Generally, as Western invest- ments have increased in the Third World, life conditions for the ordi- nary
peasants
and workers have grown steadily more desperate.
Blackshirts-and-Reds-by-Michael-Parenti
18 BLACKSHIRTS AND REDS
Chamberlain was positively cozy with the Nazis. He and many of his class saw Hitler as a bulwark against communism in Germany, and Nazi Germany as a bulwark against communism in Europe.
After World War II, the Western capitalist allies did little to eradi- cate fascism from Italy or Germany, except for putting some of the top leaders on trial at Nuremberg. By 1947, German conservatives began to depict the Nuremberg prosecutors as dupes of the Jews and com- munists. In Italy, the strong partisan movement that had waged armed struggle against fascism was soon treated as suspect and unpatriotic. Within a year after the war, almost all Italian fascists were released from prison while hundreds of communists and other leftist partisans who had been fighting the Nazi occupation were jailed. History was turned on its head, transforming the Blackshirts into victims and the Reds into criminals. Allied authorities assisted in these measures. 13
Under the protection of U. S. occupation authorities, the police, courts, military, security agencies, and bureaucracy remained largely staffed by those who had served the former fascist regimes or by their ideological recruits--as is true to this day. The perpetrators of the Holocaust murdered six million Jews, half a million Gypsies, thou- sands of homosexuals, several million Ukranians, Russians, Poles, and others, and got away with it--in good part because the very people who were supposed to investigate these crimes were them- selves complicit.
13 Roy Palmer Domenico, Italian Fascists on Trial, 1943-1948 (Chapel Hill: Univer- sity of North Carolina Press, 1991), passim. So in France, very few of the Vichy collaborators were purged. "No one of any rank was seriously punished for his
or her role in the roundup and deportation of Jews to Nazi camps": Herbert Lottman, The Purge (New York: William Morrow, 1986), 290. Much the same
can be said about Germany; see Ingo Muller, Hitlers Justice (Cambridge, Mass. : Harvard University Press, 1991), part 3, "The Aftermath" U. S. military author- ities restored fascist collaborators to power in various Far East nations<< In South Korea, for instance, Koreans collaborators and the Japanese-trained police were used to suppress left democratic forces. The South Korean Army was commanded by officers who had served in the Imperial Japanese Army "and were proud of it. " Numbers of them had been guilty of war crimes in the Philippines and China: Hugh Deane, "Korea, China and the United States: A Look Back," Monthly Review, Feb. 1995, 20 and 23.
? RATIONAL FASCISM 19
In comparison, when the Communists took over in East Germany, they removed some 80 percent of the judges, teachers, and officials for their Nazi collaboration; they imprisoned thousands, and they executed six hundred Nazi party leaders for war crimes. They would have shot more of the war criminals had not so many fled to the protective embrace of the West.
What happened to the U. S. businesses that collaborated with fas- cism? The Rockefeller family's Chase National Bank used its Paris office in Vichy France to help launder German money to facilitate Nazi international trade during the war, and did so with complete impunity. 14 Corporations like DuPont, Ford, General Motors, and ITT owned factories in enemy countries that produced fuel, tanks, and planes that wreaked havoc on Allied forces. After the war, instead of being prosecuted for treason, ITT collected $27 million from the U. S. government for war damages inflicted on its German plants by Allied bombings. General Motors collected over $33 million. Pilots were given instructions not to hit factories in Germany that were owned by U. S. firms. Thus Cologne was almost leveled by Allied bombing but its Ford plant, providing military equipment for the Nazi army, was untouched; indeed, German civilians began using the plant as an air raid shelter. 15
For decades, U. S. leaders have done their part in keeping Italian fascism alive. From 1945 to 1975, U. S. government agencies gave an estimated $75 million to right-wing organizations in Italy, including some with close ties to the neofascist Movimento Sociale Italiano (MSI). In 1975, then Secretary of State Henry Kissinger met with
14 After the war, Hermann Abs, head of the Deutsche Bank and in effect "Hitler's paymaster," was hailed by David Rockefeller as "the most important banker of our time. " According to his New York Times obituary, Abs "played a dominant role in West Germany's reconstruction after World War II. " Neither the Times
nor Rockefeller said a word about Abs' Nazi connections, his banks predatory incursions across Nazi occupied Europe, and his participation, as a board member of I. G. Farben, in the use of slave labor at Auschwitz: Robert Carl Miller, Portland Free Press, Sept/Oct 1994.
15 Charles Higham, Trading with the Enemy.
? 20 BLACKSHIRTS AND REDS
MSI leader Giorgio Almirante in Washington to discuss what "alter- natives" might be considered should the Italian Communists win the elections and take control of the government.
Hundreds of Nazi war criminals found a haven in the United States, either living in comfortable anonymity or actively employed by U. S. intelligence agencies during the cold war and otherwise enjoying the protection of high-placed individuals. Some of them found their way onto the Republican presidential campaign com- mittees of Richard Nixon, Ronald Reagan, and George Bush. 16
In Italy, from 1969 to 1974, high-ranking elements in Italian military intelligence and civilian intelligence agencies; members of P2, a secret lodge of upper-class reactionaries, pro-fascist Vatican officials, and top military brass; and GLADIO, a NATO-inspired anticommunist mercenary force, embarked upon a concerted cam- paign of terror and sabotage known as the "strategy of tension Other participants included a secret neofascist group called the Ordine Nuovo, NATO officials, members of the carabinieri, mafia bosses, thirty generals, eight admirals, and influential Freemasons like Licio Gelli (a fascist war criminal recruited by U. S. intelligence in 1944). The terrorism was aided and abetted by the "international security apparatus" including the CIA. In 1995, the CIA refused to cooperate with an Italian parliamentary commission investigating the strategy of tension ( Corriere della Sera, 4/12/95, 5/29/95).
The terrorist conspirators carried out a series of kidnappings,
16 One of them, Boleslavs Maikovskis, a Latvian police chief who fled to West Germany to escape Soviet war crimes investigations and then to the United States, was heavily implicated in the Nazi slaughter of over two hundred Latvian villagers. He served for a time on a Republican party subcommittee to re-elect President Nixon, then fled back to Germany to avoid a belated U. S. war crimes investigation, dying at the ripe old age of 92 (New York Times, 5/8/96). Nazi war criminals have been aided by Western intelligence agencies, business interests, the military, and even the Vatican. In October 1944, German paratroop commander Major Walter Reder slaughtered 1,836 defenseless civilians in a village near Bologna, Italy as a reprisal against Partisan activities. He was released from
prison in 1985, after Pope John Paul II, among others, made an appeal on his behalf--over the strenuous protests of relatives of the victims.
? RATIONAL FASCISM 21
assassinations, and bombing massacres (i stragi), including the explosion that killed eighty-five people and injured some two hun- dred, many seriously, in the Bologna train station in August 1980. As subsequent judicial investigations concluded, the strategy of tension was not a simple product of neofascism but the consequence of a larger campaign conducted by state security forces against the grow- ing popularity of the democratic parliamentary Left. The objective was to "combat by any means necessary the electoral gains of the Italian Communist party" and create enough fear and terror in the population so as to undermine the multiparty social democracy and replace it with an authoritarian "presidential republic," or in any case "a stronger and more stable executive. " {La Repubblica, 4/9/95; Corriere della Sera, 3/27/95, 3/28/95, 5/29/95).
In the 1980s, scores of people were murdered in Germany, Belgium and elsewhere in Western Europe by extreme rightists in the service of state security agencies (Z Magazine, March 1990). These acts of terrorism went mostly unreported in the U. S. corporate- owned media. As with the earlier strategy of tension in Italy, the attacks were designed to create enough popular fear and uncertainty so as to undermine the existing social democracies.
Authorities in these Western European countries and the United States have done little to expose neo-Nazi networks. As the whiffs of fascism develop into an undeniable stench, we are reminded that Hitler s progeny are still with us and that they have dangerous links with each other and within the security agencies of various Western capitalist nations.
In Italy, in 1994, the national elections were won by the National Alliance, a broadened version of the neofascist MSI, in coalition with a league of Northern separatists, and Forza Italia, a quasi-fascist movement headed by industrialist and media tycoon Silvio Berlusconi. The National Alliance played on resentments regarding unemployment, taxes, and immigration. It called for a single tax rate for rich and poor alike, school vouchers, a stripping away of the
? 22 BLACKSHIRTS AND REDS
social benefits, and the privatization of most services.
The Italian neofascists were learning from the U. S. reactionaries how to achieve fascism's class goals within the confines of quasi- democratic forms: use an upbeat, Reaganesque optimism; replace the jackbooted militarists with media-hyped crowd pleasers; con- vince people that government is the enemy--especially its social service sector--while strengthening the repressive capacities of the state; instigate racist hostility and antagonisms between the resident population and immigrants; preach the mythical virtues of the free market; and pursue tax and spending measures that redistribute
income upward.
Conservatives in the Western nations utilize diluted forms of the
fascist mass appeal. In the USA, they propagate populist-sounding appeals to the "ordinary Middle American" while quietly pressing for measures that serve the interests of the wealthiest individuals and corporations. In 1996, right-wing Speaker of the House of Representatives Newt Gingrich, while proffering a new rollback agenda that supposedly would revitalize all of society, announced "I am a genuine revolutionary. " Whether in Italy, Germany, the United States, or any other country, when the Right offers a "new revolu- tion" or a "new order," it is in the service of the same old moneyed interests, leading down that well-trodden road of reaction and repression that so many Third World countries have been forced to take, the road those at the top want us all to travel.
? CHAPTER 2
LET US NOW PRAISE REVOLUTION
For most of this century U. S. foreign policy has been devoted to the suppression of revolutionary governments and radical move- ments around the world. The turn of the twentieth century found the McKinley administration in a war of attrition against the people of the Philippines lasting from 1898 to 1902 (with pockets of resis- tance continuing for years afterward). In that conflict, U. S. forces slaughtered some 200,000 Filipino women, men, and children. 1 At about that same time, in conjunction with various European colo- nial powers, the United States invaded China to help suppress the Boxer Rebellion at substantial loss of life to the Chinese rebels. U. S. forces took over Hawaii, Cuba, Puerto Rico, and Guam and in the following decades invaded Mexico, Soviet Russia, Nicaragua, Honduras, the Dominican Republic, and other countries, actions that usually inflicted serious losses upon the populations of these countries.
1 Leon Wolf, Little Brown Brother (New York: Oxford University Press, 1960). 23
? 24 BLACKSHIRTS AND REDS
The Costs of Counterrevolution
From grade school through grad school, few of us are taught any- thing about these events, except to be told that U. S. forces must intervene in this or that country in order to protect U. S. interests, thwart aggression, and defend our national security. U. S. leaders fashioned other convenient rationales for their interventions abroad. The public was told that the peoples of various countries were in need of our civilizing guidance and desired the blessings of democ- racy, peace, and prosperity. To accomplish this, of course, it might be necessary to kill off considerable numbers of the more recalcitrant among them. Such were the measures our policymakers were willing to pursue in order to "uplift lesser peoples "
The emergence of major communist powers like the Soviet Union and the Peoples Republic of China lent another dimension to U. S. global counterrevolutionary policy. The communists were depicted as evil incarnate, demonized conspirators who sought power for power's sake. The United States had to be everywhere to counteract this spreading "cancer," we were told.
In the name of democracy, U. S. leaders waged a merciless war against revolutionaries in Indochina for the better part of twenty years. They dropped many times more tons of explosives on Vietnam than were used throughout World War II by all combatants com- bined. Testifying before a Congressional committee, former CIA director William Colby admitted that under his direction U. S. forces and their South Vietnam collaborators carried out the selective assassination of 24,000 Vietnamese dissidents, in what was known as the Phoenix Program. His associate, the South Vietnamese minister of information, maintained that 40,000 was a more accurate esti- mate. 2 U. S. policymakers and their media mouthpieces judged the war a "mistake" because the Vietnamese proved incapable of being properly instructed by B-52 bomber raids and death squads. By
2Mark Lane, Plausible Denial (New York: Thunders Mouth Press, 1991), 79.
? LET US NOW PRAISE REVOLUTION 25
prevailing against this onslaught, the Vietnamese supposedly demon- strated that they were "unprepared for our democratic institutions
In pursuit of counterrevolution and in the name of freedom, U. S. forces or U. S. -supported surrogate forces slaughtered 2,000,000 North Koreans in a three-year war; 3,000,000 Vietnamese; over 500,000 in aerial wars over Laos and Cambodia; over 1,500,000 mil- lion in Angola; over 1,000,000 in Mozambique; over 500,000 in Afghanistan; 500,000 to 1,000,000 in Indonesia; 200,000 in East Timor; 100,000 in Nicaragua (combining the Somoza and Reagan eras); over 100,000 in Guatemala (plus an additional 40,000 disap- peared); over 700,000 in Iraq;3 over 60,000 in El Salvador; 30,000 in the "dirty war" of Argentina (though the government admits to only 9,000); 35,000 in Taiwan, when the Kuomintang military arrived from China; 20,000 in Chile; and many thousands in Haiti, Panama, Grenada, Brazil, South Africa, Western Sahara, Zaire, Turkey, and dozens of other countries, in what amounts to a free-market world holocaust.
Official sources either deny these U. S. -sponsored mass murders or justify them as necessary measures that had to be taken against an implacable communist foe. Anticommunist propaganda saturated our airwaves, schools, and political discourse. Despite repeated and often factitious references to the tyranny of the Red Menace, the anticommunist opinion makers never spelled out what communists actually did in the way of socio-economic policy. This might explain why, despite decades of Red-bashing propaganda, most Americans, including many who number themselves among the political cognoscenti, still cannot offer an informed statement about the social policies of communist societies.
3 The 1991 war waged by the Bush administration against Iraq, which claimed an estimated 200,000 victims, was followed by U. S. -led United Nations economic sanctions. A study by the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization, The Children Are Dying (1996), reports that since the end of the war 576,000 Iraqi children have died of starvation and disease and tens of thousands more suffer defects and illnesses due to the five years of sanctions.
? 26 BLACKSHIRTS AND REDS
The anti-Red propagandists uttered nary a word about how revo- lutionaries in Russia, China, Cuba, Vietnam, Nicaragua, and other countries nationalized the lands held by rich exploitative landlords and initiated mass programs for education, health, housing, and jobs. Not a word about how their efforts advanced the living stan- dards and life chances of hundreds of millions in countries that had long suffered under the yoke of feudal oppression and Western colo- nial pillage, an improvement in mass well-being never before wit- nessed in history.
No matter that the revolutionaries in various Asian, African, and Latin American countries enjoyed popular support and were willing to pursue a neutralist course in East-West relations rather than place themselves under the hegemony of either Moscow or Peking. They still were targeted for a counterrevolutionary battering. From oppos- ing communists because they might be revolutionaries, it was a short step to opposing revolutionaries because they might be communists.
The real sin of revolutionaries, communist or not, was that they championed the laboring classes against the wealthy few. They advo- cated changes in the distribution of class power and the way wealth was produced and used. They wanted less individualistic advance- ment at the expense of the many and collective betterment for the entire working populace.
Presumptions of Power
Ruling classes throughout the world hate and fear communism not for its lack of political democracy, but because it attempts to establish economic democracy by building an egalitarian, collectivist social system--though they rarely come right out and say as much. This counterrevolutionary interventionist policy rests on several dubious assumptions that might be stated and rebutted as follows:
1. "U. S. leaders have the right to define the limits of socio- economic development within other nations. " Not true. Under no
? LET US NOW PRAISE REVOLUTION 27
canon of international law or any other legal stricture do the leaders of this country have the right to ordain what kind of economic sys- tem or mode of social development another country may adopt, no more right than do the leaders of other countries have to dictate such things to the United States. In practice, the option to dictate is exer- cised by the strong over the weak, a policy of might, not right.
2. "The United States must play a counterrevolutionary contain- ment role in order to protect our national interests. " This is true only if we equate "our national interests" with the investment interests of high finance. U. S. interventionism has been very effective in building neo-imperialism, keeping the land, labor, natural resources, and markets of Third World countries available at bargain prices to multinational corporations. But these corporate interests do not rep- resent the interests of the U. S. people. The public pays for the huge military budgets and endures the export of its jobs to foreign labor markets, the inflow of thousands of impoverished immigrants who compete for scarce employment and housing, and various other costs of empire. 4
Furthermore, revolutionary governments like Cuba, Libya, Vietnam, and North Korea were--and still are--eager to trade and maintain peaceful relations with this country. These countries do not threaten the national security of the United States or its people, but the overseas interests of global capitalism. If allowed to multiply in numbers, countries with an alternative socialist system, one that uses the land, labor, capital, and natural resources in collectivist ways, placing people before profits, would eventually undermine global capitalism.
3. "The United States has a moral obligation to guarantee the sta- bility of nations that are undergoing democratic development but are threatened by revolutionaries and terrorists. " In fact, most U. S. interventions are on behalf of corrupt and self-serving oligarchs and
4 For a further discussion of this and related points, see my book Against Empire (San Francisco: City Lights Books, 1995), chapter 4.
? 28 BLACKSHIRTS AND REDS
antidemocratic militarists (who take power with or without the ben- efit of U. S. -sponsored showcase elections). Third World oligarchs are frequently educated at elite U. S. universities or end up on the CIA payroll, as do their police chiefs and military officers, many of whom receive training in torture and assassination at U. S. counterinsur- gency institutions. 5
4. "Fundamental social change should be peacefully pursued within the established order of nations rather than by revolutionary turmoil" U. S. policymakers maintain that they favor eliminating mass poverty in poorer countries and that they are not opposed to the laudatory objectives of social revolution but to its violent meth- ods. They say that transformations must be effected gradually and peacefully, preferably through private investment and the benign workings of the free market. In fact, corporate investment is more likely to deter rather than encourage reform by preempting markets and restructuring the local economy to fit foreign capital extraction needs. International finance capital has no interest in bettering the life chances of Third World peoples.
Generally, as Western invest- ments have increased in the Third World, life conditions for the ordi- nary peasants and workers have grown steadily more desperate.
Whose Violence?
People throughout the world do not need more corporate investments, rather they need the opportunity to wrest back their land, labor, natural resources, and markets in order to serve their own social needs. Such a revolutionary development invites fierce opposition from apostles of the free market, whose violent resis- tance to social change makes peaceful transformation impossible to contemplate.
Even in countries like the United States, where reforms of limited scope have been achieved without revolution, the "peaceful" means
5 On the U. S. training of torturers and assassins, see Washington Posty 9/21/96.
? LET US NOW PRAISE REVOLUTION 29
employed have entailed popular struggle and turmoil--and a con- siderable amount of violence and bloodshed, almost all of it inflicted by police and security forces.
That last point frequently goes unmentioned in discussions about the ethics of revolutionary violence. The very concept of "revolu- tionary violence" is somewhat falsely cast, since most of the violence comes from those who attempt to prevent reform, not from those struggling for reform. By focusing on the violent rebellions of the downtrodden, we overlook the much greater repressive force and violence utilized by the ruling oligarchs to maintain the status quo, including armed attacks against peaceful demonstrations, mass arrests, torture, destruction of opposition organizations, suppression of dissident publications, death squad assassinations, the extermina- tion of whole villages, and the like.
Most social revolutions begin peaceably. Why would it be other- wise? Who would not prefer to assemble and demonstrate rather than engage in mortal combat against pitiless forces that enjoy every advantage in mobility and firepower? Revolutions in Russia, China, Vietnam, and El Salvador all began peacefully, with crowds of peas- ants and workers launching nonviolent protests only to be met with violent oppression from the authorities. Peaceful protest and reform are exactly what the people are denied by the ruling oligarchs. The dissidents who continue to fight back, who try to defend themselves from the oligarchs' repressive fury, are then called "violent revolu- tionaries" and "terrorists. "
For those local and international elites who maintain control over most of the world's wealth, social revolution is an abomination. Whether it be peaceful or violent is a question of no great moment to them. Peaceful reforms that infringe upon their profitable accu- mulations and threaten their class privileges are as unacceptable to them as the social upheaval imposed by revolution.
Reforms that advance the conditions of life for the general public are not as materially intractable or as dependent on capital resources
? 30 BLACKSHIRTS AND REDS
as we have been led to believe. There is no great mystery to building a health clinic, or carrying out programs for food rationing, land redistribution, literacy, jobs, and housing. Such tasks are well within the capacity of any state--if there is the political will and a mobi- lization of popular class power.
Consider Kerala, a state in India where the actions of popular organizations and mass movements have won important victories over the last forty years against politico-economic oppression, gen- erating a level of social development considerably better than that found in most of the Third World, and accomplished without out- side investment. Kerala has mass literacy, a lower birth rate and lower death rate than the rest of India, better public health services, fewer child workers, higher nutritional levels (thanks to a publicly subsi- dized food rationing system), more enlightened legal support and educational programs for women, and some social security protec- tions for working people and for the destitute and physically handi- capped. In addition, the people of Kerala radically altered a complex and exploitative system of agrarian relations and won important vic- tories against the more horrid forms of caste oppression.
Though Kerala has no special sources of wealth, it has had decades of communist organizing and political struggle that reached and moved large numbers of people and breathed life into the states democracy. "Despite its relatively short periods in the leadership of government. . . it is the Communist party that has set the basic leg- islative agenda of the people of Kerala," notes Indian scholar V. K. Ramachandran (MonthlyReview, 5/95). All this is not to deny that many people in Kerala endure unacceptable conditions of poverty. Still, despite a low level of income and limited resources, the achieve- ments wrought by democratic government intervention--and pro- pelled by mass action--have been substantial, representing the difference between a modestly supportable existence and utter misery.
Many Third World peoples produce dedicated and capable pop- ular organizations, as did the communists in Kerala, but they are
? LET US NOW PRAISE REVOLUTION 31
usually destroyed by repressive state forces. In Kerala, popular agita- tion and input took advantage of democratic openings and in turn gave more social substance to the democracy. What is needed for social betterment is not International Monetary Fund loans or cor- porate investments but political organization and democratic oppor- tunity, and freedom from U. S. -sponsored state terrorism.
U. S. foreign aid programs offer another example of how imperi- alist policy masquerades as social reform within Third World nations. Aid programs are not intended to effect serious social bet- terment. At best, they finance piecemeal projects of limited impact. More often, they are used to undermine local markets, drive small farmers off their land, build transportation and office facilities needed by outside investors, increase a country's debt and economic dependency, and further open its economy to multinational corpo- rate penetration.
Free Market for the Few
Third World revolutionaries are branded as the enemies of stabil- ity. "Stability" is a code word for a society in which privileged social relations are securely entrenched. When popular forces mobilize against privilege and wealth, this causes "instability," which is judged to be undesirable by U. S. policymakers and their faithful flacks in the U. S. corporate media.
Here we have a deceptive state of affairs. What poses as a U. S. commitment to peaceful nonviolent change is really a commitment to the violent defense of an unjust, undemocratic, global capitalism. The U. S. national security state uses coercion and violence not in support of social reform but against it, all in the name of "stability," "counterterrorism," "democracy,"--and of late and more honestly, "the free market. "
When he was head of the State Department policy planning staff during the early years of the cold war, the noted author George
? 32 BLACKSHIRTS AND REDS
Kennan revealed the ruthless realpolitik mentality of those dedicated to social inequality within and between nations. Kennan maintained that a wealthy United States facing an impoverished world could not afford "the luxury of altruism and world benefaction" and should cease talking about "vague and unreal objectives such as human rights, the raising of the living standards, and democratization. . . . The less we are hampered by idealistic slogans, the better" (PPS23, U. S. State Department, Feburary 1948). Speaking at a briefing for U. S. ambassadors to Latin America, Kennan remarked: "The final answer might be an unpleasant one, but we should not hesitate before police repression by the local government. This is not shame- ful since the Communists are essentially traitors. . . . It is better to have a strong [i. e. , repressive] regime in power than a liberal govern- ment if it is indulgent and relaxed and penetrated by Communists " In a 1949 State Department intelligence report, Kennan wrote that communists were "people who are committed to the belief that the government has direct responsibility for the welfare of the people" So they had to be dealt with harshly without regard for such niceties as democratization and human rights.
It is said that the United States cannot renege on its commitments to other peoples and must continue as world leader; the rest of the world expects that of us. But the ordinary peoples of the world have never called for U. S. world leadership. Quite the contrary, they usu- ally want the United States to go home and leave them to their own affairs. This is because U. S. commitments are not to the ordinary people of other lands, but to the privileged reactionary factions that are most accomodating to Western investors. As Kennan s remarks indicate, the U. S. policymaking establishment has been concerned not with advancing the welfare of impoverished peoples around the world but with defeating whoever allies themselves with the com- mon people, be they Reds or not.
Whatever their grave shortcomings, do not U. S. -supported Third World rulers represent something better than the kind of tyranny
? LET US NOW PRAISE REVOLUTION 33
that communists and revolutionary totalitarian bring? Academic cheerleaders for U. S. interventionism, such as Samuel P. Huntington of Harvard University, think so: "However bad a given evil maybe, a worse one is always possible and often likely," Huntington concludes, going on to defend as "lesser evils" the murderous regimes in Chile under Pinochet and South Africa under apartheid. 6
We might recall Jean Kirkpatricks distinction between "benign" authoritarian right-wing governments that supposedly are not all that brutal and allow gradual change, and horrid totalitarian left- wing ones that suppress everyone. The real distinction is that the right-wing government maintains the existing privileged order of the free market, keeping the world safe for the empowered hierarchies and wealthy classes of the world. In contrast, the left-wing "totalitar- ians" want to abolish exploitative property relations and create a more egalitarian economic system. Their favoring the have-nots over the haves is what makes them so despicable in the eyes of the latter.
U. S. leaders claim to be offended by certain features of social rev- olutionary governments, such as one-party rule and the coercive implementation of revolutionary change. But one-party autocracy is acceptable if the government is rightist, that is, friendly toward pri- vate corporate investment as in Turkey, Zaire, Guatemala, Indonesia, and dozens of other countries (including even communist countries that are sliding down the free-market path, such as China).
We might recall that unforgettable moment when President George
6 American Political Science Review, 82, March 1988, 5. In that same statement, Huntington describes Mangosutho Buthelezi, the CIA-supported head of the South African Inkatha Freedom Party, as a "notable contemporary democratic reformer. " It is a matter of public record that Buthelezi collaborated with the top- level apartheid military and police in the murder of thousands of African National Congress (ANC) supporters. Colonel Eugene de Kock, the highest ranking officer convicted of apartheid crimes, who once described himself as the government s most efficient assassin, testified that he had supplied weapons, vehicles, and training to Buthelezi's organization for a "total onslaught" strategy against demo- cratic, anti-apartheid forces (AP report, San Francisco Chronicle, 9/18/96). There is no denying that Buthelezi is Huntington s kind of guy.
? 34 BLACKSHIRTS AND REDS
Bush--whose invasions of Panama and Iraq brought death and destruction to those nations and who presided over a U. S. military empire that is the single greatest purveyor of violence in the world-- lectured revolutionary leader Nelson Mandela on the virtues of non- violence, even going so far as to quote Martin Luther King, Jr. , during Mandelas visit to Washington, D. C. in June 1990. Mandela's real sin in Bushs eyes was that he was part of a revolutionary move- ment that engaged in armed struggle against a violently repressive apartheid regime in South Africa. Bushs capacity for selective per- ception had all the unexamined audacity of a dominant ideology that condemns only those who act against an unjust status quo, not those who use violence to preserve it. It would have come as a great relief to people around the world if the president of the United States had adopted a policy of nonviolence for his own government. In fact, he had done no such thing.
The Freedom of Revolution
U. S. politico-economic leaders may find revolutionary reforms undesirable, but most people who live in revolutionary societies find them preferable to the old regimes and worth defending. The Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba was a fiasco not because of "insufficient air coverage" but because the Cuban people closed ranks behind their government and threw back the invaders.
Another "captive people," the North Vietnamese, acted in similar fashion in the early 1970s. Instead of treating the severe destruction and disruptions caused by the U. S. aerial war against their country as a golden opportunity to overthrow "Hanoi's yoke," they continued to support their beleaguered government at great sacrifice to them- selves. And in South Vietnam, the National Liberation Front enjoyed tactical opportunities for supply and surprise, largely because it was supported by people in the countryside and cities.
During the Vietnam era, explanations as to why people sided with
? LET US NOW PRAISE REVOLUTION 35
the communist revolutionaries came from some unexpected sources. U. S. ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge admitted, "The only people who have been doing anything for the little man--to lift him up-- have been the communists" (New York Times, 2/27/66). In a similar vein, one faithful propagator of the official line, columnist James Reston, wrote with surprising candor, "Even Premier Ky [U. S. -spon- sored dictator of South Vietnam] told this reporter today that the communists were closer to the peoples yearnings for social justice and an independent life than his own government" (New York Times, 9/1/65). What Lodge and Reston left unsaid was that the "little man" and the "peoples yearnings" for social justice were the very things that U. S. leaders were bent on suppressing.
Some people conclude that anyone who utters a good word about leftist one-party revolutions must harbor antidemocratic or "Stalinist" sentiments. But to applaud social revolutions is not to oppose political freedom. To the extent that revolutionary govern- ments construct substantive alternatives for their people, they increase human options and freedom.
There is no such thing as freedom in the abstract. There is free- dom to speak openly and iconoclastically, freedom to organize a political opposition, freedom of opportunity to get an education and pursue a livelihood, freedom to worship as one chooses or not wor- ship at all, freedom to live in healthful conditions, freedom to enjoy various social benefits, and so on. Most of what is called freedom gets its definition within a social context.
Revolutionary governments extend a number of popular free- doms without destroying those freedoms that never existed in the previous regimes. They foster conditions necessary for national self- determination, economic betterment, the preservation of health and human life, and the end of many of the worst forms of ethnic, patri- archal, and class oppression. Regarding patriarchal oppression, con- sider the vastly improved condition of women in revolutionary Afghanistan and South Yemen before the counterrevolutionary
? 36 BLACKSHIRTS AND REDS
repression in the 1990s, or in Cuba after the 1959 revolution as com- pared to before.
U. S. policymakers argue that social revolutionary victory any- where represents a diminution of freedom in the world. The asser- tion is false. The Chinese Revolution did not crush democracy; there was none to crush in that oppressively feudal regime. The Cuban Revolution did not destroy freedom; it destroyed a hateful U. S. - sponsored police state. The Algerian Revolution did not abolish national liberties; precious few existed under French colonialism. The Vietnamese revolutionaries did not abrogate individual rights; no such rights were available under the U. S. -supported puppet gov- ernments of Bao Dai, Diem, and Ky.
Of course, revolutions do limit the freedoms of the corporate propertied class and other privileged interests: the freedom to invest privately without regard to human and environmental costs, the freedom to live in obscene opulence while paying workers starvation wages, the freedom to treat the state as a private agency in the service of a privileged coterie, the freedom to employ child labor and child prostitutes, the freedom to treat women as chattel, and so on.
Today, no one in U. S. policy circles worries about the politico- economic oppression suffered in dozens of right-wing client states. Their professed desire to bring Western political democracy to nations that have had revolutions rarely extends to free-market autocracies. And the grudging moves toward political democracy occasionally made in these autocracies come only through popular pressure and rebellion and only with the unspoken understanding that democratic governance will not infringe substantially upon the interests of the moneyed class.
What Measure of Pain?
Is the pain of revolution worth the gain? Cost-benefit accounting is a complicated business when applied to social transitions. But have
? LET US NOW PRAISE REVOLUTION 37
we ever bothered to compare the violence of revolution against the violence that preceded it? "I do not know how one measures the price of historical victories," said Robert Heilbroner, "I only know that the way in which we ordinarily keep the books of history is wrong. " We make no tally of the generations claimed by that combi- nation of economic exploitation and political suppression so charac- teristic of the ancien regimes: the hapless victims of flood and famine in the Yangtze valley of yesterday, the child prostitutes found dead in the back alleys of old Shanghai, the muzhiks stricken by cold and starvation across the frozen steppes of Russia.
And what of today? No one is tallying the thousands of nameless victims who succumb to U. S. -trained torturers in Latin America, the hundreds of villages burned by counterinsurgency forces, the millions who are driven from their ancestral lands and sentenced to permanently stunted and malnourished lives, the millions more who perish in the desperate misery and congestion of shanty slums and internment camps. Their sufferings go unrecorded and are not figured in the balance when the revolution metes out justice to erst- while oligarchs and oppressors or commits excesses and abuses of its own.
And how do we measure the pain of the tens of millions of chil- dren throughout the world, many as young as six and seven, who are forced to work seventy hours a week confined in ill-lit, poorly ventilated workshops, under conditions reminiscent of the most horrific days of the Industrial Revolution? The General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), a sweeping multinational free-trade act that amounts to a carte blanche for global capitalism, offers no protection for children who are exploited, abused, overworked, and underpaid. During GATT negotiations, leaders of Third World countries successfully argued against placing any restrictions on child labor, arguing that children have always worked in their cul- tures and such traditional practices should be respected. To pro- hibit child labor would limit the free market and effect severe
? 38 BLACKSHIRTS AND REDS
hardship on those poor families in which a child is often the only wage earner.
Even if the longstanding practice of children helping out on farms is acceptable (assuming they are not overworked and are allowed to go to school), the practice of "locking them into a hotbox of a fac- tory for 14 hours a day" is something else. Furthermore, they maybe the only wage earner "because adult workers have been laid off in favor of children, who are infinitely more exploitable and provide bigger profits for prosperous factory owners" (Anna Quindlen, New York Times, 11/23/94).
Traveling across Cuba in 1959, immediately after the overthrow of the U. S. -supported right-wing Batista dictatorship, Mike Faulkner witnessed "a spectacle of almost unrelieved poverty. " The rural pop- ulation lived in makeshift shacks without minimal sanitation. Malnourished children went barefoot in the dirt and suffered "the familiar plague of parasites common to the Third World. " There were almost no doctors or schools. And through much of the year, families that depended solely on the seasonal sugar harvest lived close to starvation (Monthly Review; 3/96). How does that victimiza- tion in prerevolutionary Cuba measure against the much more widely publicized repression that came after the revolution, when Castro's communists executed a few hundred of the previous regime's police assassins and torturers, drove assorted upper-class moneybags into exile, and intimidated various other opponents of radical reforms into silence?
Today, Cuba is a different place.
Chamberlain was positively cozy with the Nazis. He and many of his class saw Hitler as a bulwark against communism in Germany, and Nazi Germany as a bulwark against communism in Europe.
After World War II, the Western capitalist allies did little to eradi- cate fascism from Italy or Germany, except for putting some of the top leaders on trial at Nuremberg. By 1947, German conservatives began to depict the Nuremberg prosecutors as dupes of the Jews and com- munists. In Italy, the strong partisan movement that had waged armed struggle against fascism was soon treated as suspect and unpatriotic. Within a year after the war, almost all Italian fascists were released from prison while hundreds of communists and other leftist partisans who had been fighting the Nazi occupation were jailed. History was turned on its head, transforming the Blackshirts into victims and the Reds into criminals. Allied authorities assisted in these measures. 13
Under the protection of U. S. occupation authorities, the police, courts, military, security agencies, and bureaucracy remained largely staffed by those who had served the former fascist regimes or by their ideological recruits--as is true to this day. The perpetrators of the Holocaust murdered six million Jews, half a million Gypsies, thou- sands of homosexuals, several million Ukranians, Russians, Poles, and others, and got away with it--in good part because the very people who were supposed to investigate these crimes were them- selves complicit.
13 Roy Palmer Domenico, Italian Fascists on Trial, 1943-1948 (Chapel Hill: Univer- sity of North Carolina Press, 1991), passim. So in France, very few of the Vichy collaborators were purged. "No one of any rank was seriously punished for his
or her role in the roundup and deportation of Jews to Nazi camps": Herbert Lottman, The Purge (New York: William Morrow, 1986), 290. Much the same
can be said about Germany; see Ingo Muller, Hitlers Justice (Cambridge, Mass. : Harvard University Press, 1991), part 3, "The Aftermath" U. S. military author- ities restored fascist collaborators to power in various Far East nations<< In South Korea, for instance, Koreans collaborators and the Japanese-trained police were used to suppress left democratic forces. The South Korean Army was commanded by officers who had served in the Imperial Japanese Army "and were proud of it. " Numbers of them had been guilty of war crimes in the Philippines and China: Hugh Deane, "Korea, China and the United States: A Look Back," Monthly Review, Feb. 1995, 20 and 23.
? RATIONAL FASCISM 19
In comparison, when the Communists took over in East Germany, they removed some 80 percent of the judges, teachers, and officials for their Nazi collaboration; they imprisoned thousands, and they executed six hundred Nazi party leaders for war crimes. They would have shot more of the war criminals had not so many fled to the protective embrace of the West.
What happened to the U. S. businesses that collaborated with fas- cism? The Rockefeller family's Chase National Bank used its Paris office in Vichy France to help launder German money to facilitate Nazi international trade during the war, and did so with complete impunity. 14 Corporations like DuPont, Ford, General Motors, and ITT owned factories in enemy countries that produced fuel, tanks, and planes that wreaked havoc on Allied forces. After the war, instead of being prosecuted for treason, ITT collected $27 million from the U. S. government for war damages inflicted on its German plants by Allied bombings. General Motors collected over $33 million. Pilots were given instructions not to hit factories in Germany that were owned by U. S. firms. Thus Cologne was almost leveled by Allied bombing but its Ford plant, providing military equipment for the Nazi army, was untouched; indeed, German civilians began using the plant as an air raid shelter. 15
For decades, U. S. leaders have done their part in keeping Italian fascism alive. From 1945 to 1975, U. S. government agencies gave an estimated $75 million to right-wing organizations in Italy, including some with close ties to the neofascist Movimento Sociale Italiano (MSI). In 1975, then Secretary of State Henry Kissinger met with
14 After the war, Hermann Abs, head of the Deutsche Bank and in effect "Hitler's paymaster," was hailed by David Rockefeller as "the most important banker of our time. " According to his New York Times obituary, Abs "played a dominant role in West Germany's reconstruction after World War II. " Neither the Times
nor Rockefeller said a word about Abs' Nazi connections, his banks predatory incursions across Nazi occupied Europe, and his participation, as a board member of I. G. Farben, in the use of slave labor at Auschwitz: Robert Carl Miller, Portland Free Press, Sept/Oct 1994.
15 Charles Higham, Trading with the Enemy.
? 20 BLACKSHIRTS AND REDS
MSI leader Giorgio Almirante in Washington to discuss what "alter- natives" might be considered should the Italian Communists win the elections and take control of the government.
Hundreds of Nazi war criminals found a haven in the United States, either living in comfortable anonymity or actively employed by U. S. intelligence agencies during the cold war and otherwise enjoying the protection of high-placed individuals. Some of them found their way onto the Republican presidential campaign com- mittees of Richard Nixon, Ronald Reagan, and George Bush. 16
In Italy, from 1969 to 1974, high-ranking elements in Italian military intelligence and civilian intelligence agencies; members of P2, a secret lodge of upper-class reactionaries, pro-fascist Vatican officials, and top military brass; and GLADIO, a NATO-inspired anticommunist mercenary force, embarked upon a concerted cam- paign of terror and sabotage known as the "strategy of tension Other participants included a secret neofascist group called the Ordine Nuovo, NATO officials, members of the carabinieri, mafia bosses, thirty generals, eight admirals, and influential Freemasons like Licio Gelli (a fascist war criminal recruited by U. S. intelligence in 1944). The terrorism was aided and abetted by the "international security apparatus" including the CIA. In 1995, the CIA refused to cooperate with an Italian parliamentary commission investigating the strategy of tension ( Corriere della Sera, 4/12/95, 5/29/95).
The terrorist conspirators carried out a series of kidnappings,
16 One of them, Boleslavs Maikovskis, a Latvian police chief who fled to West Germany to escape Soviet war crimes investigations and then to the United States, was heavily implicated in the Nazi slaughter of over two hundred Latvian villagers. He served for a time on a Republican party subcommittee to re-elect President Nixon, then fled back to Germany to avoid a belated U. S. war crimes investigation, dying at the ripe old age of 92 (New York Times, 5/8/96). Nazi war criminals have been aided by Western intelligence agencies, business interests, the military, and even the Vatican. In October 1944, German paratroop commander Major Walter Reder slaughtered 1,836 defenseless civilians in a village near Bologna, Italy as a reprisal against Partisan activities. He was released from
prison in 1985, after Pope John Paul II, among others, made an appeal on his behalf--over the strenuous protests of relatives of the victims.
? RATIONAL FASCISM 21
assassinations, and bombing massacres (i stragi), including the explosion that killed eighty-five people and injured some two hun- dred, many seriously, in the Bologna train station in August 1980. As subsequent judicial investigations concluded, the strategy of tension was not a simple product of neofascism but the consequence of a larger campaign conducted by state security forces against the grow- ing popularity of the democratic parliamentary Left. The objective was to "combat by any means necessary the electoral gains of the Italian Communist party" and create enough fear and terror in the population so as to undermine the multiparty social democracy and replace it with an authoritarian "presidential republic," or in any case "a stronger and more stable executive. " {La Repubblica, 4/9/95; Corriere della Sera, 3/27/95, 3/28/95, 5/29/95).
In the 1980s, scores of people were murdered in Germany, Belgium and elsewhere in Western Europe by extreme rightists in the service of state security agencies (Z Magazine, March 1990). These acts of terrorism went mostly unreported in the U. S. corporate- owned media. As with the earlier strategy of tension in Italy, the attacks were designed to create enough popular fear and uncertainty so as to undermine the existing social democracies.
Authorities in these Western European countries and the United States have done little to expose neo-Nazi networks. As the whiffs of fascism develop into an undeniable stench, we are reminded that Hitler s progeny are still with us and that they have dangerous links with each other and within the security agencies of various Western capitalist nations.
In Italy, in 1994, the national elections were won by the National Alliance, a broadened version of the neofascist MSI, in coalition with a league of Northern separatists, and Forza Italia, a quasi-fascist movement headed by industrialist and media tycoon Silvio Berlusconi. The National Alliance played on resentments regarding unemployment, taxes, and immigration. It called for a single tax rate for rich and poor alike, school vouchers, a stripping away of the
? 22 BLACKSHIRTS AND REDS
social benefits, and the privatization of most services.
The Italian neofascists were learning from the U. S. reactionaries how to achieve fascism's class goals within the confines of quasi- democratic forms: use an upbeat, Reaganesque optimism; replace the jackbooted militarists with media-hyped crowd pleasers; con- vince people that government is the enemy--especially its social service sector--while strengthening the repressive capacities of the state; instigate racist hostility and antagonisms between the resident population and immigrants; preach the mythical virtues of the free market; and pursue tax and spending measures that redistribute
income upward.
Conservatives in the Western nations utilize diluted forms of the
fascist mass appeal. In the USA, they propagate populist-sounding appeals to the "ordinary Middle American" while quietly pressing for measures that serve the interests of the wealthiest individuals and corporations. In 1996, right-wing Speaker of the House of Representatives Newt Gingrich, while proffering a new rollback agenda that supposedly would revitalize all of society, announced "I am a genuine revolutionary. " Whether in Italy, Germany, the United States, or any other country, when the Right offers a "new revolu- tion" or a "new order," it is in the service of the same old moneyed interests, leading down that well-trodden road of reaction and repression that so many Third World countries have been forced to take, the road those at the top want us all to travel.
? CHAPTER 2
LET US NOW PRAISE REVOLUTION
For most of this century U. S. foreign policy has been devoted to the suppression of revolutionary governments and radical move- ments around the world. The turn of the twentieth century found the McKinley administration in a war of attrition against the people of the Philippines lasting from 1898 to 1902 (with pockets of resis- tance continuing for years afterward). In that conflict, U. S. forces slaughtered some 200,000 Filipino women, men, and children. 1 At about that same time, in conjunction with various European colo- nial powers, the United States invaded China to help suppress the Boxer Rebellion at substantial loss of life to the Chinese rebels. U. S. forces took over Hawaii, Cuba, Puerto Rico, and Guam and in the following decades invaded Mexico, Soviet Russia, Nicaragua, Honduras, the Dominican Republic, and other countries, actions that usually inflicted serious losses upon the populations of these countries.
1 Leon Wolf, Little Brown Brother (New York: Oxford University Press, 1960). 23
? 24 BLACKSHIRTS AND REDS
The Costs of Counterrevolution
From grade school through grad school, few of us are taught any- thing about these events, except to be told that U. S. forces must intervene in this or that country in order to protect U. S. interests, thwart aggression, and defend our national security. U. S. leaders fashioned other convenient rationales for their interventions abroad. The public was told that the peoples of various countries were in need of our civilizing guidance and desired the blessings of democ- racy, peace, and prosperity. To accomplish this, of course, it might be necessary to kill off considerable numbers of the more recalcitrant among them. Such were the measures our policymakers were willing to pursue in order to "uplift lesser peoples "
The emergence of major communist powers like the Soviet Union and the Peoples Republic of China lent another dimension to U. S. global counterrevolutionary policy. The communists were depicted as evil incarnate, demonized conspirators who sought power for power's sake. The United States had to be everywhere to counteract this spreading "cancer," we were told.
In the name of democracy, U. S. leaders waged a merciless war against revolutionaries in Indochina for the better part of twenty years. They dropped many times more tons of explosives on Vietnam than were used throughout World War II by all combatants com- bined. Testifying before a Congressional committee, former CIA director William Colby admitted that under his direction U. S. forces and their South Vietnam collaborators carried out the selective assassination of 24,000 Vietnamese dissidents, in what was known as the Phoenix Program. His associate, the South Vietnamese minister of information, maintained that 40,000 was a more accurate esti- mate. 2 U. S. policymakers and their media mouthpieces judged the war a "mistake" because the Vietnamese proved incapable of being properly instructed by B-52 bomber raids and death squads. By
2Mark Lane, Plausible Denial (New York: Thunders Mouth Press, 1991), 79.
? LET US NOW PRAISE REVOLUTION 25
prevailing against this onslaught, the Vietnamese supposedly demon- strated that they were "unprepared for our democratic institutions
In pursuit of counterrevolution and in the name of freedom, U. S. forces or U. S. -supported surrogate forces slaughtered 2,000,000 North Koreans in a three-year war; 3,000,000 Vietnamese; over 500,000 in aerial wars over Laos and Cambodia; over 1,500,000 mil- lion in Angola; over 1,000,000 in Mozambique; over 500,000 in Afghanistan; 500,000 to 1,000,000 in Indonesia; 200,000 in East Timor; 100,000 in Nicaragua (combining the Somoza and Reagan eras); over 100,000 in Guatemala (plus an additional 40,000 disap- peared); over 700,000 in Iraq;3 over 60,000 in El Salvador; 30,000 in the "dirty war" of Argentina (though the government admits to only 9,000); 35,000 in Taiwan, when the Kuomintang military arrived from China; 20,000 in Chile; and many thousands in Haiti, Panama, Grenada, Brazil, South Africa, Western Sahara, Zaire, Turkey, and dozens of other countries, in what amounts to a free-market world holocaust.
Official sources either deny these U. S. -sponsored mass murders or justify them as necessary measures that had to be taken against an implacable communist foe. Anticommunist propaganda saturated our airwaves, schools, and political discourse. Despite repeated and often factitious references to the tyranny of the Red Menace, the anticommunist opinion makers never spelled out what communists actually did in the way of socio-economic policy. This might explain why, despite decades of Red-bashing propaganda, most Americans, including many who number themselves among the political cognoscenti, still cannot offer an informed statement about the social policies of communist societies.
3 The 1991 war waged by the Bush administration against Iraq, which claimed an estimated 200,000 victims, was followed by U. S. -led United Nations economic sanctions. A study by the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization, The Children Are Dying (1996), reports that since the end of the war 576,000 Iraqi children have died of starvation and disease and tens of thousands more suffer defects and illnesses due to the five years of sanctions.
? 26 BLACKSHIRTS AND REDS
The anti-Red propagandists uttered nary a word about how revo- lutionaries in Russia, China, Cuba, Vietnam, Nicaragua, and other countries nationalized the lands held by rich exploitative landlords and initiated mass programs for education, health, housing, and jobs. Not a word about how their efforts advanced the living stan- dards and life chances of hundreds of millions in countries that had long suffered under the yoke of feudal oppression and Western colo- nial pillage, an improvement in mass well-being never before wit- nessed in history.
No matter that the revolutionaries in various Asian, African, and Latin American countries enjoyed popular support and were willing to pursue a neutralist course in East-West relations rather than place themselves under the hegemony of either Moscow or Peking. They still were targeted for a counterrevolutionary battering. From oppos- ing communists because they might be revolutionaries, it was a short step to opposing revolutionaries because they might be communists.
The real sin of revolutionaries, communist or not, was that they championed the laboring classes against the wealthy few. They advo- cated changes in the distribution of class power and the way wealth was produced and used. They wanted less individualistic advance- ment at the expense of the many and collective betterment for the entire working populace.
Presumptions of Power
Ruling classes throughout the world hate and fear communism not for its lack of political democracy, but because it attempts to establish economic democracy by building an egalitarian, collectivist social system--though they rarely come right out and say as much. This counterrevolutionary interventionist policy rests on several dubious assumptions that might be stated and rebutted as follows:
1. "U. S. leaders have the right to define the limits of socio- economic development within other nations. " Not true. Under no
? LET US NOW PRAISE REVOLUTION 27
canon of international law or any other legal stricture do the leaders of this country have the right to ordain what kind of economic sys- tem or mode of social development another country may adopt, no more right than do the leaders of other countries have to dictate such things to the United States. In practice, the option to dictate is exer- cised by the strong over the weak, a policy of might, not right.
2. "The United States must play a counterrevolutionary contain- ment role in order to protect our national interests. " This is true only if we equate "our national interests" with the investment interests of high finance. U. S. interventionism has been very effective in building neo-imperialism, keeping the land, labor, natural resources, and markets of Third World countries available at bargain prices to multinational corporations. But these corporate interests do not rep- resent the interests of the U. S. people. The public pays for the huge military budgets and endures the export of its jobs to foreign labor markets, the inflow of thousands of impoverished immigrants who compete for scarce employment and housing, and various other costs of empire. 4
Furthermore, revolutionary governments like Cuba, Libya, Vietnam, and North Korea were--and still are--eager to trade and maintain peaceful relations with this country. These countries do not threaten the national security of the United States or its people, but the overseas interests of global capitalism. If allowed to multiply in numbers, countries with an alternative socialist system, one that uses the land, labor, capital, and natural resources in collectivist ways, placing people before profits, would eventually undermine global capitalism.
3. "The United States has a moral obligation to guarantee the sta- bility of nations that are undergoing democratic development but are threatened by revolutionaries and terrorists. " In fact, most U. S. interventions are on behalf of corrupt and self-serving oligarchs and
4 For a further discussion of this and related points, see my book Against Empire (San Francisco: City Lights Books, 1995), chapter 4.
? 28 BLACKSHIRTS AND REDS
antidemocratic militarists (who take power with or without the ben- efit of U. S. -sponsored showcase elections). Third World oligarchs are frequently educated at elite U. S. universities or end up on the CIA payroll, as do their police chiefs and military officers, many of whom receive training in torture and assassination at U. S. counterinsur- gency institutions. 5
4. "Fundamental social change should be peacefully pursued within the established order of nations rather than by revolutionary turmoil" U. S. policymakers maintain that they favor eliminating mass poverty in poorer countries and that they are not opposed to the laudatory objectives of social revolution but to its violent meth- ods. They say that transformations must be effected gradually and peacefully, preferably through private investment and the benign workings of the free market. In fact, corporate investment is more likely to deter rather than encourage reform by preempting markets and restructuring the local economy to fit foreign capital extraction needs. International finance capital has no interest in bettering the life chances of Third World peoples.
Generally, as Western invest- ments have increased in the Third World, life conditions for the ordi- nary peasants and workers have grown steadily more desperate.
Whose Violence?
People throughout the world do not need more corporate investments, rather they need the opportunity to wrest back their land, labor, natural resources, and markets in order to serve their own social needs. Such a revolutionary development invites fierce opposition from apostles of the free market, whose violent resis- tance to social change makes peaceful transformation impossible to contemplate.
Even in countries like the United States, where reforms of limited scope have been achieved without revolution, the "peaceful" means
5 On the U. S. training of torturers and assassins, see Washington Posty 9/21/96.
? LET US NOW PRAISE REVOLUTION 29
employed have entailed popular struggle and turmoil--and a con- siderable amount of violence and bloodshed, almost all of it inflicted by police and security forces.
That last point frequently goes unmentioned in discussions about the ethics of revolutionary violence. The very concept of "revolu- tionary violence" is somewhat falsely cast, since most of the violence comes from those who attempt to prevent reform, not from those struggling for reform. By focusing on the violent rebellions of the downtrodden, we overlook the much greater repressive force and violence utilized by the ruling oligarchs to maintain the status quo, including armed attacks against peaceful demonstrations, mass arrests, torture, destruction of opposition organizations, suppression of dissident publications, death squad assassinations, the extermina- tion of whole villages, and the like.
Most social revolutions begin peaceably. Why would it be other- wise? Who would not prefer to assemble and demonstrate rather than engage in mortal combat against pitiless forces that enjoy every advantage in mobility and firepower? Revolutions in Russia, China, Vietnam, and El Salvador all began peacefully, with crowds of peas- ants and workers launching nonviolent protests only to be met with violent oppression from the authorities. Peaceful protest and reform are exactly what the people are denied by the ruling oligarchs. The dissidents who continue to fight back, who try to defend themselves from the oligarchs' repressive fury, are then called "violent revolu- tionaries" and "terrorists. "
For those local and international elites who maintain control over most of the world's wealth, social revolution is an abomination. Whether it be peaceful or violent is a question of no great moment to them. Peaceful reforms that infringe upon their profitable accu- mulations and threaten their class privileges are as unacceptable to them as the social upheaval imposed by revolution.
Reforms that advance the conditions of life for the general public are not as materially intractable or as dependent on capital resources
? 30 BLACKSHIRTS AND REDS
as we have been led to believe. There is no great mystery to building a health clinic, or carrying out programs for food rationing, land redistribution, literacy, jobs, and housing. Such tasks are well within the capacity of any state--if there is the political will and a mobi- lization of popular class power.
Consider Kerala, a state in India where the actions of popular organizations and mass movements have won important victories over the last forty years against politico-economic oppression, gen- erating a level of social development considerably better than that found in most of the Third World, and accomplished without out- side investment. Kerala has mass literacy, a lower birth rate and lower death rate than the rest of India, better public health services, fewer child workers, higher nutritional levels (thanks to a publicly subsi- dized food rationing system), more enlightened legal support and educational programs for women, and some social security protec- tions for working people and for the destitute and physically handi- capped. In addition, the people of Kerala radically altered a complex and exploitative system of agrarian relations and won important vic- tories against the more horrid forms of caste oppression.
Though Kerala has no special sources of wealth, it has had decades of communist organizing and political struggle that reached and moved large numbers of people and breathed life into the states democracy. "Despite its relatively short periods in the leadership of government. . . it is the Communist party that has set the basic leg- islative agenda of the people of Kerala," notes Indian scholar V. K. Ramachandran (MonthlyReview, 5/95). All this is not to deny that many people in Kerala endure unacceptable conditions of poverty. Still, despite a low level of income and limited resources, the achieve- ments wrought by democratic government intervention--and pro- pelled by mass action--have been substantial, representing the difference between a modestly supportable existence and utter misery.
Many Third World peoples produce dedicated and capable pop- ular organizations, as did the communists in Kerala, but they are
? LET US NOW PRAISE REVOLUTION 31
usually destroyed by repressive state forces. In Kerala, popular agita- tion and input took advantage of democratic openings and in turn gave more social substance to the democracy. What is needed for social betterment is not International Monetary Fund loans or cor- porate investments but political organization and democratic oppor- tunity, and freedom from U. S. -sponsored state terrorism.
U. S. foreign aid programs offer another example of how imperi- alist policy masquerades as social reform within Third World nations. Aid programs are not intended to effect serious social bet- terment. At best, they finance piecemeal projects of limited impact. More often, they are used to undermine local markets, drive small farmers off their land, build transportation and office facilities needed by outside investors, increase a country's debt and economic dependency, and further open its economy to multinational corpo- rate penetration.
Free Market for the Few
Third World revolutionaries are branded as the enemies of stabil- ity. "Stability" is a code word for a society in which privileged social relations are securely entrenched. When popular forces mobilize against privilege and wealth, this causes "instability," which is judged to be undesirable by U. S. policymakers and their faithful flacks in the U. S. corporate media.
Here we have a deceptive state of affairs. What poses as a U. S. commitment to peaceful nonviolent change is really a commitment to the violent defense of an unjust, undemocratic, global capitalism. The U. S. national security state uses coercion and violence not in support of social reform but against it, all in the name of "stability," "counterterrorism," "democracy,"--and of late and more honestly, "the free market. "
When he was head of the State Department policy planning staff during the early years of the cold war, the noted author George
? 32 BLACKSHIRTS AND REDS
Kennan revealed the ruthless realpolitik mentality of those dedicated to social inequality within and between nations. Kennan maintained that a wealthy United States facing an impoverished world could not afford "the luxury of altruism and world benefaction" and should cease talking about "vague and unreal objectives such as human rights, the raising of the living standards, and democratization. . . . The less we are hampered by idealistic slogans, the better" (PPS23, U. S. State Department, Feburary 1948). Speaking at a briefing for U. S. ambassadors to Latin America, Kennan remarked: "The final answer might be an unpleasant one, but we should not hesitate before police repression by the local government. This is not shame- ful since the Communists are essentially traitors. . . . It is better to have a strong [i. e. , repressive] regime in power than a liberal govern- ment if it is indulgent and relaxed and penetrated by Communists " In a 1949 State Department intelligence report, Kennan wrote that communists were "people who are committed to the belief that the government has direct responsibility for the welfare of the people" So they had to be dealt with harshly without regard for such niceties as democratization and human rights.
It is said that the United States cannot renege on its commitments to other peoples and must continue as world leader; the rest of the world expects that of us. But the ordinary peoples of the world have never called for U. S. world leadership. Quite the contrary, they usu- ally want the United States to go home and leave them to their own affairs. This is because U. S. commitments are not to the ordinary people of other lands, but to the privileged reactionary factions that are most accomodating to Western investors. As Kennan s remarks indicate, the U. S. policymaking establishment has been concerned not with advancing the welfare of impoverished peoples around the world but with defeating whoever allies themselves with the com- mon people, be they Reds or not.
Whatever their grave shortcomings, do not U. S. -supported Third World rulers represent something better than the kind of tyranny
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that communists and revolutionary totalitarian bring? Academic cheerleaders for U. S. interventionism, such as Samuel P. Huntington of Harvard University, think so: "However bad a given evil maybe, a worse one is always possible and often likely," Huntington concludes, going on to defend as "lesser evils" the murderous regimes in Chile under Pinochet and South Africa under apartheid. 6
We might recall Jean Kirkpatricks distinction between "benign" authoritarian right-wing governments that supposedly are not all that brutal and allow gradual change, and horrid totalitarian left- wing ones that suppress everyone. The real distinction is that the right-wing government maintains the existing privileged order of the free market, keeping the world safe for the empowered hierarchies and wealthy classes of the world. In contrast, the left-wing "totalitar- ians" want to abolish exploitative property relations and create a more egalitarian economic system. Their favoring the have-nots over the haves is what makes them so despicable in the eyes of the latter.
U. S. leaders claim to be offended by certain features of social rev- olutionary governments, such as one-party rule and the coercive implementation of revolutionary change. But one-party autocracy is acceptable if the government is rightist, that is, friendly toward pri- vate corporate investment as in Turkey, Zaire, Guatemala, Indonesia, and dozens of other countries (including even communist countries that are sliding down the free-market path, such as China).
We might recall that unforgettable moment when President George
6 American Political Science Review, 82, March 1988, 5. In that same statement, Huntington describes Mangosutho Buthelezi, the CIA-supported head of the South African Inkatha Freedom Party, as a "notable contemporary democratic reformer. " It is a matter of public record that Buthelezi collaborated with the top- level apartheid military and police in the murder of thousands of African National Congress (ANC) supporters. Colonel Eugene de Kock, the highest ranking officer convicted of apartheid crimes, who once described himself as the government s most efficient assassin, testified that he had supplied weapons, vehicles, and training to Buthelezi's organization for a "total onslaught" strategy against demo- cratic, anti-apartheid forces (AP report, San Francisco Chronicle, 9/18/96). There is no denying that Buthelezi is Huntington s kind of guy.
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Bush--whose invasions of Panama and Iraq brought death and destruction to those nations and who presided over a U. S. military empire that is the single greatest purveyor of violence in the world-- lectured revolutionary leader Nelson Mandela on the virtues of non- violence, even going so far as to quote Martin Luther King, Jr. , during Mandelas visit to Washington, D. C. in June 1990. Mandela's real sin in Bushs eyes was that he was part of a revolutionary move- ment that engaged in armed struggle against a violently repressive apartheid regime in South Africa. Bushs capacity for selective per- ception had all the unexamined audacity of a dominant ideology that condemns only those who act against an unjust status quo, not those who use violence to preserve it. It would have come as a great relief to people around the world if the president of the United States had adopted a policy of nonviolence for his own government. In fact, he had done no such thing.
The Freedom of Revolution
U. S. politico-economic leaders may find revolutionary reforms undesirable, but most people who live in revolutionary societies find them preferable to the old regimes and worth defending. The Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba was a fiasco not because of "insufficient air coverage" but because the Cuban people closed ranks behind their government and threw back the invaders.
Another "captive people," the North Vietnamese, acted in similar fashion in the early 1970s. Instead of treating the severe destruction and disruptions caused by the U. S. aerial war against their country as a golden opportunity to overthrow "Hanoi's yoke," they continued to support their beleaguered government at great sacrifice to them- selves. And in South Vietnam, the National Liberation Front enjoyed tactical opportunities for supply and surprise, largely because it was supported by people in the countryside and cities.
During the Vietnam era, explanations as to why people sided with
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the communist revolutionaries came from some unexpected sources. U. S. ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge admitted, "The only people who have been doing anything for the little man--to lift him up-- have been the communists" (New York Times, 2/27/66). In a similar vein, one faithful propagator of the official line, columnist James Reston, wrote with surprising candor, "Even Premier Ky [U. S. -spon- sored dictator of South Vietnam] told this reporter today that the communists were closer to the peoples yearnings for social justice and an independent life than his own government" (New York Times, 9/1/65). What Lodge and Reston left unsaid was that the "little man" and the "peoples yearnings" for social justice were the very things that U. S. leaders were bent on suppressing.
Some people conclude that anyone who utters a good word about leftist one-party revolutions must harbor antidemocratic or "Stalinist" sentiments. But to applaud social revolutions is not to oppose political freedom. To the extent that revolutionary govern- ments construct substantive alternatives for their people, they increase human options and freedom.
There is no such thing as freedom in the abstract. There is free- dom to speak openly and iconoclastically, freedom to organize a political opposition, freedom of opportunity to get an education and pursue a livelihood, freedom to worship as one chooses or not wor- ship at all, freedom to live in healthful conditions, freedom to enjoy various social benefits, and so on. Most of what is called freedom gets its definition within a social context.
Revolutionary governments extend a number of popular free- doms without destroying those freedoms that never existed in the previous regimes. They foster conditions necessary for national self- determination, economic betterment, the preservation of health and human life, and the end of many of the worst forms of ethnic, patri- archal, and class oppression. Regarding patriarchal oppression, con- sider the vastly improved condition of women in revolutionary Afghanistan and South Yemen before the counterrevolutionary
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repression in the 1990s, or in Cuba after the 1959 revolution as com- pared to before.
U. S. policymakers argue that social revolutionary victory any- where represents a diminution of freedom in the world. The asser- tion is false. The Chinese Revolution did not crush democracy; there was none to crush in that oppressively feudal regime. The Cuban Revolution did not destroy freedom; it destroyed a hateful U. S. - sponsored police state. The Algerian Revolution did not abolish national liberties; precious few existed under French colonialism. The Vietnamese revolutionaries did not abrogate individual rights; no such rights were available under the U. S. -supported puppet gov- ernments of Bao Dai, Diem, and Ky.
Of course, revolutions do limit the freedoms of the corporate propertied class and other privileged interests: the freedom to invest privately without regard to human and environmental costs, the freedom to live in obscene opulence while paying workers starvation wages, the freedom to treat the state as a private agency in the service of a privileged coterie, the freedom to employ child labor and child prostitutes, the freedom to treat women as chattel, and so on.
Today, no one in U. S. policy circles worries about the politico- economic oppression suffered in dozens of right-wing client states. Their professed desire to bring Western political democracy to nations that have had revolutions rarely extends to free-market autocracies. And the grudging moves toward political democracy occasionally made in these autocracies come only through popular pressure and rebellion and only with the unspoken understanding that democratic governance will not infringe substantially upon the interests of the moneyed class.
What Measure of Pain?
Is the pain of revolution worth the gain? Cost-benefit accounting is a complicated business when applied to social transitions. But have
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we ever bothered to compare the violence of revolution against the violence that preceded it? "I do not know how one measures the price of historical victories," said Robert Heilbroner, "I only know that the way in which we ordinarily keep the books of history is wrong. " We make no tally of the generations claimed by that combi- nation of economic exploitation and political suppression so charac- teristic of the ancien regimes: the hapless victims of flood and famine in the Yangtze valley of yesterday, the child prostitutes found dead in the back alleys of old Shanghai, the muzhiks stricken by cold and starvation across the frozen steppes of Russia.
And what of today? No one is tallying the thousands of nameless victims who succumb to U. S. -trained torturers in Latin America, the hundreds of villages burned by counterinsurgency forces, the millions who are driven from their ancestral lands and sentenced to permanently stunted and malnourished lives, the millions more who perish in the desperate misery and congestion of shanty slums and internment camps. Their sufferings go unrecorded and are not figured in the balance when the revolution metes out justice to erst- while oligarchs and oppressors or commits excesses and abuses of its own.
And how do we measure the pain of the tens of millions of chil- dren throughout the world, many as young as six and seven, who are forced to work seventy hours a week confined in ill-lit, poorly ventilated workshops, under conditions reminiscent of the most horrific days of the Industrial Revolution? The General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), a sweeping multinational free-trade act that amounts to a carte blanche for global capitalism, offers no protection for children who are exploited, abused, overworked, and underpaid. During GATT negotiations, leaders of Third World countries successfully argued against placing any restrictions on child labor, arguing that children have always worked in their cul- tures and such traditional practices should be respected. To pro- hibit child labor would limit the free market and effect severe
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hardship on those poor families in which a child is often the only wage earner.
Even if the longstanding practice of children helping out on farms is acceptable (assuming they are not overworked and are allowed to go to school), the practice of "locking them into a hotbox of a fac- tory for 14 hours a day" is something else. Furthermore, they maybe the only wage earner "because adult workers have been laid off in favor of children, who are infinitely more exploitable and provide bigger profits for prosperous factory owners" (Anna Quindlen, New York Times, 11/23/94).
Traveling across Cuba in 1959, immediately after the overthrow of the U. S. -supported right-wing Batista dictatorship, Mike Faulkner witnessed "a spectacle of almost unrelieved poverty. " The rural pop- ulation lived in makeshift shacks without minimal sanitation. Malnourished children went barefoot in the dirt and suffered "the familiar plague of parasites common to the Third World. " There were almost no doctors or schools. And through much of the year, families that depended solely on the seasonal sugar harvest lived close to starvation (Monthly Review; 3/96). How does that victimiza- tion in prerevolutionary Cuba measure against the much more widely publicized repression that came after the revolution, when Castro's communists executed a few hundred of the previous regime's police assassins and torturers, drove assorted upper-class moneybags into exile, and intimidated various other opponents of radical reforms into silence?
Today, Cuba is a different place.
