1 Perhaps no section of the Roman annals has been more disfigured than the narrative of the first Samnite-Latin war, as it stands or stood in Livy, Dionysius, and Appian. It runs somewhat to the following effect. After both consuls had marched into Campania in 41!