Prussia gave us the veteran Steuben,
previously
the aid-
de-camp of the great Frederic, and the founder of Ameri-
can tactics; and to Poland we owe Pulaski, who fell at
Savannah, and the patriotic Kosciusko.
de-camp of the great Frederic, and the founder of Ameri-
can tactics; and to Poland we owe Pulaski, who fell at
Savannah, and the patriotic Kosciusko.
Hamilton - 1834 - Life on Hamilton - v1
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? HAMILTON. 159
should not be returned to his prince and nation in any
other manner than such as becomes the gratitude, honour,
and dignity of the United States ;" but the exhortation was
in vain; and on the 28th of April, on a formal vote of con-
gress of twenty-one members, four only voted in his favour,
Messrs. Gerry, Chase, F. Lee and Banister of Virginia.
Washington soon reaped the fruits of his elevated for-
bearance: the party which had erected themselves against
him, despairing of success, were contented with interposing
petty obstacles and vexatious embarrassments; which,
though they added to the sufferings of the army, only served
to call forth more signal evidences of the zeal of the officers,
and virtue and patriotism of the troops, who all exclaimed,
"No Washington -- No Army! "
While this series of acts of a character by no means
equivocal occurred, a tale had been artfully circulated
at the seat of government, of designs in the army, inimical
to the liberties of the republic. Direct efforts were stated
to have been made to overturn the system of the confede-
ration, and to invest the commander-in-chief with all the
powers of government; and it was insinuated that the lead-
ing officers in the army were in favour of this project, and
that it required only time for its completion.
These calumnies, for there never existed a particle of
evidence on which to sustain them, were cherished by the
faction; apprehensions for the national liberties were feign-
ed; the necessity of keeping a check on the army, and ex-
pelling from it individuals whom the faction both feared
and hated, became with them a popular topic, and a resolu-
tion was pompously introduced and adopted by congress,*
in which the friends of Washington were compelled from
policy to concur, requiring oaths of allegiance to the United
States, and of abjuration of Great Britain, to be taken by
all the officers in service of government, and certificates
* February 3d, 1778.
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? 160 THE LIFE OF
to be filed with congress of their compliance with this
measure. Had a new motive or any instance of treason
occurred? Had the cause of the nation suffered materi-
ally from any noted violation of public engagements, or
any recent manifestation been given of a disposition to
compromise the national interests, this harsh measure,
of a nature always little efficacious in preserving fidelity,
might have been resorted to; but as a new pledge required
from an army, who under more severe trials, and exposed
to the greatest temptations, had sustained a character of the
highest and most uncorrupted fealty to their country, it
was regarded at the time and must always be considered,
as the unnecessary demand of a too jealous caution, or as
an outrage on a patriotism, and a devotion never surpassed.
As a closing scene in the fate of this Cabal, a resolution was
passed by congress, stating that "alarming consequences
are likely to ensue, from a longer delay of appointing
proper persons to fill the quarter-master-general's depart-
ment; that the committee at camp, in conjunction with
General Washington, be authorized forthwith to make
proper appointments. " The arrangement of this depart-
ment, as framed by the board of war was abandoned, and
General Greene was appointed in place of Mifflin, who
upon an inquiry being instituted preliminary to a court-
martial, requested leave to resign.
General Gates, in the mean time, (every scheme of the
board of war over which he had presided having been
found impracticable,) was directed to take the command of
the posts on the Hudson, with authority to call on the ad-
jacent states for aid in fortifying and obstructing that
river, but with a prudent proviso full of meaning, suggested
by. the result of Hamilton's important mission to him in the
previous autumn, "that he be directed from time to time
to afford every assistance in his power, in forwarding the
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? HAMILTON. 161
drafts and other reinforcements destined for the main
army. "
The country had now passed through the most trying
period of its history; and when a true estimate is formed
of its situation at that moment, the surrender at Sara-
toga, the event which established the United States among
nations, must be regarded as the occurrence which por-
tended to it the most serious calamities.
Until that time America had seen little else but disaster.
She then began to triumph; and as the intelligence of this
success spread over the country, the public mind became
intoxicated, and even congress lost its balance.
This attempt to unveil the counsels of that secret con-
clave which doomed Washington to disgrace, -- which,
would, in all probability, have defeated the revolution, or if
not, would have robbed America of the pride of boasting a
native as her leader, has unavoidably been imperfect; but
enough of truth has been gathered to indicate the path of
inquiry.
When time shall give the whole of this eventful story, the
historian will not forget to remark, among other incidents,
that while Pennsylvania was chilled and dissatisfied, the
votes of Maryland, of North Carolina and Georgia di-
vided, -- his native Virginia misrepresented, -- the power-
ful influence of New-England marshalled under adverse
leaders; that New-York, though her metropolis and her
mountain passes were in the hands of the enemy, -- her tem-
porary seat of government in ashes, though just relieved
from subjugation by the capitulation of Burgoyne, -- thus
dismembered, and dislocated, maintained all her constancy
and all her firmness.
Justice to those patriots who resisted and ultimately de-
feated this Cabal, would seem to require that the persons
who composed it should be indicated; but, as the removal
of the commander-in-chief was never brought to a direct
vot. i. 21
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? 162 THE LIFE OF
question, and as the votes on several of the prominent acts
which have been referred to, are not recorded, much must
remain in uncertainty.
Among the friends of Washington, were to be remarked
the manly sense, the practised wisdom, the unbending firm-
ness of Robert Morris, detecting by his strong sagacity
every intrigue of the opposition, and overcoming their ob-
stinacy by his superior determination. There was also
found Charles Carroll, whose high and generous constancy
of character inspired confidence in his friends, and pre-
vented the zeal of party from blinding those who were
under its influence. There, also, the rich and varied powers
of Gouverneur Morris were forever kept in play, surpri-
sing all around him by the fertility of his erratic genius.
There was Duer, with stores of wit that never were ex-
hausted, and a rich, vivid, and spontaneous eloquence that
rose with every renewed effort, braving, defying, and dis-
concerting the hostile majority. There, also, were Bou-
dinot of New-Jersey, Burke of North Carolina, Paca of
Maryland, and others whose names are not distinguished.
Of the individuals who were believed to have controlled
the measures of the Cabal, the Lees and the Adamses*
have been indicated as the most conspicuous. As to the
former, the allegation has been denied; and of the part
taken by John Adams, who was nominated at the height
of its influence a Commissioner to France, history is silent,
and has directed its attention to Samuel Adams, whose
early services, zeal, and proscription have imparted to his
character a singular interest; but who, born with all the
qualities to aid in subverting an established government,
was devoid of those necessary to build one up.
Proceeding on the principle that all confidence is unsafe,
he laboured to confine the powers of the confederation
* Letter of Edward Rutledge to Mr. Jay. --Life of John Jay, p. 25, vol. 2.
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? HAMILTON. 163
within the narrowest limits, and opposed with obstinacy
every effort to enlarge them.
This spirit of indiscriminate distrust darkened all his
counsels, and was combined with a fanaticism which disre-
garded experience, and undervalued human agency. Thus
in the most alarming periods of the revolution, when the
condition of the country ought to have unchained his mind,
-- while he cheered the hesitating with reiterated appeals
to Providence,* he opposed long enlistments, from an appre-
hension of standing armies, and contended for a rotation in
command, on the ground that if the precedent were once
established, "no military chieftain could ever take a flight
beyond the reach of vengeance. "
With these doctrines, he swayed for a time the coun-
cils of the congress of seventeen hundred and seventy-seven,
which he characterized "as the smallest but truest con-
gress they ever had;" and without, probably, any malevo-
lence to Washington, or respect for Gates, he engaged
warmly in the projects of the Cabal, to displace the former
from the command and advance his rival.
* An instance of this kind is related of this more than ordinary man, who
led on the bold by his courage, and stirred up the tranquil by his arts; and
who though himself the victim of superstition, was not the less aware how
deep its sources spring in the human breast At a moment when congress
was sitting disheartened and hesitating, the arrival of a vessel with military
stores from France was announced. Availing himself of this intelligence, he
arose from his seat, and exclaiming with extended arms -- " It is a sign from
Heaven! Providence, -- Providence is on our side! " dissipated the doubts of
those around him. With the same sublimated feeling, when an unlimited
price was offered him by an agent of the king, he replied in a determined
manner: "I trust I have long since made my peace with the King of Kings.
No personal consideration shall induce me to abandon the righteous cause of
my country. Tell Governor Gage 'It is the advice of Samuel Adams to him
to insult no longer the feelings of an exasperated people. '"
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? CHAPTER VIII. 1/
[1778. ]
The events of the last campaign had indicated the ne-
cessity of more efficient measures for the organization of
the army; and congress, yielding to the earnest solicitation
of Washington, now entered upon this duty. Before sta-
ting the measures which were adopted, a few preliminary
remarks may be necessary.
Rarely were a people less prepared for arms than the
American colonists at the commencement of the revolution.
They had neither soldiers, generals, nor engineers; neither
the munitions* nor the knowledge of war; -- all were to
be acquired by exertion and experience, and every thing
to be surmounted by energy and fortitude.
Among the few individuals who had reaped military in-
formation in the war of seventeen hundred and fifty-six,
Washington was the only American who had obtained an
extensive reputation. Eminent as were the soldierly qua-
lities which he there displayed, his experience was too limit-
ed to entitle him to the principal command; and on the
large scale on which the war was to be conducted, he had
almost all its science to learn.
Philip Schuyler, known as Colonel Schuyler, was the
only other member of the congress of seventeen hundred
and seventy-five who had any pretensions to the character
of a soldier; the capacity in which he had previously served,
had given him an accurate knowledge of the civil depart-
ments of an army, but beyond this, his attainments did not
extend; and whatever other information he possessed, was
*May 11, 1776, the lead was torn from the roofs of the Exchange and City
Hall for bullets, and every article of brass taken from the houses.
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? 106 THE LIFE OF
the acquisition of an active mind, fruitful in resource, and
of great practical energy.
The duty of organizing the military establishment was
confided by congress to these two gentlemen. * The first
object to which, after filling the general staff, congress di-
rected their attention, was the organization of the militia.
All the inhabitants of the colonies, fit for duty, were recom-
mended to form military associations; one-fourth of whom
were to be chosen minute men, distributed into battalions
and companies, to be relieved by new drafts, after perform-
ing a tour of four months' duty; the field officers to be ap-
pointed by the conventions of the respective states. Such
was the embryo of an army, destined to win the liberty of an
extensive empire.
Of this kind of force General Washington was authorized
to employ a body, not to exceed twenty-two thousand
troops, in the vicinity of Boston; and five thousand more,
under the command of General Lee, were directed to be
mustered for the protection of New-York.
At an adjourned meeting of congress,! a new continen-
tal army was ordered to be enlisted for one year, by battal-
ions, to be raised in the respective colonies, according to
their numbers; and of these, the forces intended to be en-
camped near Boston, were to amount to twenty thousand
men.
Powers were, at the same time, conferred on the com-
mander-in-chief, of impressing whatever might be necessary
for its use, and of calling forth, from time to time, portions
of the reserve.
The enlistments, under this arrangement, gave little assu-
rance of success in creating an efficient force. The spirit
* June 14,1775. -- Messrs. Deane, Cushing, an'l Hewes, were also of the
committee.
f November 4, 1775.
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? HAMILTON. 167
of the people brought them rapidly into the field on an emer-
gency; but there were few of that order of men who
would, from choice, endure the privations of a military life,
augmented as they were by the defects of a new and very
imperfect establishment.
The prejudices of the country were also strong against
any thing in the shape of a regular army. In vain were
the militia required to submit, while in service, to the arti-
cles of war. Both officers and men resisted every mea-
sure for the introduction of discipline; and it will be re-
marked, as a strong indication of the prevailing jealousy
of an exercise of power over the militia, that within a
month after authorizing them to be called into service by
the commander-in-chief, congress found it necessary, in
compliance with public opinion, and at a time when they
were waging a contest for their liberties with the greatest
empire of Europe, to pass a resolution, that these powers
were only to be exercised with the consent of the state
authorities. *
In the winter of the ensuing year, measures were taken
for more efficient arrangements: of these, the division of
the colonies, into military departments, was among the first.
Those north of Virginia composed the northern; the re-
mainder the southern; while, from the desire of preserv-
ing the operations in that quarter distinct, that of Canada
formed a third department.
On the arrival of the English troops near New-York,
more vigorous measures were adopted. An order was
issued for a levy of thirteen thousand eight hundred men
to reinforce the army, a flying camp of ten thousand more
was directed to be embodied in the Jersies, and the gene-
ral staff enlarged.
These were, however, all temporary expedients. The
* Dec. 7,1775.
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? 168 THE LIFE OF
result of the contest on Long Island proved how little reli-
ance could be placed on militia, for any other purpose than
as transient auxiliaries; and, although the exertions of their
officers gave to particular corps discipline and system, yet
for a general scale of connected operations, they were
utterly inefficient. The letters of Washington are full
of the most urgent solicitations for a permanent esta-
blishment, without which he felt that he was waging a
hopeless contest, alike disastrous to the American cause,
and fatal to his own reputation. In one instance, he avows,
after enumerating the difficulties under which he laboured,
"If I were called upon to declare upon oath whether the
militia have been most serviceable or hurtful, on the whole,
I should subscribe to the latter. "
Experience did more to effect a change than the most
cogent arguments; and after a protracted discussion of
a report from the Board of war, which had been elected
in the preceding month of June, congress adopted a re-
solution* to raise eighty-eight battalions, to be enlisted for
three years, or during the war, to be apportioned among
the several states, giving a bounty to those who served
to its close; at the same time jealously providing that
the appointment of all, except general officers, should re-
main with the states, though the commissions proceeded
from congress, and confiding to the states the provision of
arms and munitions for their respective quotas.
This resolution, in pursuance of the suggestion of the
commander-in-chief, was followed by the introduction of
more efficient articles of war.
At the close of the year,f the fears of congress extorted
from them a resolution, investing Washington for a term
of six months with general powers; and their critical
*Sept. 16, 1776. f December 27th, 1776.
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? HAMILTON. 169
situation reconciled parts of the country to those powers
being carried into operation. *
But the progress of military discipline was slow: to
define the duties of each station was not an easy task; the
exigencies of the army often excused the transition of the
different departments from their proper spheres; and even
in the general staff, so prone was the disposition to question
the authority of the commander-in-chief, that Washington
found it necessary through the medium of General Greene,
to obtain a declaration from congress, that it never was
their intention that the commander-in-chief should be
bound by the decision of a council of war.
Great accessions were made to the science of the army
in the progress of the campaign of 1777. France gave us
La Fayette, the young enthusiast of liberty, who here
offered his first vows to that cause with which his name
will forever be identified ; -- the generous, the gallant, the
gifted DeNoailles -- the accomplished soldier DuPortail --
the unfortunate Custine -- the warm-hearted and volatile
Fleury -- Du Plessis,f as modest as he was gallant, the
* Congress made a communication to the convention of New-York, to
soften their feelings as to this measure. The consideration of it was post-
poned.
f "Whose gallant conduct," says Washington in a letter to congress, " at
Brandywine, Germantown, and his distinguished services at Fort Mercer,
where he united the offices of engineer and commandant of artillery entitle him
to the particular notice of congress. Whose conduct at Red Bank com-
manded the highest applause, and who after the evacuation was determined
upon, undertook as a volunteer, the hazardous operation of blowing up the
magazine without the apparatus usual on such occasions. I must farther add
that he possesses a degree of modesty not always found in men who perform
brilliant actions. It is with pleasure that I recommend to congress to give
him a brevet of lieutenant-colonel. I hope there will be no difficulty in
antedating the brevet, that the recompense may more immediately follow the
service which he has done. "
vol. i. 22
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? 170 THE LIFE OF
inheritor of the virtues of his great ancestor* -- the three"
brothers Armand -- Ternant, afterwards ambassador from
France, -- and many others not less ardent for distinction.
Prussia gave us the veteran Steuben, previously the aid-
de-camp of the great Frederic, and the founder of Ameri-
can tactics; and to Poland we owe Pulaski, who fell at
Savannah, and the patriotic Kosciusko.
The services of these individuals were soon appreciated
by the army; and those who survived the contest, retired
from the country clothed with every mark of respect which
an infant nation could confer.
But, in addition to the se, crowds of mercenary adventurers
nocked to the American standard, seeking bread and pre-
ferment, and indulging the most presumptuous and over-
weening pretensions. The embarrassments produced by
this circumstance were many and serious; besides the dis-
gust which was created in the minds of the American
officers on finding themselves postponed to men who were
generally their inferiors in character and talent, the army
was constantly embroiled by a series of petty intrigues,
having for their object the personal advancement of parti-
cular individuals.
This evil had been felt before the close of the first cam-
paign; but the situation of Washington interposed con-
siderations of delicacy as to his sentiments on this point
being made public. They were, however, communicated
to Colonel Hamilton, and within a short time after he had
* The Hugonot chief Philip Mornay du Plessis, of whose praise the French
historians are full. To whom Voltaire devoted the choicest effort of his
genius, and who is thus beautifully eulogized by Grotius,--
Nobilitas, animo claro quam sanguine major
Res hominum solers noscere, resque Dei
Consilium prudens, divis facundia linguae
Hie cum Morneo, contumulata jacent.
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? HAMILTON. 171
entered the family of the commander-in-chief, he address-
ed the following letter to Mr. Duer.
HAMILTON TO THE HON. "WILLIAM DUER.
The bearer of this is Mr. Malmedi, a French gentleman
of learning, abilities, and experience. I believe he thinks
himself entitled to preferment, and comes to congress for
that purpose.
At the recommendation of General Lee, he was made
brigadier-general by the state of Rhode-Island, and filled
the station to the satisfaction of his employers, as appears
by a letter from Governor Cook, speaking of him in the
highest terms of approbation.
This had led him to hope that he would be adopted by
the continent on an equal footing. But in this he will no
doubt be mistaken, as there are many insuperable objections
to such a measure.
Among others, it would tend to raise the expectations of
the Frenchmen, in general already too high, to a pitch
which it would be impossible to gratify or endure. It
might not, however, be amiss to do whatever propriety
would warrant to keep him in good humour, as he is a man
of sense and merit.
I think policy would justify the advancing him a step
higher than his former continental rank.
Congress, in the beginning, went upon a very injudicious
plan with respect to Frenchmen. To every adventurer
that came, without even the shadow of credentials, they
gave the rank of field officers. This circumstance second-
ing the aspiring disposition natural to those people, carried
the expectations of those who really had any pretensions to
the character of officers, to such a length, that exceeded all
the bounds of moderation. As it was impossible to pursue
this impolitic plan, the congress have begun to retrench their
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? 172 THE LIFE OF
excessive liberality; and the consequence has been uni-
versal disgust and discontent.
It would perhaps be injurious, as the French are much
addicted to national punctilio, to run into the opposite ex-
treme to that first embraced, and by that mean create a
general clamor and dissatisfaction. Policy suggests the
propriety of discriminating a few of the most deserving,
and endeavouring to keep them in temper, even by gratify-
ing them beyond what they can reasonably pretend to.
This will enable us to shake off the despicable part with
safety, and to turn a deaf ear to the exorbitant demands
of the many. It will be easily believed in France that
their want of merit occasioned their want of success, from
the extraordinary marks of favour that have been con-
ferred on others; whereas, the united voice of complaint
from the whole, might make ill impressions in their own
country, which it is not our interest should exist.
We are already greatly embarrassed with the French-
men among us, and from the genius of the people, shall
continue to be so. It were to be wished that our agents in
France, instead of courting them to come out, were in-
structed to give no encouragement, but where they could
not help it; that is, where applications were made to them
by persons countenanced and supported by great men whom
it would be impolitic to disoblige. Be assured, sir, we shall
never be able to satisfy them, and they can be of no use to
us, at least for some time. Their ignorance of our lan-
guage, of the disposition of the people, the resources and de-
ficiencies of the country, their own habits and tempers, --
all these are disqualifications that put it out of their power
to be of real use or service to us. You will consider what
I have said as entirely my own sentiments, and believe me
to be with regard,
Sir, your most humble servant,
A. Hamilton.
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? HAMILTON. 173
The remonstrances which were made on this subject
received little consideration; and it was soon discovered to
be the policy of the Cabal to foster these men; who, find-
ing Washington unwilling to promote their views at the sa-
crifice of the public interests, became parties and active
instruments of a faction, by which they had been led to in-
dulge the most sanguine expectations.
Amid the various objects of moment which occupied his
mind, Washington's temper could ill brook the importuni-
ties with which he was continually beset; and he was occa-
sionally drawn into expressions of opinion which were
readily seized upon, and made the subject of the most un-
generous comments.
Another source of difficulty, and one productive of the
most serious inconveniences, especially when viewed in
connexion with the preceding topic, was the imperfect con-
dition of the regiments.
The field officers in commission were so numerous, that
adequate commands were in vain sought to be provided
for them. It became necessary to combine selections from
different corps; whence arose another difficulty, -- the ap-
pointment of officers from one state, to the command of the
troops of another.
To remedy these defects -- to devise a plan for the re-
duction of the regiments -- to regulate rank, and to intro-
duce system into the civil departments of the army, were
the first objects which the commander-in-chief desired to
accomplish, and which he pressed upon the attention of
congress with unremitting solicitude.
To aid these designs, within a short time after the army
had taken up their winter quarters,* a committee of five
members of congress was appointed to proceed to Valley
Forge, and confer with the General.
* January 11, 1778.
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? 174 THE LIFE OF
Soon after their arrival in camp, on the twenty-eighth of
January, 1778, a paper was submitted to the committee?
giving a general outline of the defects in, and proposed
amendments to, the existing arrangements. This produc-
tion was digested with great labour, and bears the marks of
the most studied precision of language, and of the most
careful arrangement of its parts.
From two successive drafts in his hand-writing, on which
are minute notes of reference for information to the heads
of the different departments of the army, it is manifestly
the work of Colonel Hamilton; a duty the more readily
imposed upon him, from his having cultivated every oppor-
tunity which the society of the foreign officers gave him, of
adding a knowledge of the most approved innovations of
modern science, to those principles which previous research
and a strong military talent had led him to adopt.
The primary measure suggested in this plan, was the
half-pay and pensionary establishment; a measure strongly
indicated by principles of justice, and by the numerous re-
signations, and "more frequent importunities for permission
to resign, and from some officers of the greatest merit. "
This is followed by suggestions of the most feasible mode
of completing the regiments, and altering their establish-
ment, and a sketch of the existing condition of the army --
of the military resources of the different states, and a mi-
nute examination of the situation of each branch of the ser-
vice, in its civil, military, and medical establishment; a new
organization of it into eighty battalions* was proposed, and
suggestions made, for correcting the various abuses by which
it was so much embarrassed.
This plan was accepted by the committee, reported with
some alterations, approved by congress, and became the
basis of the military system of the revolution. One propo-
+ To compose a force of forty thousand and twenty rank and file.
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? HAMILTON. 175
sition alone, that of the half-pay, was attended with great
difficulty. After various amendments and votes, half-pay
for seven years was granted, excluding the officers while
they held any office of profit, and limiting the general offi-
cers to the half-pay of colonels; an arrangement which
was afterwards stripped of its more objectionable features,
and half-pay for life established; and on the twenty-se-
venth of May the new army establishment was created.
But the success of the efforts to restore a discipline,
chiefly depended on the conduct of the Quarter-master-ge-
neral's department, which had now been placed on a bet-
ter basis ; for while the soldiers could, with justice, reproach
their officers with a non-compliance with their engage-
ments, subordination was hopeless. This object was at
last happily attained.
It has been previously remarked, that the committee of
congress had expressed a strong censure upon the adminis-
tration of that department for a long time past, and "point-
ed to the selection of a man of approved abilities and ex-
tensive capacity at the head of that establishment," as the
only mean of restoring it to order and regularity. After
frequent solicitations from Washington and other influen-
tial persons, General Greene, with great reluctance, con-
sented to accept the appointment. A new plan for this de-
partment was framed, instead of the four branches into
which it had been subdivided, without any due subordina-
tion. One Quarter-master-general and two Assistants were
recommended. On the twenty-eighth of January, 1778,
General Schuyler was proposed to congress by the com-
mittee at camp, as Commissary-general, and his appoint-
ment was ardently desired by Washington; but the party
of Gates was against him. At the instance of the same
committee, Jeremiah Wadsworth, a man of great vigour,
talent, and independence of character was appointed to that
place. Concert with the general staff ensued; and though
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? 176 THE LIFE OF
at an immense expense, the soldiers were in a measure se-
cured from the recurrence of those evils which had been
so long and vainly deplored.
An important result was also at this time attained by the
adoption of a new plan of an Inspectorship, to which office
the Baron Steuben had recently been appointed.
The introduction of a new system of tactics was soon
perceived in the improved discipline of the army, in the
control of the detached commands, and in the regulation of
the jarring duties of the officers.
This measure was, in its outset, not free from difficul-
ties. The undefined duties of this station gave rise to the
greatest dissatisfaction among the officers, and continued
embarrassment to the commander-in-chief, and indicated
the necessity of retrenching the authority which, in their
jealousy of General Washington, and from a desire to la-
vish on their favourite extraordinary powers, the hostile
party had conferred upon Conway.
To effect this object in a manner which would avoid
compromitting the General, Colonel Hamilton addressed
the following letter to his friend Mr. Duer:
HAMILTON TO DUER.
Head Quarters.
DEAR SIR:
I take the liberty to trouble you with a few hints on a
matter of some importance. Baron Steuben, who will be
the bearer of this, waits on Congress to have his office ar-
ranged upon some decisive and permanent footing. It will
not be amiss to be on your guard. The Baron is a gentle-
man for whom I have a particular esteem, and whose zeal,
intelligence, and success, the consequence of both, entitle
him to the greatest credit. But I am apprehensive, with
all his good qualities, a fondness for power and importance,
natural to every man, may lead him to wish for more ex-
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? HAMILTON. 177
tensive prerogatives in his department, than it will be for
the good of the service to grant. I should be sorry to ex-
cite any prejudice against him on this account; perhaps I
may be mistaken in my conjecture. The caution I give
will do no harm, if I am; if I am not, it may be useful. In
either case, the Baron deserves to be considered as a valu-
able man, and treated with all the deference which good
policy will warrant.
On the first institution of this office, the General allowed
him to exercise more ample powers than would be proper
for a continuance. They were necessary in the commence-
ment; to put things in a train, with a degree of despatch
which the exigency of our affairs required; but it has been
necessary to restrain them, even earlier than was intended.
The novelty of the office excited questions about its boun-
daries; the extent of its operations alarmed the officers of
every rank for their own rights. Their jealousies and dis-
contents were rising fast to a height that threatened to
overturn the whole plan. It became necessary to apply a
remedy. The General has delineated the functions of the
inspectorship in general orders, a copy of which will be
sent to congress. The plan is good, and satisfactory to the
army in general.
It may be improved, but it will be unsafe to deviate es-
sentially from it. It is, of course, the General's intention
that whatever regulations are adopted by him, should un-
dergo the revision, and receive the sanction of congress;
but it is indispensable, in the present state of our army, that
he should have the power, from time to time, to introduce
and authorize the reformations necessary in our system.
It is a work which must be done by occasional and gradual
steps, and ought to be entrusted to a person on the spot,
who is thoroughly acquainted with all our defects, and has
judgment sufficient to adopt the progressive remedies they
require. The plan established by congress, on a report of
vol. i. 23
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? 178 THE LIFE OF
the Board of war, when Conway was appointed, appears to
me exceptionable in many respects. It makes the inspector
independent of the commander-in-chief; confers powers
which would produce universal opposition in the army, and,
by making the previous concurrence of the Board of war
requisite to the introduction of every regulation which should
be found necessary, opens such a continual source of delay
as would defeat the usefulness of the institution. Let the
commander-in-chief introduce, and the legislature after-
wards ratify or reject, as they shall think proper. Perhaps
you will not differ much from me, when I suppose, that so
far as relates to the Board of war, the former scheme was
a brat of faction, and therefore ought to be renounced.
There is one thing which the Baron has much at heart,
which, in good policy, he can by no means be indulged in:
-- it is the power of enforcing that part of discipline, which
we understand by subordination, or an obedience to orders.
This power can only be properly lodged with the com-
mander-in-chief, and would inflame the whole army if put
into other hands. Each captain is vested with it in his
company, -- each colonel in his regiment, -- each general
in his particular command, -- and the commander-in-chief
in the whole.
When I began this letter, I did not intend to meddle with
any other subject than the Inspectorship; but one just
comes into my head, which appears to me of no small im-
portance. The goodness or force of an army depends as
, much, perhaps more, on the composition of the corps which
form it, as on its collective number. The composition is
good or bad, not only according to the quality of the men,
but in proportion to the completeness or incompleteness of
a corps in respect to numbers. A regiment, for instance,
with a full complement of officers, and fifty or sixty men,
is not half so good as a company with the same number of
men. A colonel will look upon such a command as un-
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? HAMILTON. 179
worthy his ambition, and will neglect and despise it; -- a
captain would pride himself in it, and take all the pains in
his power to bring it to perfection. In one case, we shall
see a total relaxation of discipline, and negligence of every
thing that constitutes military excellence; on the other,
there will be attention, energy, and every thing that can be
wished. Opinion, whether well or ill founded, is the go-
verning principle of human affairs. A corps much below
its establishment, comparing what it is, with what it ought
to be, loses all confidence in itself, and the whole army
loses that confidence and emulation which are essential to
success. These, and a thousand other things that will oc-
cur to you, make it evident, that the most important advan-
tages, attend the having complete corps, and proportional
disadvantages, the reverse. Ten thousand men, distributed
into twenty imperfect regiments, will not have the efficiency
of the same number, in half the number of regiments. The
fact is, with respect to the American army, that the want
of discipline, and other defects we labour under, are as
much owing to the skeleton state of our regiments, as to
any other cause. -- What then?
Have we any prospect of filling our regiments? My
opinion is, that we have nearly arrived to our ne plus ultra.
If so, we ought to reduce the number of corps, and give
them that substance and consistency which they want, by
incorporating them together, so as to bring them near their
establishment. By this measure, the army would be infi-
nitely improved, and the state would be saved the expense
of maintaining a number of superfluous officers.
In the present condition of our regiments, they are incapa-
ble even of performing their common exercises without join-
ing two or more together, -- an expedient reluctantly sub-
mitted to by those officers who see themselves made second
in command of a battalion, instead of first, as their com-
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? 180 THE LIFE OP
mission imports, which happens to every younger colonel
whose regiment is united with that of an elder.
What would be the inconveniences, while the officers
who remain in command, and who might be selected from
the others on account of superior merit, would applaud
themselves in the preference given them, and rejoice at a
change which confers such additional consequence on them-
selves?
Those who should be excluded by the measure, would
return home discontented, artd make a noise, which would
soon subside and be forgotten among matters of greater
moment. To quiet them still more effectually, if it should
be thought necessary, they might be put upon half-pay for
a certain time.
If on considering this matter, you should agree with me
in sentiment, it were to be wished the scheme could be im-
mediately adopted, while the arrangement now in hand is
still unexecuted.
? HAMILTON. 159
should not be returned to his prince and nation in any
other manner than such as becomes the gratitude, honour,
and dignity of the United States ;" but the exhortation was
in vain; and on the 28th of April, on a formal vote of con-
gress of twenty-one members, four only voted in his favour,
Messrs. Gerry, Chase, F. Lee and Banister of Virginia.
Washington soon reaped the fruits of his elevated for-
bearance: the party which had erected themselves against
him, despairing of success, were contented with interposing
petty obstacles and vexatious embarrassments; which,
though they added to the sufferings of the army, only served
to call forth more signal evidences of the zeal of the officers,
and virtue and patriotism of the troops, who all exclaimed,
"No Washington -- No Army! "
While this series of acts of a character by no means
equivocal occurred, a tale had been artfully circulated
at the seat of government, of designs in the army, inimical
to the liberties of the republic. Direct efforts were stated
to have been made to overturn the system of the confede-
ration, and to invest the commander-in-chief with all the
powers of government; and it was insinuated that the lead-
ing officers in the army were in favour of this project, and
that it required only time for its completion.
These calumnies, for there never existed a particle of
evidence on which to sustain them, were cherished by the
faction; apprehensions for the national liberties were feign-
ed; the necessity of keeping a check on the army, and ex-
pelling from it individuals whom the faction both feared
and hated, became with them a popular topic, and a resolu-
tion was pompously introduced and adopted by congress,*
in which the friends of Washington were compelled from
policy to concur, requiring oaths of allegiance to the United
States, and of abjuration of Great Britain, to be taken by
all the officers in service of government, and certificates
* February 3d, 1778.
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? 160 THE LIFE OF
to be filed with congress of their compliance with this
measure. Had a new motive or any instance of treason
occurred? Had the cause of the nation suffered materi-
ally from any noted violation of public engagements, or
any recent manifestation been given of a disposition to
compromise the national interests, this harsh measure,
of a nature always little efficacious in preserving fidelity,
might have been resorted to; but as a new pledge required
from an army, who under more severe trials, and exposed
to the greatest temptations, had sustained a character of the
highest and most uncorrupted fealty to their country, it
was regarded at the time and must always be considered,
as the unnecessary demand of a too jealous caution, or as
an outrage on a patriotism, and a devotion never surpassed.
As a closing scene in the fate of this Cabal, a resolution was
passed by congress, stating that "alarming consequences
are likely to ensue, from a longer delay of appointing
proper persons to fill the quarter-master-general's depart-
ment; that the committee at camp, in conjunction with
General Washington, be authorized forthwith to make
proper appointments. " The arrangement of this depart-
ment, as framed by the board of war was abandoned, and
General Greene was appointed in place of Mifflin, who
upon an inquiry being instituted preliminary to a court-
martial, requested leave to resign.
General Gates, in the mean time, (every scheme of the
board of war over which he had presided having been
found impracticable,) was directed to take the command of
the posts on the Hudson, with authority to call on the ad-
jacent states for aid in fortifying and obstructing that
river, but with a prudent proviso full of meaning, suggested
by. the result of Hamilton's important mission to him in the
previous autumn, "that he be directed from time to time
to afford every assistance in his power, in forwarding the
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? HAMILTON. 161
drafts and other reinforcements destined for the main
army. "
The country had now passed through the most trying
period of its history; and when a true estimate is formed
of its situation at that moment, the surrender at Sara-
toga, the event which established the United States among
nations, must be regarded as the occurrence which por-
tended to it the most serious calamities.
Until that time America had seen little else but disaster.
She then began to triumph; and as the intelligence of this
success spread over the country, the public mind became
intoxicated, and even congress lost its balance.
This attempt to unveil the counsels of that secret con-
clave which doomed Washington to disgrace, -- which,
would, in all probability, have defeated the revolution, or if
not, would have robbed America of the pride of boasting a
native as her leader, has unavoidably been imperfect; but
enough of truth has been gathered to indicate the path of
inquiry.
When time shall give the whole of this eventful story, the
historian will not forget to remark, among other incidents,
that while Pennsylvania was chilled and dissatisfied, the
votes of Maryland, of North Carolina and Georgia di-
vided, -- his native Virginia misrepresented, -- the power-
ful influence of New-England marshalled under adverse
leaders; that New-York, though her metropolis and her
mountain passes were in the hands of the enemy, -- her tem-
porary seat of government in ashes, though just relieved
from subjugation by the capitulation of Burgoyne, -- thus
dismembered, and dislocated, maintained all her constancy
and all her firmness.
Justice to those patriots who resisted and ultimately de-
feated this Cabal, would seem to require that the persons
who composed it should be indicated; but, as the removal
of the commander-in-chief was never brought to a direct
vot. i. 21
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? 162 THE LIFE OF
question, and as the votes on several of the prominent acts
which have been referred to, are not recorded, much must
remain in uncertainty.
Among the friends of Washington, were to be remarked
the manly sense, the practised wisdom, the unbending firm-
ness of Robert Morris, detecting by his strong sagacity
every intrigue of the opposition, and overcoming their ob-
stinacy by his superior determination. There was also
found Charles Carroll, whose high and generous constancy
of character inspired confidence in his friends, and pre-
vented the zeal of party from blinding those who were
under its influence. There, also, the rich and varied powers
of Gouverneur Morris were forever kept in play, surpri-
sing all around him by the fertility of his erratic genius.
There was Duer, with stores of wit that never were ex-
hausted, and a rich, vivid, and spontaneous eloquence that
rose with every renewed effort, braving, defying, and dis-
concerting the hostile majority. There, also, were Bou-
dinot of New-Jersey, Burke of North Carolina, Paca of
Maryland, and others whose names are not distinguished.
Of the individuals who were believed to have controlled
the measures of the Cabal, the Lees and the Adamses*
have been indicated as the most conspicuous. As to the
former, the allegation has been denied; and of the part
taken by John Adams, who was nominated at the height
of its influence a Commissioner to France, history is silent,
and has directed its attention to Samuel Adams, whose
early services, zeal, and proscription have imparted to his
character a singular interest; but who, born with all the
qualities to aid in subverting an established government,
was devoid of those necessary to build one up.
Proceeding on the principle that all confidence is unsafe,
he laboured to confine the powers of the confederation
* Letter of Edward Rutledge to Mr. Jay. --Life of John Jay, p. 25, vol. 2.
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? HAMILTON. 163
within the narrowest limits, and opposed with obstinacy
every effort to enlarge them.
This spirit of indiscriminate distrust darkened all his
counsels, and was combined with a fanaticism which disre-
garded experience, and undervalued human agency. Thus
in the most alarming periods of the revolution, when the
condition of the country ought to have unchained his mind,
-- while he cheered the hesitating with reiterated appeals
to Providence,* he opposed long enlistments, from an appre-
hension of standing armies, and contended for a rotation in
command, on the ground that if the precedent were once
established, "no military chieftain could ever take a flight
beyond the reach of vengeance. "
With these doctrines, he swayed for a time the coun-
cils of the congress of seventeen hundred and seventy-seven,
which he characterized "as the smallest but truest con-
gress they ever had;" and without, probably, any malevo-
lence to Washington, or respect for Gates, he engaged
warmly in the projects of the Cabal, to displace the former
from the command and advance his rival.
* An instance of this kind is related of this more than ordinary man, who
led on the bold by his courage, and stirred up the tranquil by his arts; and
who though himself the victim of superstition, was not the less aware how
deep its sources spring in the human breast At a moment when congress
was sitting disheartened and hesitating, the arrival of a vessel with military
stores from France was announced. Availing himself of this intelligence, he
arose from his seat, and exclaiming with extended arms -- " It is a sign from
Heaven! Providence, -- Providence is on our side! " dissipated the doubts of
those around him. With the same sublimated feeling, when an unlimited
price was offered him by an agent of the king, he replied in a determined
manner: "I trust I have long since made my peace with the King of Kings.
No personal consideration shall induce me to abandon the righteous cause of
my country. Tell Governor Gage 'It is the advice of Samuel Adams to him
to insult no longer the feelings of an exasperated people. '"
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? CHAPTER VIII. 1/
[1778. ]
The events of the last campaign had indicated the ne-
cessity of more efficient measures for the organization of
the army; and congress, yielding to the earnest solicitation
of Washington, now entered upon this duty. Before sta-
ting the measures which were adopted, a few preliminary
remarks may be necessary.
Rarely were a people less prepared for arms than the
American colonists at the commencement of the revolution.
They had neither soldiers, generals, nor engineers; neither
the munitions* nor the knowledge of war; -- all were to
be acquired by exertion and experience, and every thing
to be surmounted by energy and fortitude.
Among the few individuals who had reaped military in-
formation in the war of seventeen hundred and fifty-six,
Washington was the only American who had obtained an
extensive reputation. Eminent as were the soldierly qua-
lities which he there displayed, his experience was too limit-
ed to entitle him to the principal command; and on the
large scale on which the war was to be conducted, he had
almost all its science to learn.
Philip Schuyler, known as Colonel Schuyler, was the
only other member of the congress of seventeen hundred
and seventy-five who had any pretensions to the character
of a soldier; the capacity in which he had previously served,
had given him an accurate knowledge of the civil depart-
ments of an army, but beyond this, his attainments did not
extend; and whatever other information he possessed, was
*May 11, 1776, the lead was torn from the roofs of the Exchange and City
Hall for bullets, and every article of brass taken from the houses.
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? 106 THE LIFE OF
the acquisition of an active mind, fruitful in resource, and
of great practical energy.
The duty of organizing the military establishment was
confided by congress to these two gentlemen. * The first
object to which, after filling the general staff, congress di-
rected their attention, was the organization of the militia.
All the inhabitants of the colonies, fit for duty, were recom-
mended to form military associations; one-fourth of whom
were to be chosen minute men, distributed into battalions
and companies, to be relieved by new drafts, after perform-
ing a tour of four months' duty; the field officers to be ap-
pointed by the conventions of the respective states. Such
was the embryo of an army, destined to win the liberty of an
extensive empire.
Of this kind of force General Washington was authorized
to employ a body, not to exceed twenty-two thousand
troops, in the vicinity of Boston; and five thousand more,
under the command of General Lee, were directed to be
mustered for the protection of New-York.
At an adjourned meeting of congress,! a new continen-
tal army was ordered to be enlisted for one year, by battal-
ions, to be raised in the respective colonies, according to
their numbers; and of these, the forces intended to be en-
camped near Boston, were to amount to twenty thousand
men.
Powers were, at the same time, conferred on the com-
mander-in-chief, of impressing whatever might be necessary
for its use, and of calling forth, from time to time, portions
of the reserve.
The enlistments, under this arrangement, gave little assu-
rance of success in creating an efficient force. The spirit
* June 14,1775. -- Messrs. Deane, Cushing, an'l Hewes, were also of the
committee.
f November 4, 1775.
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? HAMILTON. 167
of the people brought them rapidly into the field on an emer-
gency; but there were few of that order of men who
would, from choice, endure the privations of a military life,
augmented as they were by the defects of a new and very
imperfect establishment.
The prejudices of the country were also strong against
any thing in the shape of a regular army. In vain were
the militia required to submit, while in service, to the arti-
cles of war. Both officers and men resisted every mea-
sure for the introduction of discipline; and it will be re-
marked, as a strong indication of the prevailing jealousy
of an exercise of power over the militia, that within a
month after authorizing them to be called into service by
the commander-in-chief, congress found it necessary, in
compliance with public opinion, and at a time when they
were waging a contest for their liberties with the greatest
empire of Europe, to pass a resolution, that these powers
were only to be exercised with the consent of the state
authorities. *
In the winter of the ensuing year, measures were taken
for more efficient arrangements: of these, the division of
the colonies, into military departments, was among the first.
Those north of Virginia composed the northern; the re-
mainder the southern; while, from the desire of preserv-
ing the operations in that quarter distinct, that of Canada
formed a third department.
On the arrival of the English troops near New-York,
more vigorous measures were adopted. An order was
issued for a levy of thirteen thousand eight hundred men
to reinforce the army, a flying camp of ten thousand more
was directed to be embodied in the Jersies, and the gene-
ral staff enlarged.
These were, however, all temporary expedients. The
* Dec. 7,1775.
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? 168 THE LIFE OF
result of the contest on Long Island proved how little reli-
ance could be placed on militia, for any other purpose than
as transient auxiliaries; and, although the exertions of their
officers gave to particular corps discipline and system, yet
for a general scale of connected operations, they were
utterly inefficient. The letters of Washington are full
of the most urgent solicitations for a permanent esta-
blishment, without which he felt that he was waging a
hopeless contest, alike disastrous to the American cause,
and fatal to his own reputation. In one instance, he avows,
after enumerating the difficulties under which he laboured,
"If I were called upon to declare upon oath whether the
militia have been most serviceable or hurtful, on the whole,
I should subscribe to the latter. "
Experience did more to effect a change than the most
cogent arguments; and after a protracted discussion of
a report from the Board of war, which had been elected
in the preceding month of June, congress adopted a re-
solution* to raise eighty-eight battalions, to be enlisted for
three years, or during the war, to be apportioned among
the several states, giving a bounty to those who served
to its close; at the same time jealously providing that
the appointment of all, except general officers, should re-
main with the states, though the commissions proceeded
from congress, and confiding to the states the provision of
arms and munitions for their respective quotas.
This resolution, in pursuance of the suggestion of the
commander-in-chief, was followed by the introduction of
more efficient articles of war.
At the close of the year,f the fears of congress extorted
from them a resolution, investing Washington for a term
of six months with general powers; and their critical
*Sept. 16, 1776. f December 27th, 1776.
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? HAMILTON. 169
situation reconciled parts of the country to those powers
being carried into operation. *
But the progress of military discipline was slow: to
define the duties of each station was not an easy task; the
exigencies of the army often excused the transition of the
different departments from their proper spheres; and even
in the general staff, so prone was the disposition to question
the authority of the commander-in-chief, that Washington
found it necessary through the medium of General Greene,
to obtain a declaration from congress, that it never was
their intention that the commander-in-chief should be
bound by the decision of a council of war.
Great accessions were made to the science of the army
in the progress of the campaign of 1777. France gave us
La Fayette, the young enthusiast of liberty, who here
offered his first vows to that cause with which his name
will forever be identified ; -- the generous, the gallant, the
gifted DeNoailles -- the accomplished soldier DuPortail --
the unfortunate Custine -- the warm-hearted and volatile
Fleury -- Du Plessis,f as modest as he was gallant, the
* Congress made a communication to the convention of New-York, to
soften their feelings as to this measure. The consideration of it was post-
poned.
f "Whose gallant conduct," says Washington in a letter to congress, " at
Brandywine, Germantown, and his distinguished services at Fort Mercer,
where he united the offices of engineer and commandant of artillery entitle him
to the particular notice of congress. Whose conduct at Red Bank com-
manded the highest applause, and who after the evacuation was determined
upon, undertook as a volunteer, the hazardous operation of blowing up the
magazine without the apparatus usual on such occasions. I must farther add
that he possesses a degree of modesty not always found in men who perform
brilliant actions. It is with pleasure that I recommend to congress to give
him a brevet of lieutenant-colonel. I hope there will be no difficulty in
antedating the brevet, that the recompense may more immediately follow the
service which he has done. "
vol. i. 22
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? 170 THE LIFE OF
inheritor of the virtues of his great ancestor* -- the three"
brothers Armand -- Ternant, afterwards ambassador from
France, -- and many others not less ardent for distinction.
Prussia gave us the veteran Steuben, previously the aid-
de-camp of the great Frederic, and the founder of Ameri-
can tactics; and to Poland we owe Pulaski, who fell at
Savannah, and the patriotic Kosciusko.
The services of these individuals were soon appreciated
by the army; and those who survived the contest, retired
from the country clothed with every mark of respect which
an infant nation could confer.
But, in addition to the se, crowds of mercenary adventurers
nocked to the American standard, seeking bread and pre-
ferment, and indulging the most presumptuous and over-
weening pretensions. The embarrassments produced by
this circumstance were many and serious; besides the dis-
gust which was created in the minds of the American
officers on finding themselves postponed to men who were
generally their inferiors in character and talent, the army
was constantly embroiled by a series of petty intrigues,
having for their object the personal advancement of parti-
cular individuals.
This evil had been felt before the close of the first cam-
paign; but the situation of Washington interposed con-
siderations of delicacy as to his sentiments on this point
being made public. They were, however, communicated
to Colonel Hamilton, and within a short time after he had
* The Hugonot chief Philip Mornay du Plessis, of whose praise the French
historians are full. To whom Voltaire devoted the choicest effort of his
genius, and who is thus beautifully eulogized by Grotius,--
Nobilitas, animo claro quam sanguine major
Res hominum solers noscere, resque Dei
Consilium prudens, divis facundia linguae
Hie cum Morneo, contumulata jacent.
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? HAMILTON. 171
entered the family of the commander-in-chief, he address-
ed the following letter to Mr. Duer.
HAMILTON TO THE HON. "WILLIAM DUER.
The bearer of this is Mr. Malmedi, a French gentleman
of learning, abilities, and experience. I believe he thinks
himself entitled to preferment, and comes to congress for
that purpose.
At the recommendation of General Lee, he was made
brigadier-general by the state of Rhode-Island, and filled
the station to the satisfaction of his employers, as appears
by a letter from Governor Cook, speaking of him in the
highest terms of approbation.
This had led him to hope that he would be adopted by
the continent on an equal footing. But in this he will no
doubt be mistaken, as there are many insuperable objections
to such a measure.
Among others, it would tend to raise the expectations of
the Frenchmen, in general already too high, to a pitch
which it would be impossible to gratify or endure. It
might not, however, be amiss to do whatever propriety
would warrant to keep him in good humour, as he is a man
of sense and merit.
I think policy would justify the advancing him a step
higher than his former continental rank.
Congress, in the beginning, went upon a very injudicious
plan with respect to Frenchmen. To every adventurer
that came, without even the shadow of credentials, they
gave the rank of field officers. This circumstance second-
ing the aspiring disposition natural to those people, carried
the expectations of those who really had any pretensions to
the character of officers, to such a length, that exceeded all
the bounds of moderation. As it was impossible to pursue
this impolitic plan, the congress have begun to retrench their
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? 172 THE LIFE OF
excessive liberality; and the consequence has been uni-
versal disgust and discontent.
It would perhaps be injurious, as the French are much
addicted to national punctilio, to run into the opposite ex-
treme to that first embraced, and by that mean create a
general clamor and dissatisfaction. Policy suggests the
propriety of discriminating a few of the most deserving,
and endeavouring to keep them in temper, even by gratify-
ing them beyond what they can reasonably pretend to.
This will enable us to shake off the despicable part with
safety, and to turn a deaf ear to the exorbitant demands
of the many. It will be easily believed in France that
their want of merit occasioned their want of success, from
the extraordinary marks of favour that have been con-
ferred on others; whereas, the united voice of complaint
from the whole, might make ill impressions in their own
country, which it is not our interest should exist.
We are already greatly embarrassed with the French-
men among us, and from the genius of the people, shall
continue to be so. It were to be wished that our agents in
France, instead of courting them to come out, were in-
structed to give no encouragement, but where they could
not help it; that is, where applications were made to them
by persons countenanced and supported by great men whom
it would be impolitic to disoblige. Be assured, sir, we shall
never be able to satisfy them, and they can be of no use to
us, at least for some time. Their ignorance of our lan-
guage, of the disposition of the people, the resources and de-
ficiencies of the country, their own habits and tempers, --
all these are disqualifications that put it out of their power
to be of real use or service to us. You will consider what
I have said as entirely my own sentiments, and believe me
to be with regard,
Sir, your most humble servant,
A. Hamilton.
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? HAMILTON. 173
The remonstrances which were made on this subject
received little consideration; and it was soon discovered to
be the policy of the Cabal to foster these men; who, find-
ing Washington unwilling to promote their views at the sa-
crifice of the public interests, became parties and active
instruments of a faction, by which they had been led to in-
dulge the most sanguine expectations.
Amid the various objects of moment which occupied his
mind, Washington's temper could ill brook the importuni-
ties with which he was continually beset; and he was occa-
sionally drawn into expressions of opinion which were
readily seized upon, and made the subject of the most un-
generous comments.
Another source of difficulty, and one productive of the
most serious inconveniences, especially when viewed in
connexion with the preceding topic, was the imperfect con-
dition of the regiments.
The field officers in commission were so numerous, that
adequate commands were in vain sought to be provided
for them. It became necessary to combine selections from
different corps; whence arose another difficulty, -- the ap-
pointment of officers from one state, to the command of the
troops of another.
To remedy these defects -- to devise a plan for the re-
duction of the regiments -- to regulate rank, and to intro-
duce system into the civil departments of the army, were
the first objects which the commander-in-chief desired to
accomplish, and which he pressed upon the attention of
congress with unremitting solicitude.
To aid these designs, within a short time after the army
had taken up their winter quarters,* a committee of five
members of congress was appointed to proceed to Valley
Forge, and confer with the General.
* January 11, 1778.
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? 174 THE LIFE OF
Soon after their arrival in camp, on the twenty-eighth of
January, 1778, a paper was submitted to the committee?
giving a general outline of the defects in, and proposed
amendments to, the existing arrangements. This produc-
tion was digested with great labour, and bears the marks of
the most studied precision of language, and of the most
careful arrangement of its parts.
From two successive drafts in his hand-writing, on which
are minute notes of reference for information to the heads
of the different departments of the army, it is manifestly
the work of Colonel Hamilton; a duty the more readily
imposed upon him, from his having cultivated every oppor-
tunity which the society of the foreign officers gave him, of
adding a knowledge of the most approved innovations of
modern science, to those principles which previous research
and a strong military talent had led him to adopt.
The primary measure suggested in this plan, was the
half-pay and pensionary establishment; a measure strongly
indicated by principles of justice, and by the numerous re-
signations, and "more frequent importunities for permission
to resign, and from some officers of the greatest merit. "
This is followed by suggestions of the most feasible mode
of completing the regiments, and altering their establish-
ment, and a sketch of the existing condition of the army --
of the military resources of the different states, and a mi-
nute examination of the situation of each branch of the ser-
vice, in its civil, military, and medical establishment; a new
organization of it into eighty battalions* was proposed, and
suggestions made, for correcting the various abuses by which
it was so much embarrassed.
This plan was accepted by the committee, reported with
some alterations, approved by congress, and became the
basis of the military system of the revolution. One propo-
+ To compose a force of forty thousand and twenty rank and file.
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? HAMILTON. 175
sition alone, that of the half-pay, was attended with great
difficulty. After various amendments and votes, half-pay
for seven years was granted, excluding the officers while
they held any office of profit, and limiting the general offi-
cers to the half-pay of colonels; an arrangement which
was afterwards stripped of its more objectionable features,
and half-pay for life established; and on the twenty-se-
venth of May the new army establishment was created.
But the success of the efforts to restore a discipline,
chiefly depended on the conduct of the Quarter-master-ge-
neral's department, which had now been placed on a bet-
ter basis ; for while the soldiers could, with justice, reproach
their officers with a non-compliance with their engage-
ments, subordination was hopeless. This object was at
last happily attained.
It has been previously remarked, that the committee of
congress had expressed a strong censure upon the adminis-
tration of that department for a long time past, and "point-
ed to the selection of a man of approved abilities and ex-
tensive capacity at the head of that establishment," as the
only mean of restoring it to order and regularity. After
frequent solicitations from Washington and other influen-
tial persons, General Greene, with great reluctance, con-
sented to accept the appointment. A new plan for this de-
partment was framed, instead of the four branches into
which it had been subdivided, without any due subordina-
tion. One Quarter-master-general and two Assistants were
recommended. On the twenty-eighth of January, 1778,
General Schuyler was proposed to congress by the com-
mittee at camp, as Commissary-general, and his appoint-
ment was ardently desired by Washington; but the party
of Gates was against him. At the instance of the same
committee, Jeremiah Wadsworth, a man of great vigour,
talent, and independence of character was appointed to that
place. Concert with the general staff ensued; and though
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? 176 THE LIFE OF
at an immense expense, the soldiers were in a measure se-
cured from the recurrence of those evils which had been
so long and vainly deplored.
An important result was also at this time attained by the
adoption of a new plan of an Inspectorship, to which office
the Baron Steuben had recently been appointed.
The introduction of a new system of tactics was soon
perceived in the improved discipline of the army, in the
control of the detached commands, and in the regulation of
the jarring duties of the officers.
This measure was, in its outset, not free from difficul-
ties. The undefined duties of this station gave rise to the
greatest dissatisfaction among the officers, and continued
embarrassment to the commander-in-chief, and indicated
the necessity of retrenching the authority which, in their
jealousy of General Washington, and from a desire to la-
vish on their favourite extraordinary powers, the hostile
party had conferred upon Conway.
To effect this object in a manner which would avoid
compromitting the General, Colonel Hamilton addressed
the following letter to his friend Mr. Duer:
HAMILTON TO DUER.
Head Quarters.
DEAR SIR:
I take the liberty to trouble you with a few hints on a
matter of some importance. Baron Steuben, who will be
the bearer of this, waits on Congress to have his office ar-
ranged upon some decisive and permanent footing. It will
not be amiss to be on your guard. The Baron is a gentle-
man for whom I have a particular esteem, and whose zeal,
intelligence, and success, the consequence of both, entitle
him to the greatest credit. But I am apprehensive, with
all his good qualities, a fondness for power and importance,
natural to every man, may lead him to wish for more ex-
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? HAMILTON. 177
tensive prerogatives in his department, than it will be for
the good of the service to grant. I should be sorry to ex-
cite any prejudice against him on this account; perhaps I
may be mistaken in my conjecture. The caution I give
will do no harm, if I am; if I am not, it may be useful. In
either case, the Baron deserves to be considered as a valu-
able man, and treated with all the deference which good
policy will warrant.
On the first institution of this office, the General allowed
him to exercise more ample powers than would be proper
for a continuance. They were necessary in the commence-
ment; to put things in a train, with a degree of despatch
which the exigency of our affairs required; but it has been
necessary to restrain them, even earlier than was intended.
The novelty of the office excited questions about its boun-
daries; the extent of its operations alarmed the officers of
every rank for their own rights. Their jealousies and dis-
contents were rising fast to a height that threatened to
overturn the whole plan. It became necessary to apply a
remedy. The General has delineated the functions of the
inspectorship in general orders, a copy of which will be
sent to congress. The plan is good, and satisfactory to the
army in general.
It may be improved, but it will be unsafe to deviate es-
sentially from it. It is, of course, the General's intention
that whatever regulations are adopted by him, should un-
dergo the revision, and receive the sanction of congress;
but it is indispensable, in the present state of our army, that
he should have the power, from time to time, to introduce
and authorize the reformations necessary in our system.
It is a work which must be done by occasional and gradual
steps, and ought to be entrusted to a person on the spot,
who is thoroughly acquainted with all our defects, and has
judgment sufficient to adopt the progressive remedies they
require. The plan established by congress, on a report of
vol. i. 23
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? 178 THE LIFE OF
the Board of war, when Conway was appointed, appears to
me exceptionable in many respects. It makes the inspector
independent of the commander-in-chief; confers powers
which would produce universal opposition in the army, and,
by making the previous concurrence of the Board of war
requisite to the introduction of every regulation which should
be found necessary, opens such a continual source of delay
as would defeat the usefulness of the institution. Let the
commander-in-chief introduce, and the legislature after-
wards ratify or reject, as they shall think proper. Perhaps
you will not differ much from me, when I suppose, that so
far as relates to the Board of war, the former scheme was
a brat of faction, and therefore ought to be renounced.
There is one thing which the Baron has much at heart,
which, in good policy, he can by no means be indulged in:
-- it is the power of enforcing that part of discipline, which
we understand by subordination, or an obedience to orders.
This power can only be properly lodged with the com-
mander-in-chief, and would inflame the whole army if put
into other hands. Each captain is vested with it in his
company, -- each colonel in his regiment, -- each general
in his particular command, -- and the commander-in-chief
in the whole.
When I began this letter, I did not intend to meddle with
any other subject than the Inspectorship; but one just
comes into my head, which appears to me of no small im-
portance. The goodness or force of an army depends as
, much, perhaps more, on the composition of the corps which
form it, as on its collective number. The composition is
good or bad, not only according to the quality of the men,
but in proportion to the completeness or incompleteness of
a corps in respect to numbers. A regiment, for instance,
with a full complement of officers, and fifty or sixty men,
is not half so good as a company with the same number of
men. A colonel will look upon such a command as un-
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? HAMILTON. 179
worthy his ambition, and will neglect and despise it; -- a
captain would pride himself in it, and take all the pains in
his power to bring it to perfection. In one case, we shall
see a total relaxation of discipline, and negligence of every
thing that constitutes military excellence; on the other,
there will be attention, energy, and every thing that can be
wished. Opinion, whether well or ill founded, is the go-
verning principle of human affairs. A corps much below
its establishment, comparing what it is, with what it ought
to be, loses all confidence in itself, and the whole army
loses that confidence and emulation which are essential to
success. These, and a thousand other things that will oc-
cur to you, make it evident, that the most important advan-
tages, attend the having complete corps, and proportional
disadvantages, the reverse. Ten thousand men, distributed
into twenty imperfect regiments, will not have the efficiency
of the same number, in half the number of regiments. The
fact is, with respect to the American army, that the want
of discipline, and other defects we labour under, are as
much owing to the skeleton state of our regiments, as to
any other cause. -- What then?
Have we any prospect of filling our regiments? My
opinion is, that we have nearly arrived to our ne plus ultra.
If so, we ought to reduce the number of corps, and give
them that substance and consistency which they want, by
incorporating them together, so as to bring them near their
establishment. By this measure, the army would be infi-
nitely improved, and the state would be saved the expense
of maintaining a number of superfluous officers.
In the present condition of our regiments, they are incapa-
ble even of performing their common exercises without join-
ing two or more together, -- an expedient reluctantly sub-
mitted to by those officers who see themselves made second
in command of a battalion, instead of first, as their com-
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? 180 THE LIFE OP
mission imports, which happens to every younger colonel
whose regiment is united with that of an elder.
What would be the inconveniences, while the officers
who remain in command, and who might be selected from
the others on account of superior merit, would applaud
themselves in the preference given them, and rejoice at a
change which confers such additional consequence on them-
selves?
Those who should be excluded by the measure, would
return home discontented, artd make a noise, which would
soon subside and be forgotten among matters of greater
moment. To quiet them still more effectually, if it should
be thought necessary, they might be put upon half-pay for
a certain time.
If on considering this matter, you should agree with me
in sentiment, it were to be wished the scheme could be im-
mediately adopted, while the arrangement now in hand is
still unexecuted.
