It is said that he acquitted himself
of his commission in Germany with honor; and that
he gained more reputation than most commanders,
during his proconsulate in Africa: but his simple par-
simonious way of living passed for avarice in an empe-
ror; and the pride he took in economy and strict tem-
perance was out of character.
of his commission in Germany with honor; and that
he gained more reputation than most commanders,
during his proconsulate in Africa: but his simple par-
simonious way of living passed for avarice in an empe-
ror; and the pride he took in economy and strict tem-
perance was out of character.
Plutarch - Lives - v7
Being accused of having ven-
tured too much on this occasion, he became afterwards
so cold, and so far abandoned his hopes for the public,
as to neglect the opportunities which the _55tolians
gave him, and suffered them to roam about Pelopon-
nesus, in a bacchanalian manner, committing all the
excesses that insolence could suggest.
The Achaeans were now obliged to stretch out their
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? PLUTARCH,
hands again towards Macedonia, and brought Philip
to interfere in the affairs of Greece. They knew the
regard he had for Aratus, and the confidence he placed
in him, and hoped on that account to find him tract-
able and easy in all their affairs. But the king now
first began to listen to Apelles, Megalacus, and other
courtiers, who endeavored to darken the character of
Aratus, and prevailed on him to support the contrary
party, by which means Eperatus was elected general
of the Aclueans. Eperatus, however, soon fell into
the greatest contempt amongst them; and, as Aratus
would not give any attention to their concerns, nothing
went well. Philip, finding that he had committed a
capital error, turned again to Aratus, and gave himself
up intirely to his direction. As his affairs now pros-
pered, and bis power and reputation grew under the
culture of Aratus, he depended intirely on him for the
farther increase of both. Indeed it was evident to all
the world that Aratus had excellent talents, not only
for guiding a commonwealth, but a kingdom too; for
there appeared a tincture of his principles and manners
in all the conduct of this young prince. Thus the mo-
deration with which he treated the Spartans after they
had offended him, his engaging behavior to the Cre-
tans, by which he gained the whole island in a few
days, and the glorious success of his expedition against
the >? tolians, gained Philip the honor of knowing how
to follow good counsel, and Aratus that of being able
to give it.
On this account the courtiers envied him still more;
? nd as they found that their private engines of ca-
lumny availed nothing, they began to try open battery,
reviling and insulting him at table with the utmost
effrontery and lowest abuse. Nay, once they threw
stones at him, as he was retiring from supper to his
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? ARATUS.
tent. Philip, incensed at such outrage, fined them
twenty talents; and, on their proceeding to disturb
and embroil his affairs, pnt them to death.
But afterwards he was carried so high, by the flow
of prosperity, as to discover many disorderly passions.
The native badness of his disposition broke through
the veil be had put over it, and by degrees bis real
character appeared. In the first place, he greatly in-
jured young Aratus by corrupting bis wife; and th*
intercourse was a long time secret, because he lived
under his roof, where he had been received under the
sanction of hospitality. In the next place, he disco-
vered a strong aversion to commonwealths, and to th*
cities that were under that form of government. It was
easy to be seen, too, that he wanted to shake off Ara-
tus. The first suspicion of his intentions arose from
his behavior with respect to the Messenians. There
were two factions amongst them which had raised a
sedition in the city. Aratus went to reconcile them;
but Philip getting to the place a day before him, added
stings to their mutual resentments. On the one hand,
he called the magistrates privately, and asked tbem
whether they had not laws to restrain the rabble; and,
on the other, he asked the demagogues whether they
had not hands to defend them against tyrants. The
magistrates, thus encouraged, attacked the chiefs of
the people; and they, in their turn, came with supe-
rior numbers, and killed the magistrates, with near
two hundred more of their party.
After Philip had engaged in these detestable prac-
tices, which exasperated the Messenians still more
against each other, Aratus, when he arrived, made no
secret of his resentment, nor did he restrain his son in
the severe and disparaging things he said to Philip.
The young man had once a particular attachment to
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? 284
PLUTARCH.
Philip, which in those days they distinguished by the
name of love; but, on this occasion, he scrupled not
to tell him, 'that after such a base action, instead of
appearing agreeable, he was the most deformed of hu-
mankind. '
Philip made no answer, though anger evidently was
working in his bosom, and he often muttered to him-
self while the other was speaking. However, he pre-
tended to bear it with great calmness; and, affecting
to appear the man of subdued temper and refined man-
ners, gave the elder Aratus his hand, and took him
from the theatre to the castle of Ithome, under pre-
tence of sacrificing to Jupiter and visiting the place.
This fort, which is as strong as the citadel of Corinth,
were it garrisoned, would greatly annoy the neighbor-
ing country, and be almost impregnable. After Philip
had offered his sacrifice there, and the diviner came to
show him the entrails of the ox, he took them in both
hands, and showed them to Aratus and Demetrius of
Phariae; sometimes turning them to one, and some-
times to the other, and asking them 'what they saw in
the entrails of the victim ; whether they warned him to
keep this citadel, or to restore it to the Messenians? '
Demetrius smiled and said, 'If you have the soul of a
diviner, you will restore it; but, if that of a king, you
will hold the bull by both his horns. ' By which he
hinted that he must have Peloponnesus intirely in sub-
jection, if he added Ithome to the citadel of Corinth.
Aratus was a long time silent, but on Philip's pressing
him to declare his opinion, he said, 'There are many
mountains of great strength in Crete, many castles in
Bceotia and Phocis in lofty situations, and many im-
pregnable places in Acarnania, both on the coast and
within land. You have seized none of these, and yet
they all pay you a voluntary obedience. Robbers,
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? ARATUS.
indeed, take to rocks and precipices for security; but
for a king, there is no such fortress as honor and hu-
manity. These are the things that have opened to you
the Cretan sea; these have unbarred the gates of Pe-
loponnesus. In short, by these it is that, at so early
a period in life, you are become general of the one,
and sovereign of the other. ' Whilst he was yet speak-
ing, Philip returned the entrails to the diviner, and
taking Aratus by the hand, drew him along, and said,
'Come on then, let us go as we came ;' intimating that
he had overruled him, and deprived him of such an
acquisition as the city would have been.
From this time Aratus began to withdraw from court,
and by degrees to give up all correspondence with Phi-
lip. He refused also to accompany him in his expedi-
tion into Epirus, though applied to for that purpose;
choosing to stay at home, lest he should share in the
disrepute of his actions. But, after Philip had lost
his fleet with great disgrace in the Roman war, and
nothing succeeded to his wish, he returned to Pelo-
ponnesus, and tried once more what art could do to
impose on the Messenians. When he found that his
designs were discovered, he had recourse to open hos-
tilities, and ravaged their country. Aratus then, saw
all his meanness, and broke with him intirely. By
this time, too, he perceived that he had dishonored his
son's bed; but though the injury lay heavy on him,
he concealed it from his son, because be could only
inform him that he was abused, without being able
to help him to the means of revenge. There seemed
to be a great and unnatural change in Philip, who,
of a mild and sober young prince, became a cruel
tyrant; but, in fact, it was not a change of disposition,
it was only discovering, in a time of full security, the
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? 286 PLUTARCH.
vices which his fears had long concealed. That hie
regard for Aratus had originally a great mixture of
fear and Teverence, appeared even in the method he
took to destroy him: for though he was very desirous
of effecting that cruel purpose, hecause he neither
looked on himself as an absolute prince, or a king, or
even a freeman, while Aratus lived, yet he would not
attempt any thing against him in the way of open force;
but desired Phaurion, one of his friends and generals,
to take him off in a private manner, in his absence: at
the same time he recommended poison. That officer
accordingly, having formed an acquaintance with him,
gave him a dose, not of a sharp or violent kind, but
such a one as causes lingering heats and a slight cough,
and gradually brings the body to decay. Aratus was
not ignorant of the cause of his disorder, but knowing
-that it availed nothing to discover it to the world, he
bore it quietly and in silence, as if it had been an ordi-
nary distemper. Indeed, when one of his friends came
-to visit him in his chamber, and expressed his surprise
ait seeing him spit blood, he said, 'Such, Cepbalon,
are the fruits of royal friendship. '
Thus died Aratus at jEgium, after he had been se-
venteen times general of the Achaeans. That people
-were desirous of having him buried there, and would
have thought it an honor to give him a magnificent fu-
neral, and a monument worthy of his life and charac-
ter. Bui the Sicyonians considered it as a misfortune
to have him interred any where but amongst them, and
therefore persuaded the Achaeans to leave the disposal
of the body intirely to them. As there was an ancient
law that had been observed with religious care, against
burying any person within their walls, and they were
afraid to transgress it on this occasion, they sent to
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? ARATUS.
inquire of the priestess of Apollo at Delphi; and she
returned this answer:
Seek yon what funeral honors you shall pay
To your departed prince, the small reward
For liberty restored, and glory won 1
Bid Sicyon, fearless, rear the sacred tomb.
For the vile tongue that dares with impious breath
Offend Aratus, blasts the face of nature,
Pours horror on the earth, and seas, and skies.
This oraole gave great joy to all the Achaeans, particu-
larly the people of Sicyon. They changed the day of
mourning into a festival; and, adorning themselves
with garlands and white robes, brought the corpse with
songs and dances from JEgium to Sicyon. There they
selected the most conspicuous ground, and interred
him as the founder and deliverer of their city. The
place is still called Aratium; and there they offer two
yearly sacrifices; the one on the fifth of the month
DiBsius, (the Athenians call it Authesterion,1) which was
the day he delivered the city from the yoke of tyrants,
and on which account they call the festival Soteria;
the other on his birthday. The first sacrifice was of-
fered by the priest of Jupiter the Preserver, and the
second by the son of Aratus, who, on that occasion,
wore a girdle, not intirely white, but half purple. The
music was sung to the harp by the choir that belonged
to the theatre. The procession was led up by the mas-
ter of the gymnasium, at the head of the boys and
young men; the senate followed, crowned with flow-
ers, and such of the other citizens as chose to attend.
Some small marks of the ceremonies observed on those
days still remain, but the greatest part is worn out by
time and other circumstances.
1 February.
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? 288
PLUTARCH.
'Such was the life and character that history has
given us of the elder Aratus. And as to the younger,
Philip, who was naturally wicked, and delighted to
add insolence to cruelty, gave him potions, not of the
deadly kind, but such as deprived him of his reason;
insomuch, that he took up inclinations that were shock-
ing and monstrous, and delighted in things that not
only dishonored but destroyed him. Death, there-
fore, which took him in the flower of his age, was con-
sidered, not as a misfortune, but a deliverance. The
vengeance however of Jupiter, the patron of hospitality
and friendship, visited Philip for his breach of both,
and pursued him through life: for he was beaten by
the Romans, and forced to yield himself to their dis-
cretion. In consequence of which, he was stripped of
all the provinces he had conquered, gave up all his
ships except five, obliged himself to pay a thousand
talents, and deliver his son as a hostage. He even
held Macedonia and its dependences only at the mercy
of the conquerors. Amidst all these misfortunes, he
was possessed only of one blessing, a son of superior
virtue, and him he put to death, in his envy and jea-
lousy of the honors the Romans paid him. He left his
crown to his other son Perseus, who was believed not
to be his, but a supposititious child, born of a semp-
stress named Gnathaenium. It was over him thatPau-
lus yEmilius triumphed, and in him ended the royal
race of Antigonus; whereas the posterity of Aratus
remained to our days, and still continues in Sicyon
and Pellene.
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? GALBA.
IpHicrates, the Athenian general, thought that a sol-
dier of fortune should have an attachment both to mo-
ney and pleasure, that his passions might put him on
fighting with more boldness for a supply. But most
others are of opinion that the main body of an army,
like the healtiiy natural body, should have no motion
of its own, but be intirely guided by the head. Hence
Paulus jEmilius, when he found his army in Macedo-
nia, talkative, busy, and ready to direct their general,
is said to have given orders 'that each;'should keep his
hand fit for action, and his sword sharp, and leave the
rest to him. ' And Plato perceiving that the best gene-
ral cannot undertake any thing with success, unless
his troops are sober, and perfectly united to support
him, concluded, that to know how to obey required as
generous a disposition, and as rational an education,
as to know how to command; for these advantages
would correct the violence and impetuosity of the sol-
dier with the mildness and humanity of the philoso-
pher. Amongst other fatal examples, what happened
amongst the Romans after the death of Nero, is suffi-
cient to show that nothing is more dreadful than an
undisciplined army actuated only by the impulse of
their own ferocity. Demades, seeing the wild and vio-
lent motions of the Macedonian army after the death
of Alexander, compared it to the Cyclops,1 after his
eye was put out. But the Roman empire more re-
sembled the extravagant passions and ravings of the
Titans, which the poets tell us of, when it was torn in
PLUT.
1 Polyphemus.
VoL. VII.
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? 290
PLUTARCH.
pieces by rebellion, and turned its arms against itself;
not so much through the ambition of the emperors, as
the avarice and licentiousness of the soldiers, who
drove out one emperor by another.
Dionysius the Sicilian, speaking of Alexander of
Phera, who reigned in Thessaly only ten months, and
then was slain, called him, in derision of the sudden
change, a theatrical tyrant: but the palace of the Ca? -
sars received four emperors in a less space of time, one
entering, and another making his exit, as if they had
only been acting a part on a stage. The Romans, in-
deed, had one consolation amidst their misfortunes,
that they needed no other revenge on the authors of
them, than to see them destroy each other; and with
the greatest justice of all fell the first, who corrupted
the army, and taught them to expect so much on the
change of an emperor; thus dishonoring a glorious ac-
tion by mercenary considerations, and turning the revolt
from Nero into treason: for Nymphidius Sabinus,
who, as we observed before,1 was joined in commission
with Tigellinus, as captain of the pretorian cohorts,
after Nero's affairs were in a desperate state, and it
was plain that he intended to retire into Egypt, per-
suaded the army, as if Nero had already abdicated, to
declare Galba emperor, promising every soldier of the
pretorian cohorts seven thousand five hundred drach-
mas, and the troops that were quartered in the pro-
vinces twelve hundred and fifty drachmas a man: a
sum which it was impossible to collect without doing
infinitely more mischief to the empire than Nero had
done in his whole reign. . '
This proved the immediate ruin of Nero, and soon
after destroyed Galba himself. They deserted Nerd
1 In the life of Nero, which is lost.
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? GALEA.
in hopes of receiving the money, and despatched Galba
because they did not receive it. Afterwards they
sought for another who might pay them that sum; but
they ruined themselves by their rebellions and trea-
sons, without gaining what they had been made to ex-
pect. To give a complete and exact account of the
affairs of those times belongs to the professed histo-
rian. It is however in my province to lay before the
reader the most remarkable circumstances in the lives
of the Caesars.
It is an acknowleged truth that Sulpitius Galba was
the richest private man that ever rose to the imperial
dignity: but though his extraction was of the noblest,
from the family of the Servii, yet he thought it a
greater honor to be related to Quintus Catulus Capito-
linus, who was the first man in his time for virtue and
reputation, though he voluntarily left to others the
pre-eminence in power. He was also related to Livia
the wife of Augustus, and it was by her interest that
he was raised from the office he had in the palace to the
dignity of consul.
It is said that he acquitted himself
of his commission in Germany with honor; and that
he gained more reputation than most commanders,
during his proconsulate in Africa: but his simple par-
simonious way of living passed for avarice in an empe-
ror; and the pride he took in economy and strict tem-
perance was out of character.
He was sent governor into Spain by Nero, before
that emperor had learned to fear such of the citizens
as had great authority in Rome. Besides, the mildness
of his temper and his advanced time of life, promised
a cautious and prudent conduct. The emperor's re-
ceivers, a most abandoned set of men, harassed the
provinces in the most cruel manner. Galba could not
assist them against their persecutors, but his concern
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? 292
PLUTARCH.
for their misfortunes, which appeared not less than if
he had heen a sufferer himself, afforded them some
consolation, even while they were condemned and sold
for slaves. Many songs were made on Nero, and sung
every where; and as Galba did not endeavor to sup-
press them, or join the receivers of the revenues in their
resentment, that was a circumstance which endeared
him still more to the natives: for by this time he had
contracted a friendship with them, having long been
their governor. He had borne that commission eight
years, when Junius Vindex, who commanded in Gaul,
revolted against Nero. It is said that before this re-
bellion broke out Galba had intimations of it in let-
ters from Vindex; but he neither countenanced nor
discovered it, as the governors of other provinces did,
who sent the letters they had received to Nero, and by
that means ruined the project, as far as was in their
power. Yet those same governors afterwards joining
in the conspiracy against their prince, showed that they
could betray not only Vindex, but themselves.
But after Vindex had openly commenced hostilities,
he wrote to Galba, desiring him 'to accept the impe-
rial dignity, and give a head to the strong Gallic body,
which so much wanted one; which had no less than a
hundred thousand men in arms, and was able to raise a
much greater number. '
Galba then called a council of his friends. Some of
them advised him to wait and see what motions there
might be in Rome, or inclinations for a change: but Ti-
tus Viuius, captain of one of the pretorian cohorts,
said, 'What room is there, Galba, for deliberation?
To inquire whether we shall continue faithful to Nero,
is to have revolted already. There is no medium.
We must either accept the friendship of Vindex, as if
Nero were our declared enemy, or accuse and fight Vin-
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? GALBA.
293
dex, because he desires that the Romans should have
Galba for their emperor, rather than Nero for their
tyrant. ' On this, Galba, by an edict, fixed a day for
enfranchising all who should present themselves. The
report of this soon drew together a multitude of people
who were desirous of a change, and he had no sooner
mounted the tribunal, than with one voice they de-
clared him emperor. He did not immediately accept
the title, but accused Nero of great crimes, and la-
mented the fate of many Romans of great distinction,
whom he had barbarously slain: after which he de-
clared ' that he would serve his country with his best
abilities, not as Caesar or emperor, but as lieutenant to
the senate and people of Rome. '
That it was a just and rational scheme which Vindex
adopted in calling Galba to the empire, there needs no
better proof than Nero himself: for though he pre-
tended to look on the commotions in Gaul as nothing,
yet when he received the news of Galba's revolt,
which he happened to do just after he had bathed, and
had sat down to supper, in his madness he overturned
the table. However, when the senate had declared
Galba to be an enemy to his country, he affected to
despise the danger, and, attempting to be merry on it,
said to his friends, ' I have long wanted a pretence to
raise money, and this will furnish me with an excel-
lent one. The Gauls, when I have conquered them,
will be a fine booty, and, in the mean time, I will seize
the estate of Galba, since he is a declared enemy, and
dispose of it as I think fit. ' Accordingly he gave di-
rections that Galba's estate should be sold; which
Galba no sooner heard of, than he exposed to sale all
that belonged to Nero in Spain, and more readily
found purchasers.
The revolt from Nero soon became general; and the
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? PLUTARCH.
governors of provinces declared for Galba: only Clo-
dius Macer in Africa, and Virginius Rufus in Ger-
many, stood out and acted for themselves, but on dif-
ferent motives. Clodius being conscious to himself of
much rapine, and many murders, to which his avarice
and cruelty had prompted him, was in a fluctuating
state, and could not take his resolution either to as-
sume or reject the imperial title. And Virginius, who
commanded some of the best legions in the empire, and
had been often pressed by them to take the title of em-
peror, declared, ' that he would neither take it him-
self, nor suffer it to be given to any other, but the per-
son whom the senate should name. '
Galba was not a little alarmed at this at first: but
after the forces of Virginius and Vindex had over-
powered them, like charioteers no longer able to guide
the reins, and forced them to fight, Vindex lost twenty
thousand Gauls in the battle, and then despatched
himself. A report was then current that the victori-
ous army, in consequence of so great an advantage,
would insist that Virginius should accept the imperial
dignity, and that if he refused it, they would turn
again to Nero. This put Galba in p. great consterna-
tion, and he wrote letters to Virginius exhorting him
to act in concert with him, for preserving the empire
and liberty of the Romans. After which he retired
with his friends to Colonia, a city in Spain, and there
spent some time, rr. ther in repenting of what he had
done, and wishing for the life of ease and leisure, to
which he had so long been accustomed, than taking
any of the necessary steps for his promotion.
It was now the beginning of summer, when one even-
ing, a little before night, one of Galba's freedmen, a
native of Sicily, arrived in seven days from Rome,
BeiDg told that Galba had retired to rest, he ran up to
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? GALBA.
295
his chamber, and having opened it, in spite of the re-
sistance of the chamberlains, informed him, 'That as
JJero did not appear, though he was living at that time,
the army first, and then the people and senate of Rome,
had declared Galba emperor; and, not long after, news
was brought that Nero was dead. ' He added, that he
was not satisfied with the report, but went and saw the
dead body of the tyrant, before he would set out.
Galba was greatly elevated by this intelligence; and
he encouraged the multitudes that soon attended at the
door by communicating it to them, though the expedi-
tion with which it was brought appeared incredible.
But, two days after, Titus Vinius, with many others,
arrived from the camp, and brought an account of all
the proceedings of the senate. Vinius was promoted
to an honorable employment; while the freedman had
his name changed from Icelus to Marcianus, was ho-
nored with the privilege of wearing the gold ring, and
had more attention paid him than any of the other
freedmen.
Meantime, at Rome, Nymphidius Sabinus got the
administration into his hands, not by slow and insensi-
ble steps, but with the greatest celerity. He knew
that Galba, on account of his great age, being now se-
venty-three, was scarce able to make the journey to
Rome, though carried in a litter. Besides, the forces
there had long been inclined to serve him, and now
they depended on him only, considering him as their
benefactor on account of the large gratuity he had pro-
mised, and Galba as their debtor. He therefore im-
mediately commanded his colleague Tigellinus to give
up his sword. He made great entertainments, at which
he received persons of consular dignity, and such as
had commanded armies and provinces; yet he gave,
the invitation in the name of Galba. He likewise in-
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? 290
PLUTARCH.
structed many of the soldiers to suggest it to the pre-
torian cohorts, that they should send a message to
Galba, demanding that Nymphidius should be always
their captain, and without a colleague. The readiness
the senate expressed to add to his honor and authority,
in calling him their benefactor, in going daily to pay
their respects at his gate, and desiring that he would
take on him to propose and confirm every decree,
brought him to a much higher pitch of insolence; in-
somuch, that, in a little time, he became not only ob-
noxious, but formidable to the very persons that paid
their court to him. When the consuls had charged
the public messengers with the decrees to be carried
to the emperor, and had sealed the instruments with
their seal, in order that the magistrates of the towns
through which they were to pass, seeing their autho-
rity, might furnish them with carriages at every dif-
ferent stage for the great expedition, he resented it,
that they had not made use of his seal, and employed
his men to carry the dispatches. It is said that he
even had it under consideration whether he should not
punish the consuls; but on their apologising and beg-
ging pardon for the affront, he was appeased. To in-
gratiate himself with the people, he did not hinder
them from despatching by torture such of Nero's
creatures as fell into their hands. A gladiator, named
Spicillus, was put under the statues of Nero, and
dragged about with them in the forum till he died:
Aponius, one of the informers, was extended on the
ground, and waggons, loaded with stones, driven over
him: they tore many others in pieces, and some who
were intirely innocent. So that Mauriscus, who had
not only the character of one of the best men in Rome,
but really deserved it, said one day to the senate, 'he
was afraid they should soon regret the loss of Nero. '
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? GALBA.
Nymphidius, thus advancing in his hopes, was not at
all displeased at being called the son of Caius Caesar,
who reigned after Tiberius. It seems that prince, in
his youth, was acquainted with his mother, who was
daughter of Callistus, one of Caesar's freedmen, by
a sempstress, and who was not wanting in personal
charms. But it is evident that the acquaintance Caius
had with her was after the birth of Nymphidius; and
it was believed that he was the. son of Martianus the
gladiator, whom Nymphidia fell in love with on ac-
count of his reputation in his way; besides, his re-
semblance to the gladiator gave a sanction to that
opinion. Be that as it may, he acknowleged himself
the son of Nymphidia, and yet insisted that he-was
the only person who deposed Nero. Not content with
the honors and emoluments he enjoyed on that ac-
count, *****
***** *
he aspired to the imperial seat, and had his engines
privately at work in Rome, in which he employed his
friends, with some intriguing women, and some men of
consular rank. He sent also Gellianus, one of his friends,
into Spain, to act as a spy on Galba.
After the death of Nero, all things went for Galba
according to his wish; only the uncertainty what part
Virginius Rufus would act, gave him some uneasiness.
Virginius commanded a powerful army, which had
already conquered Vindex; and he held in subjection
a very considerable part of the Roman empire; for he
was master not only of Germany, but Gaul, which was
in great agitation, and ripe for a revolt. Galba,
therefore, was apprehensive that he would listen to
those who offered him the imperial purple. Indeed,
there was not an officer of greater name or reputation
than Virginius, nor one who had more weight in the
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? 298
PLUTARCH.
affairs of those times; for he had delivered the empire
both from tyranny and from a Gallic war. He abode
however by his first resolution, and reserved the ap-
pointment of emperor for the senate. After Nero's
death was certainly known, the troops again pressed
hard on Virginius, and one of the tribunes drew his
sword in the pavilion, and bade him receive either
sovereign power or the steel; but the menace had no
effect. At last, after Fabius Valens, who commanded
one legion, had taken the oath of fidelity to Galba, and
letters arrived from Rome with an account of the se-
nate's decree, he persuaded his army, though with
great difficulty, to acknowlege Galba. The new em-
peror having sent Flaccus Hordeouius as his suc-
cessor, he received him in that quality, and delivered
up his forces to him. He then went to meet Galba,
who was on his journey to Rome, and attended him
thither, without finding any marks either of his favor
or resentment. The reason of this was, that Galba,
on the one hand, considered him in too respectable a
light to offer him any injury; and, on the other hand,
the emperor's friends, particularly Titus Vinius, were
jealous of the progress he might make in his favor.
But that officer was not aware, that while he was pre-
venting his promotion, he was co-operating with his
good genius, in withdrawing him from the wars and
calamities in which other generals were engaged, and
bringing him to a life of tranquillity full of days and
peace.
The ambassadors which the senate sent to Galba
met him at Narbon, a city of Gaul. There they made
their compliments, and advised him to show himself as
soon as possible to the people of Rome, who were very
desirous to see him. He gave them a kind reception,
and entertained them in an agreeable manner. But
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? GALBA.
though Nymphidius had sent him rich vessels, and
other furniture suitable to a great prince, which he
had taken out of Nero's palace, he made use of none
of it; every thing was served up in dishes of his
own. This was a circumstance that did him honor, for
it showed him a man of superior sentiments, and in-
tirely above vanity. Titus Vinius, however, soon
endeavored to convince him that these superior senti-
ments, this modesty and simplicity of manners, be-
trayed an ambition for popular applause, which real
greatness of mind disdains; by which argument he
prevailed with him to use Nero's riches, and show all
the imperial magnificence at his entertainments. Thus
the old man made it appear that in time he would be
intirely governed by Vinius.
No man had a greater passion for money than Vi-
nius; nor was any man more an admirer of women.
While he was yet very young, and making his first
campaign under Calvisius Sabinus, he brought the
wife of his general one night into the camp in a sol-
dier's habit, and remained with her in that part of it
which the Romans call the Principia: for this, Cains
Caesar put him in prison; but. he was released on the
death of that prince. Afterwards, happening to sup
with Claudius Caesar, he stole a silver cup. The em-
peror being informed of it, invited him the following
evening, but ordered the attendants to serve him with
nothing but earthen vessels. This moderation of the
emperor seemed to show that the theft was deserving
only of ridicule, and not serious resentment: but what
he did afterwards, when he had Galba and his revenues
at command, served partly as the cause, and partly
as the pretence, for many events of the most tragical
kind.
Nymphidius, on the return of Gelliauus, whom he
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? 300
PLUTARCH.
had sent as a spy on Galba, was informed that Corne-
lius Laco was appointed to the command of the guards
and of the palace, and that all the power would be in
the hands of Vinius. This distressed him exceedingly,
as he had no opportunity to attend the emperor, or
speak to him in private; for his intentions were sus-
pected, and all were on their guard. In this perplexity,
he assembled the officers of the pretorian cohorts, and
told them, that ' Galba was indeed an old man of mild
and moderate sentiments; but that, instead of using
his own judgment, he was intirely directed by Vinius
and Laco, who made a bad use of their power. It is
our business therefore,' continued he, ' before they
insensibly establish themselves, and become sole mas-
ters, as Tigellinus was, to send ambassadors to the
emperor in the name of all the troops, and represent
to him, that if he removes those two counsellors from
his person, he will find a much more agreeable recep-
tion amongst the Romans. ' Nymphidius perceiving
that his officers did not approve the proposal, but
thought it absurd and preposterous to dictate the choice
of friends to an emperor of his age, as they might have
done to a boy who now first tasted power, he adopted
another scheme. In hopes of intimidating Galba, he
pretended sometimes in his letters that there were
discontents, and dangers of an insurrection in Rome;
sometimes, that Clodius Macer had laid an embargo in
Africa on the corn-ships. One while he said the Ger-
man legions were in motion, and another while that
there was the same rebellious disposition amongst those
in Syria and Judea. But as Galba did not give much
attention or credit to his advices, he resolved to usurp
the imperial title himself before he arrived; though
Clodius Celsus, the Antiochian, a sensible man, and
one of his best friends, did all in his power to dis-
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? GALBA.
301
suade him; and told him plainly, he did not believe
there was one family in Rome that would give him the
title of Caesar. Many others however made a jest of
Galba; and Mithridates of Pontus, in particular, mak-
ing merry with his bald head and wrinkled face, said,
'The Romans think him something extraordinary
while he is at a distance, but as soon as he arrives, they
will consider it a disgrace to the times to have ever
called him Caesar. '
It was resolved therefore that Nymphidius should be
conducted to the camp at midnight, and proclaimed
emperor. But Antonius Honoratus, the first tribune,
assembled in the evening the troops under his com-
mand, and blamed both himself and'them for changing
so often in so short a time, not in pursuance of the dic-
tates of reason, or for making a better choice, but be-
cause some demon pushed them on from one treason to
another. 'The crimes of Nero, indeed,' said he, 'may
justify our first measures: but has Galba murdered
his own mother, or his wife? or has he made you
ashamed of your emperor by appearing as a fiddler or
an actor on a stage? Yet not even these things brought
us to abandon Nero; but Nymphidius first persuaded
us that he had abandoned us, and had fled into Egypt.
Shall we then sacrifice Galba after Nero; and when
we have destroyed the relation of Livia, as well as the
son of Agrippina, set the son of Nymphidia on the
imperial throne? Or rather, after having taken ven-
geance on a detestable tyrant in Nero, shall we not
show ourselves good and faithful guards to Galba? '
On this speech of the tribune, all his men acceded
to the proposal. They applied also to their fellow-
soldiers, and prevailed on most of them to return to
their allegiance. At the same time a loud shout was
heard in the camp; and Nymphidius either believing
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? 303
PLUTARCH.
(which is the account that some give us) that the troops
were calling him in order to proclaim him emperor, or
else hastening to appease the insurrection, and fix such
as he found wavering, went with lights to the camp;
having in his hand a speech composed for him by Cin-
gonins Varro, which he had committed to memory, in
order to pronounce it to the army. But seeing the
gates shut, and a number of men in arms on the wall,
his confidence abated. However, advancing nearer, he
asked them, ' What they intended to do, and by whose
command they were under arms V They answered,
one and all, 'that they acknowleged no other em-
peror but Galba. ' Then pretending to enter into their
opinion, he applauded their fidelity, and ordered those
that accompanied him to follow his example. The
guard opening the gate, and suffering him to enter with
a few of his people, a javelin was thrown at him, which
Septimius, who went before, received on his shield.
tured too much on this occasion, he became afterwards
so cold, and so far abandoned his hopes for the public,
as to neglect the opportunities which the _55tolians
gave him, and suffered them to roam about Pelopon-
nesus, in a bacchanalian manner, committing all the
excesses that insolence could suggest.
The Achaeans were now obliged to stretch out their
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? PLUTARCH,
hands again towards Macedonia, and brought Philip
to interfere in the affairs of Greece. They knew the
regard he had for Aratus, and the confidence he placed
in him, and hoped on that account to find him tract-
able and easy in all their affairs. But the king now
first began to listen to Apelles, Megalacus, and other
courtiers, who endeavored to darken the character of
Aratus, and prevailed on him to support the contrary
party, by which means Eperatus was elected general
of the Aclueans. Eperatus, however, soon fell into
the greatest contempt amongst them; and, as Aratus
would not give any attention to their concerns, nothing
went well. Philip, finding that he had committed a
capital error, turned again to Aratus, and gave himself
up intirely to his direction. As his affairs now pros-
pered, and bis power and reputation grew under the
culture of Aratus, he depended intirely on him for the
farther increase of both. Indeed it was evident to all
the world that Aratus had excellent talents, not only
for guiding a commonwealth, but a kingdom too; for
there appeared a tincture of his principles and manners
in all the conduct of this young prince. Thus the mo-
deration with which he treated the Spartans after they
had offended him, his engaging behavior to the Cre-
tans, by which he gained the whole island in a few
days, and the glorious success of his expedition against
the >? tolians, gained Philip the honor of knowing how
to follow good counsel, and Aratus that of being able
to give it.
On this account the courtiers envied him still more;
? nd as they found that their private engines of ca-
lumny availed nothing, they began to try open battery,
reviling and insulting him at table with the utmost
effrontery and lowest abuse. Nay, once they threw
stones at him, as he was retiring from supper to his
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? ARATUS.
tent. Philip, incensed at such outrage, fined them
twenty talents; and, on their proceeding to disturb
and embroil his affairs, pnt them to death.
But afterwards he was carried so high, by the flow
of prosperity, as to discover many disorderly passions.
The native badness of his disposition broke through
the veil be had put over it, and by degrees bis real
character appeared. In the first place, he greatly in-
jured young Aratus by corrupting bis wife; and th*
intercourse was a long time secret, because he lived
under his roof, where he had been received under the
sanction of hospitality. In the next place, he disco-
vered a strong aversion to commonwealths, and to th*
cities that were under that form of government. It was
easy to be seen, too, that he wanted to shake off Ara-
tus. The first suspicion of his intentions arose from
his behavior with respect to the Messenians. There
were two factions amongst them which had raised a
sedition in the city. Aratus went to reconcile them;
but Philip getting to the place a day before him, added
stings to their mutual resentments. On the one hand,
he called the magistrates privately, and asked tbem
whether they had not laws to restrain the rabble; and,
on the other, he asked the demagogues whether they
had not hands to defend them against tyrants. The
magistrates, thus encouraged, attacked the chiefs of
the people; and they, in their turn, came with supe-
rior numbers, and killed the magistrates, with near
two hundred more of their party.
After Philip had engaged in these detestable prac-
tices, which exasperated the Messenians still more
against each other, Aratus, when he arrived, made no
secret of his resentment, nor did he restrain his son in
the severe and disparaging things he said to Philip.
The young man had once a particular attachment to
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? 284
PLUTARCH.
Philip, which in those days they distinguished by the
name of love; but, on this occasion, he scrupled not
to tell him, 'that after such a base action, instead of
appearing agreeable, he was the most deformed of hu-
mankind. '
Philip made no answer, though anger evidently was
working in his bosom, and he often muttered to him-
self while the other was speaking. However, he pre-
tended to bear it with great calmness; and, affecting
to appear the man of subdued temper and refined man-
ners, gave the elder Aratus his hand, and took him
from the theatre to the castle of Ithome, under pre-
tence of sacrificing to Jupiter and visiting the place.
This fort, which is as strong as the citadel of Corinth,
were it garrisoned, would greatly annoy the neighbor-
ing country, and be almost impregnable. After Philip
had offered his sacrifice there, and the diviner came to
show him the entrails of the ox, he took them in both
hands, and showed them to Aratus and Demetrius of
Phariae; sometimes turning them to one, and some-
times to the other, and asking them 'what they saw in
the entrails of the victim ; whether they warned him to
keep this citadel, or to restore it to the Messenians? '
Demetrius smiled and said, 'If you have the soul of a
diviner, you will restore it; but, if that of a king, you
will hold the bull by both his horns. ' By which he
hinted that he must have Peloponnesus intirely in sub-
jection, if he added Ithome to the citadel of Corinth.
Aratus was a long time silent, but on Philip's pressing
him to declare his opinion, he said, 'There are many
mountains of great strength in Crete, many castles in
Bceotia and Phocis in lofty situations, and many im-
pregnable places in Acarnania, both on the coast and
within land. You have seized none of these, and yet
they all pay you a voluntary obedience. Robbers,
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? ARATUS.
indeed, take to rocks and precipices for security; but
for a king, there is no such fortress as honor and hu-
manity. These are the things that have opened to you
the Cretan sea; these have unbarred the gates of Pe-
loponnesus. In short, by these it is that, at so early
a period in life, you are become general of the one,
and sovereign of the other. ' Whilst he was yet speak-
ing, Philip returned the entrails to the diviner, and
taking Aratus by the hand, drew him along, and said,
'Come on then, let us go as we came ;' intimating that
he had overruled him, and deprived him of such an
acquisition as the city would have been.
From this time Aratus began to withdraw from court,
and by degrees to give up all correspondence with Phi-
lip. He refused also to accompany him in his expedi-
tion into Epirus, though applied to for that purpose;
choosing to stay at home, lest he should share in the
disrepute of his actions. But, after Philip had lost
his fleet with great disgrace in the Roman war, and
nothing succeeded to his wish, he returned to Pelo-
ponnesus, and tried once more what art could do to
impose on the Messenians. When he found that his
designs were discovered, he had recourse to open hos-
tilities, and ravaged their country. Aratus then, saw
all his meanness, and broke with him intirely. By
this time, too, he perceived that he had dishonored his
son's bed; but though the injury lay heavy on him,
he concealed it from his son, because be could only
inform him that he was abused, without being able
to help him to the means of revenge. There seemed
to be a great and unnatural change in Philip, who,
of a mild and sober young prince, became a cruel
tyrant; but, in fact, it was not a change of disposition,
it was only discovering, in a time of full security, the
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? 286 PLUTARCH.
vices which his fears had long concealed. That hie
regard for Aratus had originally a great mixture of
fear and Teverence, appeared even in the method he
took to destroy him: for though he was very desirous
of effecting that cruel purpose, hecause he neither
looked on himself as an absolute prince, or a king, or
even a freeman, while Aratus lived, yet he would not
attempt any thing against him in the way of open force;
but desired Phaurion, one of his friends and generals,
to take him off in a private manner, in his absence: at
the same time he recommended poison. That officer
accordingly, having formed an acquaintance with him,
gave him a dose, not of a sharp or violent kind, but
such a one as causes lingering heats and a slight cough,
and gradually brings the body to decay. Aratus was
not ignorant of the cause of his disorder, but knowing
-that it availed nothing to discover it to the world, he
bore it quietly and in silence, as if it had been an ordi-
nary distemper. Indeed, when one of his friends came
-to visit him in his chamber, and expressed his surprise
ait seeing him spit blood, he said, 'Such, Cepbalon,
are the fruits of royal friendship. '
Thus died Aratus at jEgium, after he had been se-
venteen times general of the Achaeans. That people
-were desirous of having him buried there, and would
have thought it an honor to give him a magnificent fu-
neral, and a monument worthy of his life and charac-
ter. Bui the Sicyonians considered it as a misfortune
to have him interred any where but amongst them, and
therefore persuaded the Achaeans to leave the disposal
of the body intirely to them. As there was an ancient
law that had been observed with religious care, against
burying any person within their walls, and they were
afraid to transgress it on this occasion, they sent to
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? ARATUS.
inquire of the priestess of Apollo at Delphi; and she
returned this answer:
Seek yon what funeral honors you shall pay
To your departed prince, the small reward
For liberty restored, and glory won 1
Bid Sicyon, fearless, rear the sacred tomb.
For the vile tongue that dares with impious breath
Offend Aratus, blasts the face of nature,
Pours horror on the earth, and seas, and skies.
This oraole gave great joy to all the Achaeans, particu-
larly the people of Sicyon. They changed the day of
mourning into a festival; and, adorning themselves
with garlands and white robes, brought the corpse with
songs and dances from JEgium to Sicyon. There they
selected the most conspicuous ground, and interred
him as the founder and deliverer of their city. The
place is still called Aratium; and there they offer two
yearly sacrifices; the one on the fifth of the month
DiBsius, (the Athenians call it Authesterion,1) which was
the day he delivered the city from the yoke of tyrants,
and on which account they call the festival Soteria;
the other on his birthday. The first sacrifice was of-
fered by the priest of Jupiter the Preserver, and the
second by the son of Aratus, who, on that occasion,
wore a girdle, not intirely white, but half purple. The
music was sung to the harp by the choir that belonged
to the theatre. The procession was led up by the mas-
ter of the gymnasium, at the head of the boys and
young men; the senate followed, crowned with flow-
ers, and such of the other citizens as chose to attend.
Some small marks of the ceremonies observed on those
days still remain, but the greatest part is worn out by
time and other circumstances.
1 February.
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? 288
PLUTARCH.
'Such was the life and character that history has
given us of the elder Aratus. And as to the younger,
Philip, who was naturally wicked, and delighted to
add insolence to cruelty, gave him potions, not of the
deadly kind, but such as deprived him of his reason;
insomuch, that he took up inclinations that were shock-
ing and monstrous, and delighted in things that not
only dishonored but destroyed him. Death, there-
fore, which took him in the flower of his age, was con-
sidered, not as a misfortune, but a deliverance. The
vengeance however of Jupiter, the patron of hospitality
and friendship, visited Philip for his breach of both,
and pursued him through life: for he was beaten by
the Romans, and forced to yield himself to their dis-
cretion. In consequence of which, he was stripped of
all the provinces he had conquered, gave up all his
ships except five, obliged himself to pay a thousand
talents, and deliver his son as a hostage. He even
held Macedonia and its dependences only at the mercy
of the conquerors. Amidst all these misfortunes, he
was possessed only of one blessing, a son of superior
virtue, and him he put to death, in his envy and jea-
lousy of the honors the Romans paid him. He left his
crown to his other son Perseus, who was believed not
to be his, but a supposititious child, born of a semp-
stress named Gnathaenium. It was over him thatPau-
lus yEmilius triumphed, and in him ended the royal
race of Antigonus; whereas the posterity of Aratus
remained to our days, and still continues in Sicyon
and Pellene.
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? GALBA.
IpHicrates, the Athenian general, thought that a sol-
dier of fortune should have an attachment both to mo-
ney and pleasure, that his passions might put him on
fighting with more boldness for a supply. But most
others are of opinion that the main body of an army,
like the healtiiy natural body, should have no motion
of its own, but be intirely guided by the head. Hence
Paulus jEmilius, when he found his army in Macedo-
nia, talkative, busy, and ready to direct their general,
is said to have given orders 'that each;'should keep his
hand fit for action, and his sword sharp, and leave the
rest to him. ' And Plato perceiving that the best gene-
ral cannot undertake any thing with success, unless
his troops are sober, and perfectly united to support
him, concluded, that to know how to obey required as
generous a disposition, and as rational an education,
as to know how to command; for these advantages
would correct the violence and impetuosity of the sol-
dier with the mildness and humanity of the philoso-
pher. Amongst other fatal examples, what happened
amongst the Romans after the death of Nero, is suffi-
cient to show that nothing is more dreadful than an
undisciplined army actuated only by the impulse of
their own ferocity. Demades, seeing the wild and vio-
lent motions of the Macedonian army after the death
of Alexander, compared it to the Cyclops,1 after his
eye was put out. But the Roman empire more re-
sembled the extravagant passions and ravings of the
Titans, which the poets tell us of, when it was torn in
PLUT.
1 Polyphemus.
VoL. VII.
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? 290
PLUTARCH.
pieces by rebellion, and turned its arms against itself;
not so much through the ambition of the emperors, as
the avarice and licentiousness of the soldiers, who
drove out one emperor by another.
Dionysius the Sicilian, speaking of Alexander of
Phera, who reigned in Thessaly only ten months, and
then was slain, called him, in derision of the sudden
change, a theatrical tyrant: but the palace of the Ca? -
sars received four emperors in a less space of time, one
entering, and another making his exit, as if they had
only been acting a part on a stage. The Romans, in-
deed, had one consolation amidst their misfortunes,
that they needed no other revenge on the authors of
them, than to see them destroy each other; and with
the greatest justice of all fell the first, who corrupted
the army, and taught them to expect so much on the
change of an emperor; thus dishonoring a glorious ac-
tion by mercenary considerations, and turning the revolt
from Nero into treason: for Nymphidius Sabinus,
who, as we observed before,1 was joined in commission
with Tigellinus, as captain of the pretorian cohorts,
after Nero's affairs were in a desperate state, and it
was plain that he intended to retire into Egypt, per-
suaded the army, as if Nero had already abdicated, to
declare Galba emperor, promising every soldier of the
pretorian cohorts seven thousand five hundred drach-
mas, and the troops that were quartered in the pro-
vinces twelve hundred and fifty drachmas a man: a
sum which it was impossible to collect without doing
infinitely more mischief to the empire than Nero had
done in his whole reign. . '
This proved the immediate ruin of Nero, and soon
after destroyed Galba himself. They deserted Nerd
1 In the life of Nero, which is lost.
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? GALEA.
in hopes of receiving the money, and despatched Galba
because they did not receive it. Afterwards they
sought for another who might pay them that sum; but
they ruined themselves by their rebellions and trea-
sons, without gaining what they had been made to ex-
pect. To give a complete and exact account of the
affairs of those times belongs to the professed histo-
rian. It is however in my province to lay before the
reader the most remarkable circumstances in the lives
of the Caesars.
It is an acknowleged truth that Sulpitius Galba was
the richest private man that ever rose to the imperial
dignity: but though his extraction was of the noblest,
from the family of the Servii, yet he thought it a
greater honor to be related to Quintus Catulus Capito-
linus, who was the first man in his time for virtue and
reputation, though he voluntarily left to others the
pre-eminence in power. He was also related to Livia
the wife of Augustus, and it was by her interest that
he was raised from the office he had in the palace to the
dignity of consul.
It is said that he acquitted himself
of his commission in Germany with honor; and that
he gained more reputation than most commanders,
during his proconsulate in Africa: but his simple par-
simonious way of living passed for avarice in an empe-
ror; and the pride he took in economy and strict tem-
perance was out of character.
He was sent governor into Spain by Nero, before
that emperor had learned to fear such of the citizens
as had great authority in Rome. Besides, the mildness
of his temper and his advanced time of life, promised
a cautious and prudent conduct. The emperor's re-
ceivers, a most abandoned set of men, harassed the
provinces in the most cruel manner. Galba could not
assist them against their persecutors, but his concern
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? 292
PLUTARCH.
for their misfortunes, which appeared not less than if
he had heen a sufferer himself, afforded them some
consolation, even while they were condemned and sold
for slaves. Many songs were made on Nero, and sung
every where; and as Galba did not endeavor to sup-
press them, or join the receivers of the revenues in their
resentment, that was a circumstance which endeared
him still more to the natives: for by this time he had
contracted a friendship with them, having long been
their governor. He had borne that commission eight
years, when Junius Vindex, who commanded in Gaul,
revolted against Nero. It is said that before this re-
bellion broke out Galba had intimations of it in let-
ters from Vindex; but he neither countenanced nor
discovered it, as the governors of other provinces did,
who sent the letters they had received to Nero, and by
that means ruined the project, as far as was in their
power. Yet those same governors afterwards joining
in the conspiracy against their prince, showed that they
could betray not only Vindex, but themselves.
But after Vindex had openly commenced hostilities,
he wrote to Galba, desiring him 'to accept the impe-
rial dignity, and give a head to the strong Gallic body,
which so much wanted one; which had no less than a
hundred thousand men in arms, and was able to raise a
much greater number. '
Galba then called a council of his friends. Some of
them advised him to wait and see what motions there
might be in Rome, or inclinations for a change: but Ti-
tus Viuius, captain of one of the pretorian cohorts,
said, 'What room is there, Galba, for deliberation?
To inquire whether we shall continue faithful to Nero,
is to have revolted already. There is no medium.
We must either accept the friendship of Vindex, as if
Nero were our declared enemy, or accuse and fight Vin-
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? GALBA.
293
dex, because he desires that the Romans should have
Galba for their emperor, rather than Nero for their
tyrant. ' On this, Galba, by an edict, fixed a day for
enfranchising all who should present themselves. The
report of this soon drew together a multitude of people
who were desirous of a change, and he had no sooner
mounted the tribunal, than with one voice they de-
clared him emperor. He did not immediately accept
the title, but accused Nero of great crimes, and la-
mented the fate of many Romans of great distinction,
whom he had barbarously slain: after which he de-
clared ' that he would serve his country with his best
abilities, not as Caesar or emperor, but as lieutenant to
the senate and people of Rome. '
That it was a just and rational scheme which Vindex
adopted in calling Galba to the empire, there needs no
better proof than Nero himself: for though he pre-
tended to look on the commotions in Gaul as nothing,
yet when he received the news of Galba's revolt,
which he happened to do just after he had bathed, and
had sat down to supper, in his madness he overturned
the table. However, when the senate had declared
Galba to be an enemy to his country, he affected to
despise the danger, and, attempting to be merry on it,
said to his friends, ' I have long wanted a pretence to
raise money, and this will furnish me with an excel-
lent one. The Gauls, when I have conquered them,
will be a fine booty, and, in the mean time, I will seize
the estate of Galba, since he is a declared enemy, and
dispose of it as I think fit. ' Accordingly he gave di-
rections that Galba's estate should be sold; which
Galba no sooner heard of, than he exposed to sale all
that belonged to Nero in Spain, and more readily
found purchasers.
The revolt from Nero soon became general; and the
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? PLUTARCH.
governors of provinces declared for Galba: only Clo-
dius Macer in Africa, and Virginius Rufus in Ger-
many, stood out and acted for themselves, but on dif-
ferent motives. Clodius being conscious to himself of
much rapine, and many murders, to which his avarice
and cruelty had prompted him, was in a fluctuating
state, and could not take his resolution either to as-
sume or reject the imperial title. And Virginius, who
commanded some of the best legions in the empire, and
had been often pressed by them to take the title of em-
peror, declared, ' that he would neither take it him-
self, nor suffer it to be given to any other, but the per-
son whom the senate should name. '
Galba was not a little alarmed at this at first: but
after the forces of Virginius and Vindex had over-
powered them, like charioteers no longer able to guide
the reins, and forced them to fight, Vindex lost twenty
thousand Gauls in the battle, and then despatched
himself. A report was then current that the victori-
ous army, in consequence of so great an advantage,
would insist that Virginius should accept the imperial
dignity, and that if he refused it, they would turn
again to Nero. This put Galba in p. great consterna-
tion, and he wrote letters to Virginius exhorting him
to act in concert with him, for preserving the empire
and liberty of the Romans. After which he retired
with his friends to Colonia, a city in Spain, and there
spent some time, rr. ther in repenting of what he had
done, and wishing for the life of ease and leisure, to
which he had so long been accustomed, than taking
any of the necessary steps for his promotion.
It was now the beginning of summer, when one even-
ing, a little before night, one of Galba's freedmen, a
native of Sicily, arrived in seven days from Rome,
BeiDg told that Galba had retired to rest, he ran up to
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? GALBA.
295
his chamber, and having opened it, in spite of the re-
sistance of the chamberlains, informed him, 'That as
JJero did not appear, though he was living at that time,
the army first, and then the people and senate of Rome,
had declared Galba emperor; and, not long after, news
was brought that Nero was dead. ' He added, that he
was not satisfied with the report, but went and saw the
dead body of the tyrant, before he would set out.
Galba was greatly elevated by this intelligence; and
he encouraged the multitudes that soon attended at the
door by communicating it to them, though the expedi-
tion with which it was brought appeared incredible.
But, two days after, Titus Vinius, with many others,
arrived from the camp, and brought an account of all
the proceedings of the senate. Vinius was promoted
to an honorable employment; while the freedman had
his name changed from Icelus to Marcianus, was ho-
nored with the privilege of wearing the gold ring, and
had more attention paid him than any of the other
freedmen.
Meantime, at Rome, Nymphidius Sabinus got the
administration into his hands, not by slow and insensi-
ble steps, but with the greatest celerity. He knew
that Galba, on account of his great age, being now se-
venty-three, was scarce able to make the journey to
Rome, though carried in a litter. Besides, the forces
there had long been inclined to serve him, and now
they depended on him only, considering him as their
benefactor on account of the large gratuity he had pro-
mised, and Galba as their debtor. He therefore im-
mediately commanded his colleague Tigellinus to give
up his sword. He made great entertainments, at which
he received persons of consular dignity, and such as
had commanded armies and provinces; yet he gave,
the invitation in the name of Galba. He likewise in-
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? 290
PLUTARCH.
structed many of the soldiers to suggest it to the pre-
torian cohorts, that they should send a message to
Galba, demanding that Nymphidius should be always
their captain, and without a colleague. The readiness
the senate expressed to add to his honor and authority,
in calling him their benefactor, in going daily to pay
their respects at his gate, and desiring that he would
take on him to propose and confirm every decree,
brought him to a much higher pitch of insolence; in-
somuch, that, in a little time, he became not only ob-
noxious, but formidable to the very persons that paid
their court to him. When the consuls had charged
the public messengers with the decrees to be carried
to the emperor, and had sealed the instruments with
their seal, in order that the magistrates of the towns
through which they were to pass, seeing their autho-
rity, might furnish them with carriages at every dif-
ferent stage for the great expedition, he resented it,
that they had not made use of his seal, and employed
his men to carry the dispatches. It is said that he
even had it under consideration whether he should not
punish the consuls; but on their apologising and beg-
ging pardon for the affront, he was appeased. To in-
gratiate himself with the people, he did not hinder
them from despatching by torture such of Nero's
creatures as fell into their hands. A gladiator, named
Spicillus, was put under the statues of Nero, and
dragged about with them in the forum till he died:
Aponius, one of the informers, was extended on the
ground, and waggons, loaded with stones, driven over
him: they tore many others in pieces, and some who
were intirely innocent. So that Mauriscus, who had
not only the character of one of the best men in Rome,
but really deserved it, said one day to the senate, 'he
was afraid they should soon regret the loss of Nero. '
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? GALBA.
Nymphidius, thus advancing in his hopes, was not at
all displeased at being called the son of Caius Caesar,
who reigned after Tiberius. It seems that prince, in
his youth, was acquainted with his mother, who was
daughter of Callistus, one of Caesar's freedmen, by
a sempstress, and who was not wanting in personal
charms. But it is evident that the acquaintance Caius
had with her was after the birth of Nymphidius; and
it was believed that he was the. son of Martianus the
gladiator, whom Nymphidia fell in love with on ac-
count of his reputation in his way; besides, his re-
semblance to the gladiator gave a sanction to that
opinion. Be that as it may, he acknowleged himself
the son of Nymphidia, and yet insisted that he-was
the only person who deposed Nero. Not content with
the honors and emoluments he enjoyed on that ac-
count, *****
***** *
he aspired to the imperial seat, and had his engines
privately at work in Rome, in which he employed his
friends, with some intriguing women, and some men of
consular rank. He sent also Gellianus, one of his friends,
into Spain, to act as a spy on Galba.
After the death of Nero, all things went for Galba
according to his wish; only the uncertainty what part
Virginius Rufus would act, gave him some uneasiness.
Virginius commanded a powerful army, which had
already conquered Vindex; and he held in subjection
a very considerable part of the Roman empire; for he
was master not only of Germany, but Gaul, which was
in great agitation, and ripe for a revolt. Galba,
therefore, was apprehensive that he would listen to
those who offered him the imperial purple. Indeed,
there was not an officer of greater name or reputation
than Virginius, nor one who had more weight in the
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PLUTARCH.
affairs of those times; for he had delivered the empire
both from tyranny and from a Gallic war. He abode
however by his first resolution, and reserved the ap-
pointment of emperor for the senate. After Nero's
death was certainly known, the troops again pressed
hard on Virginius, and one of the tribunes drew his
sword in the pavilion, and bade him receive either
sovereign power or the steel; but the menace had no
effect. At last, after Fabius Valens, who commanded
one legion, had taken the oath of fidelity to Galba, and
letters arrived from Rome with an account of the se-
nate's decree, he persuaded his army, though with
great difficulty, to acknowlege Galba. The new em-
peror having sent Flaccus Hordeouius as his suc-
cessor, he received him in that quality, and delivered
up his forces to him. He then went to meet Galba,
who was on his journey to Rome, and attended him
thither, without finding any marks either of his favor
or resentment. The reason of this was, that Galba,
on the one hand, considered him in too respectable a
light to offer him any injury; and, on the other hand,
the emperor's friends, particularly Titus Vinius, were
jealous of the progress he might make in his favor.
But that officer was not aware, that while he was pre-
venting his promotion, he was co-operating with his
good genius, in withdrawing him from the wars and
calamities in which other generals were engaged, and
bringing him to a life of tranquillity full of days and
peace.
The ambassadors which the senate sent to Galba
met him at Narbon, a city of Gaul. There they made
their compliments, and advised him to show himself as
soon as possible to the people of Rome, who were very
desirous to see him. He gave them a kind reception,
and entertained them in an agreeable manner. But
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? GALBA.
though Nymphidius had sent him rich vessels, and
other furniture suitable to a great prince, which he
had taken out of Nero's palace, he made use of none
of it; every thing was served up in dishes of his
own. This was a circumstance that did him honor, for
it showed him a man of superior sentiments, and in-
tirely above vanity. Titus Vinius, however, soon
endeavored to convince him that these superior senti-
ments, this modesty and simplicity of manners, be-
trayed an ambition for popular applause, which real
greatness of mind disdains; by which argument he
prevailed with him to use Nero's riches, and show all
the imperial magnificence at his entertainments. Thus
the old man made it appear that in time he would be
intirely governed by Vinius.
No man had a greater passion for money than Vi-
nius; nor was any man more an admirer of women.
While he was yet very young, and making his first
campaign under Calvisius Sabinus, he brought the
wife of his general one night into the camp in a sol-
dier's habit, and remained with her in that part of it
which the Romans call the Principia: for this, Cains
Caesar put him in prison; but. he was released on the
death of that prince. Afterwards, happening to sup
with Claudius Caesar, he stole a silver cup. The em-
peror being informed of it, invited him the following
evening, but ordered the attendants to serve him with
nothing but earthen vessels. This moderation of the
emperor seemed to show that the theft was deserving
only of ridicule, and not serious resentment: but what
he did afterwards, when he had Galba and his revenues
at command, served partly as the cause, and partly
as the pretence, for many events of the most tragical
kind.
Nymphidius, on the return of Gelliauus, whom he
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PLUTARCH.
had sent as a spy on Galba, was informed that Corne-
lius Laco was appointed to the command of the guards
and of the palace, and that all the power would be in
the hands of Vinius. This distressed him exceedingly,
as he had no opportunity to attend the emperor, or
speak to him in private; for his intentions were sus-
pected, and all were on their guard. In this perplexity,
he assembled the officers of the pretorian cohorts, and
told them, that ' Galba was indeed an old man of mild
and moderate sentiments; but that, instead of using
his own judgment, he was intirely directed by Vinius
and Laco, who made a bad use of their power. It is
our business therefore,' continued he, ' before they
insensibly establish themselves, and become sole mas-
ters, as Tigellinus was, to send ambassadors to the
emperor in the name of all the troops, and represent
to him, that if he removes those two counsellors from
his person, he will find a much more agreeable recep-
tion amongst the Romans. ' Nymphidius perceiving
that his officers did not approve the proposal, but
thought it absurd and preposterous to dictate the choice
of friends to an emperor of his age, as they might have
done to a boy who now first tasted power, he adopted
another scheme. In hopes of intimidating Galba, he
pretended sometimes in his letters that there were
discontents, and dangers of an insurrection in Rome;
sometimes, that Clodius Macer had laid an embargo in
Africa on the corn-ships. One while he said the Ger-
man legions were in motion, and another while that
there was the same rebellious disposition amongst those
in Syria and Judea. But as Galba did not give much
attention or credit to his advices, he resolved to usurp
the imperial title himself before he arrived; though
Clodius Celsus, the Antiochian, a sensible man, and
one of his best friends, did all in his power to dis-
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? GALBA.
301
suade him; and told him plainly, he did not believe
there was one family in Rome that would give him the
title of Caesar. Many others however made a jest of
Galba; and Mithridates of Pontus, in particular, mak-
ing merry with his bald head and wrinkled face, said,
'The Romans think him something extraordinary
while he is at a distance, but as soon as he arrives, they
will consider it a disgrace to the times to have ever
called him Caesar. '
It was resolved therefore that Nymphidius should be
conducted to the camp at midnight, and proclaimed
emperor. But Antonius Honoratus, the first tribune,
assembled in the evening the troops under his com-
mand, and blamed both himself and'them for changing
so often in so short a time, not in pursuance of the dic-
tates of reason, or for making a better choice, but be-
cause some demon pushed them on from one treason to
another. 'The crimes of Nero, indeed,' said he, 'may
justify our first measures: but has Galba murdered
his own mother, or his wife? or has he made you
ashamed of your emperor by appearing as a fiddler or
an actor on a stage? Yet not even these things brought
us to abandon Nero; but Nymphidius first persuaded
us that he had abandoned us, and had fled into Egypt.
Shall we then sacrifice Galba after Nero; and when
we have destroyed the relation of Livia, as well as the
son of Agrippina, set the son of Nymphidia on the
imperial throne? Or rather, after having taken ven-
geance on a detestable tyrant in Nero, shall we not
show ourselves good and faithful guards to Galba? '
On this speech of the tribune, all his men acceded
to the proposal. They applied also to their fellow-
soldiers, and prevailed on most of them to return to
their allegiance. At the same time a loud shout was
heard in the camp; and Nymphidius either believing
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PLUTARCH.
(which is the account that some give us) that the troops
were calling him in order to proclaim him emperor, or
else hastening to appease the insurrection, and fix such
as he found wavering, went with lights to the camp;
having in his hand a speech composed for him by Cin-
gonins Varro, which he had committed to memory, in
order to pronounce it to the army. But seeing the
gates shut, and a number of men in arms on the wall,
his confidence abated. However, advancing nearer, he
asked them, ' What they intended to do, and by whose
command they were under arms V They answered,
one and all, 'that they acknowleged no other em-
peror but Galba. ' Then pretending to enter into their
opinion, he applauded their fidelity, and ordered those
that accompanied him to follow his example. The
guard opening the gate, and suffering him to enter with
a few of his people, a javelin was thrown at him, which
Septimius, who went before, received on his shield.
