His love for
the imperial city quite equaled that of any native.
the imperial city quite equaled that of any native.
Warner - World's Best Literature - v10 - Emp to Fro
Of his two long poems- the one
cosmological, the other religious-four hundred and fifty fragmentary
verses have come down to us, the exceptionally large number prob-
ably showing the wide-spread character of his popularity. In certain
political overturnings he fell into disfavor with his fellow-citizens, and
was apparently banished. At any rate, many years of his life were
passed in wandering over the Greek countries. Travel in those days
took the place of the modern university, and whatever results travel
could yield he obtained. A long life was spent in forming and pro-
claiming philosophic doctrine, in preaching, and in healing the sick.
A man of imposing personality, he was popularly believed to work
miracles and to possess divine power,- beliefs which he took no
pains to discourage. The suspicion of charlatanry which attaches to
him appears in the probably baseless story that he secretly threw
himself into the crater of Etna, in order not to be thought to have
died as a man, but to have disappeared as a god. His character and
teachings have deeply affected two notable poems, Lucretius's 'De
Rerum Natura,' and Matthew Arnold's 'Empedocles on Etna. '
At the beginning of the fifth century B. C. there was great intel-
lectual activity throughout the Greek world, especially along the
coast land of Asia Minor, among the islands of the Egean Sea, in
Sicily and Southern Italy,—the Greek America,- where comfortable
conditions had been attained in freedom, wealth, and ease of com-
munication. Here men were becoming conscious of themselves and
of an environing world, and had begun to seek a more exact expla-
nation of the universe than the traditional mythologies could supply.
The ancient beliefs accepted gods of all degrees and ranges of power.
The arrangements of the world were due to them, and all events
## p. 5468 (#28) ############################################
5468
EMPEDOCLES
were under their control; but they were imagined as having their
birth and exerting their activity in an already existing universe. Of
this, or of themselves, they did not lay the foundations. Multitudi-
nous they were as the physical forces of our scientific men, and as
little capable of accounting for their own origin. In the preceding
century men had already begun to wonder about this origin, and to
distrust mythological explanations of it. They questioned what was
the ultimate ground of things, what was the universal Nature (púois)
from which gods and men alike proceeded, of what was the world
made. These questions mark the first stirrings of a philosophic spirit
among the Greeks.
The Ionians or Eastern Greeks suggested in reply that some one
of the many elements now existing might be the primordial element,
and from this all else be derived. Water or even air might be the
primordial stuff (4px), which processes of thickening and thinning then
turned into all that we see. Nature would thus consist of a single
real substance, and of it the many objects we perceive would be but
the modifications.
Acute minds, however, at Elea in Southern Italy,- Xenophanes,
Parmenides, Zeno,- pressed this hypothesis farther.
If the many
objects we see are but modifications of a single being or substance,
then objects themselves, and the whole changing world which they
involve, become illusory. For how could water be changed into
anything other than itself, without ceasing in the same degree to be
water at all? And if one primordial element is all that ultimately
constitutes Being, will not every change of this Being or Substance
move in the direction of Not-Being or Insubstantiality? It is useless
to suggest that change might arise through the transition from one
kind of being to another. If there are kinds of Being, diversity is
planted in the frame of things, rational unity disappears, and anything
like a universe becomes impossible. The one and the many are so
inherently opposed that each must exclude the other from existence.
To the Eleatic eye, or to any other capable of distinguishing reality
and appearance, all Being is one, changeless, undifferentiated, eternal.
It is the deceiving senses which report multiplicity; reason speaks only
of unity. The transformations suggested and seemingly warranted
by sensuous experience cannot even be thought of with precision,
but will on reflection everywhere disclose hidden contradictions.
Only one method of preserving the reality of change accordingly
remains, and that is to imbed it in the nature of the primordial ele-
ment itself. This method was adopted by Heraclitus of Ephesus.
Fire, said he, presents a case of existence where nothing like fixed
Being is to found. Of fire it is not true that it first exists and after-
wards changes. At no moment of its existence, even the earliest, is
## p. 5469 (#29) ############################################
EMPEDOCLES
5469
it unchanging. Into its nature change is so essentially inwrought
that we are obliged to describe it as always becoming, rather than
as at any time being. And what is true of fire is true of the uni-
verse in general. Ceaseless change characterizes it. All things flow,
nothing stands. You cannot bathe twice in the same stream. The
Eleatics were right in declaring that Being cannot change except into
its opposite, Not-Being; but that is precisely what it perpetually does
change into. Nature is made by the union of these opposites. Strife
is the father of all, the unceasing strife of Being and Not-Being. The
two are inseparable. The original element contains them both, and
Nature arises from their conflict.
These, then, were the explanations of the universe offered to Em-
pedocles: the mythological notion of personal divine agency, the pri-
mary transformable element of the Ionians, the one fixed substance of
the Eleatics, the ceaseless change of Heraclitus. Perhaps we should
add the teachings of Pythagoras about number, immortality, and a
renovated social order. All these widely divergent cosmologic notions
Empedocles accepted, and in his eclectic and compromising fashion
sought to adjust them into harmony with one another.
With the Eleatics he agrees in holding that whatever ultimately
exists must be perpetual, incapable of changing its qualities, of com-
ing into being or ceasing to be. But he conciliates this with the
Heraclitan recognition of the universality of change, by a peculiar
adaptation of Ionic doctrine. It is true that not all the elements
of the world are equally primordial; but why assume that there is
but one such primordial element ? —may there not be several? The
Pythagoreans taught that the number four entered deeply into the
structure of the world. Might there not, then, be four original ele-
ments say, earth, air, fire, and water? Three of these had already
figured separately in Ionic speculation. These primordial roots, as
Empedocles calls them, in themselves always unchanged, might by
mingling with one another, or by separation, produce the appearances
which we know as birth, death, and changeable phenomena. Yet to
effect such combinations, something is needed which the Ionians over-
looked — forces, to operate change and to adjust the elements to one
another. These Empedoclean forces are two,- Love and Strife, or
(stripping off that mythological and personified character which this
poetizing philosopher attributes to them, as also to his four elements)
we may call them by the modern names of affinity and repulsion.
In the beginning all the four elements were compacted by Love into
a harmonious universe, which may be symbolized by a sphere. Into
this spherical concord crept Strife, gradually, through disturbing the
normal degrees of mixture, breaking up the primeval whole into indi-
vidual existences. These individual existences appeared at first in
## p. 5470 (#30) ############################################
5470
EMPEDOCLES
fragmentary and imperfect forms, heads and arms and eyes coming
into life, yet missing their congruous parts. Such monstrosities soon
perished. But when one happened to be joined to another in natural
fitness, it survived. So there was a progression from the imperfect to
the more perfect. Moreover, although in the world which now exists,
differentiating and individualizing Strife is in the ascendant, Love will
one day have its way again and draw all once more back to the
sphere-shaped fourfold harmony. Yet this Love-ruled harmony will
not persist, but out of it new mixtures will still proceed, a Strife-
cycle forever alternating with a Love-cycle. Out of this same Love
our perceptions and desires spring, the elements which form us seek-
ing their similars elsewhere. Only like can be known by like. With
these physical doctrines Empedocles combined, for no obvious reason,
the Pythagorean doctrine of the transmigration of souls.
To sum up, the teaching of Empedocles is a composite, and in-
. cludes fragments of all the theories current in his time. His own
contributions are 1, the doctrine of the four elements; 2, the percep-
tion that for the fashioning of a world, forces are as needful as
material; 3, the notion of alternating world-cycles; 4, vague hints of
evolution and even of natural selection; and 5, cognition by similars.
To have four or five original ideas is to be a wealthy man indeed.
Those of Empedocles were all taken up into subsequent philosophy,
and have ever since enriched the blood of the world.
―――
The Greek text of the fragments of Empedocles, with Latin trans-
lation, may be found in Mullach's 'Fragmenta Philosophorum Græco-
rum,' Vol. i. ; selections, with Latin comment, arranged so as best to
exhibit the philosophy, in Ritter and Preller's 'Historia Philosophiæ ';
an English translation, in the fifth chapter of Burnet's 'Early Greek
Philosophy; the life, in the eighth Book of Diogenes Laertius; dis-
cussions of the philosophy, in all the histories of Greek Philosophy –
especially in Burnet, in Zeller's 'Pre-Socratic Philosophy,' Vol. ii. , in
Zeller's small 'Greek Philosophy,' and in Windelband's 'Geschichte
der alten Philosophie. '
-
Set Salmer
[The mere fact that some four hundred and eighty verses of Empedocles
have been preserved is doubtless a tribute to his high rank as a poet. Cer-
tainly no other among the early philosophers has had so happy a fate.
Enough remains to indicate his lofty creative imagination, as well as the
splendid march of his verse. A few of the chief fragments are therefore pre-
sented here in a metrical version, by W. C. Lawton.
The other passages,
needed to illustrate Professor Palmer's study, follow in the prose form given
them by John Burnet, M. A. , in his history of early Greek philosophy. ]
## p. 5471 (#31) ############################################
EMPEDOCLES
5471
FROM THE POEM ON NATURE
E
MPEDOCLES was without doubt a leader of mystics, and one who
claimed for himself superhuman nature and wisdom; but it
seems equally true, as true as of Plato, of Swedenborg, or of
Emerson, that he was his own first and sincerest believer.
In par-
ticular, the lines in which he declares his recollections of immortality
and of a more blest divine existence, are as earnest as anything in
Plato or in Wordsworth.
-
THERE is a doom of fate, an ancient decree of immortals,
Never to be unmade, by amplest pledges attested:
That, if a spirit divine, who shares in the life everlasting,
Through transgression defile his glorious body by bloodshed,
Or if he perjure himself by swearing unto a falsehood,
Thrice ten thousand seasons he wanders apart from the Blessèd
Passing from birth unto birth through every species of mortal,
Changing ever the paths of life, yet ever unresting:
Even as I now roam, from gods far-wandered, an exile,
Yielding to maddening strife.
These, as Plutarch and others testify, are the opening lines in the
Prelude of Empedocles's great poem on Nature. Other and briefer
fragments continue the same train of thought.
ONCE already have I as a youth been born, as a maiden,
Bush, and wingèd bird, and silent fish in the waters.
After what horrors, and after how long and blissful existence,
Thus am I wretchedly doomed to abide in the meadows of mor-
tals!
Loudly I wept and wailed at beholding the place unfamiliar.
Joyless the place, where
Murder abides, and Strife, with the other races of Troubles.
―――
The belief in transmigration, which we are wont to associate
especially with the Pythagorean teachings, is nowhere more earnestly
and vividly expressed than by Empedocles. The conviction that
Man's soul is a fallen exile from a higher diviner sphere, to which he
may hope to return only after long purgatorial atonement in earthly
incarnations, all this has been even more magnificently elaborated
in Platonic dialogues like the Phædrus and the Phædo; but Plato
himself may well owe much of his loftiest inspiration to this Sicilian
seer.
The theory of the four elements is clearly stated in a three-line
fragment of the same Prelude:-
## p. 5472 (#32) ############################################
EMPEDOCLES
5472
HEARKEN and learn that four, at the first, are the sources of all
things:
Fire, and water, and earth, and lofty ether unbounded.
Thence springs all that is, that shall be, or hath been aforetime.
Empedocles seems to have rivaled Lucretius himself in the pict-
uresque vividness of his similes. Here, for instance, is an attempt
to illustrate how the manifold forms of the visible world might well
arise from the mingling of these few elements:-
JUST as men who the painter's craft have thoroughly mastered
Fashion in many a tint their picture, an offering sacred;
When they have taken in hand their paints of various colors,
Mingling skillfully more of the one and less of another,
Out of these they render the figures like unto all things;
Trees they cause to appear, and the semblance of men and of
women,
Beasts of the field, and birds, and fish that inhabit the waters,
Even the gods, whose honors are greatest, whose life is unending:-
Be not deceived, for such, and nowise other, the fountain
Whence all mortals spring, whatever their races unnumbered.
Incidentally we see clearly that while the painter's art has made
many a stride from Homer's time to Empedocles's day, yet "Art is
still religion"; the masterpiece is as a matter of course an anathema,
an altar-piece.
Among the other fragments of the Proem is the singular invoca-
tion of the Muse. The poetic quality is rather disappointing. Despite
his hatred of Strife, Empedocles has evidently just indulged in rather
strong polemic; perhaps against those who profess to teach more
than man may know, for the invocation begins thus:
-
ONLY do ye, O gods, remove from my tongue their madness;
Make ye to flow from a mouth that is holy a fountain unsullied.
Thou, O white-armed Virgin, the Muse who rememberest all things,
Whatsoe'er it is lawful to utter to men that are mortal
Bring me, from Piety driving a chariot easily guided.
It is clear from many such passages, that Empedocles claimed for
himself not merely a poetic inspiration but an absolutely super-
human nature. It is not easy to find anywhere a more magnificent
and sublime egotism than his. The most famous passage of this
character is not from his great work on Nature (or Creation), but is
found in the 'Katharmoi' (Poem of Purifications): —
## p. 5473 (#33) ############################################
EMPEDOCLES
5473
O My friends, whoso in Acragas's beautiful city
Have your dwelling aloft; whose hearts are set upon virtue;
Reverent harbors of guests, who have no share in dishonor,-
Greeting! But I as a god divine, no longer a mortal,
Dwell with you, by all in reverence held, as is fitting,
Girt with fillets about, and crowned with wreaths of rejoicing.
Whatsoever the folk whose prosperous cities I enter,
There I of women and men am revered. By thousands they follow,
Questioning where they may seek for the path that leadeth to profit.
These are in need of prophetic words, and others, in illness,
Since they have long been racked with the grievous pangs of
diseases,
Crave that I utter the charm whose power is sovran in all things.
Yet pray why lay stress upon this, as were it a marvel
If I surpass mankind, who are mortal and utterly wretched?
OTHER FRAGMENTS FROM THE POEM ON NATURE
A
ND thou shalt learn all the drugs that are a defense against
ills and old age, since for thee alone shall I accomplish all
this. Thou shalt arrest the violence of the weariless winds
that arise and sweep the earth, laying waste the cornfields with
their breath; and again, when thou so desirest, thou shalt bring
their blasts back again with a rush. Thou shalt cause for men
a seasonable drought after the dark rains, and again after the
summer drought thou shalt produce the streams that feed the
trees as they pour down from the sky. Thou shalt bring back
from Hades the life of a dead man.
Fools! for they have no far-reaching thoughts who deem that
what before was not comes into being, or that aught can perish
and be utterly destroyed. For it cannot be that aught can arise
from what in no way is, and it is impossible and unheard-of that
what is should perish; for it will always be, wherever one may
keep putting it.
I shall tell thee a twofold tale. At one time things grew to
be one only out of many; at another, that divided up to be many
instead of one. There is a double becoming of perishable things,
and a double passing away. The coming together of all things
brings one generation into being and destroys it; the other grows
X-343
## p. 5474 (#34) ############################################
5474
EMPEDOCLES
up and is scattered as things become divided. And these things
never cease, continually changing places, at one time all uniting
in one through Love, at another each borne in different direc-
tions by the repulsions of Strife.
For of a truth, they [i. e. , Love and Strife] were aforetime
and shall be; nor ever, methinks, will boundless time be emptied
of that pair. And they prevail in turn as the circle comes round,
and pass away before one another, and increase in their appointed
turn.
For if thou takest them [trees and plants] to the close recesses
of thy heart and watchest over them kindly with faultless care,
then thou shalt have all these things in abundance throughout
thy life, and thou shalt gain many others from them; for each
grows ever true to its own character, according as its nature is.
But if thou strivest after things of a different kind, as is the
way with men, ten thousand woes await thee to blunt thy care-
ful thoughts. All at once they will cease to live when the time
comes round, desiring each to reach its own kind: for know that
all things have wisdom and a share of thought.
It is not possible for us to set God before our eyes, or to lay
hold of him with our hands, which is the broadest way of per-
suasion that leads into the heart of man. For he is not furnished
with a human head on his body, two branches do not sprout from
his shoulders, he has no feet, no swift knees, nor hairy parts; but
he is only a sacred and unutterable Mind, flashing through the
whole world with rapid thoughts.
FROM THE POEM OF PURIFICATIONS
AN
ND there was among them a man of rare knowledge, most
skilled in all manner of wise works, a man who had won
the utmost wealth of wisdom; for whensoever he strained
with all his mind, he easily saw everything of all the things that
are now [though he lived] ten, yea, twenty generations of men
ago.
But at the last, they appear among mortal men as prophets,
song-writers, physicians, and princes; and thence they rise up as
gods exalted in honor, sharing the hearth of the other gods and
the same table; free from human woes, safe from destiny, and
incapable of hurt.
## p. 5475 (#35) ############################################
5475
ENNIUS
(239-169 B. C. )
BY WILLIAM CRANSTON LAWTON
D
SOUBTLESS every human race surely every Aryan clan-has
felt, and some measure gratified, the need of lyric utter-
ance, in joy, in grief, and in wrath. The marriage song,
the funeral chant, the banqueters' catch, the warriors' march, the
hymn of petition and of thanksgiving - these must have been heard
even in early Latium. Yet this Latin peasant soldier was surely
as unimaginative a type of man as ever rose to the surface of self-
conscious civilized life. His folk-song, like his folk-lore generally,
must have been heavy, crude, monotonous, clinging close to the soil.
Macaulay's Lays still stir the boyish heart, though Matthew Arnold
did repeat, with uncharacteristic severity, that he who enjoyed the
barbaric clash of their doggerel could never hope to appreciate true
poetry at all!
But good or bad, they are pure Macaulayese. No
audible strain has come down, even of those funeral ballads and fes-
tival lays whose former existence is merely asserted, without illustra-
tion, by Cato and by Varro.
-
At the threshold of Hellenic literature stand the two epics whose
imaginative splendor is still unrivaled. The first figure in Roman
letters, seven centuries later, is a Greek slave, or freedman, Livius
Andronicus, translating into barbarous Saturnian verse the Iliad and
Odyssey, and rendering almost as crudely many a famous tragedy.
Next Nævius sang, in those same rough Saturnians, the victory of
Rome in the Punic wars. Joel Barlow's Columbiad' and "meek
drab-skirted" Ellwood's 'Davideis' might have made room between
them for this martial chant, if it had survived. Then Plautus, fun-
maker for the Roman populace, "turned barbarously" into the vulgar
speech plays good and bad, of the Middle and New Attic Comedy.
The more serious of these dramas, like the 'Captivi,' seem like a char-
coal reproduction upon a barn door of some delicate line engraving,
whose loss we must still regret. Yet much of the real fun in Plau-
tus is Roman, and doubtless his own. Moreover, he or his Greek
masters probably both - knew how to make a comedy go in one
unpausing rush of dramatic action, from the lowering to the rais-
ing of the curtain. But to true creative literature these versions
of Menander and Philemon bear about the same relation as would
## p. 5476 (#36) ############################################
5476
ENNIUS
adaptations of Sardou and Dumas, with local allusions and "gags,"
in Plattdeutsch, for the Hamburg theatre.
The next figure in this picturesque line is Ennius, who like nearly
all the early authors is no Roman gentleman, not even a Latin at
all. Born (239 B. C. ) in the village of Rudiæ of far-off Calabria, he
heard in this cottage home the rough Oscan speech of his peasant
race. This language held for them somewhat the position of Aramaic
among the fisher folk of Galilee two centuries and a half later.
both lands, Greek was the ordinary speech of the market-place;
Latin, at most, the official language of the rulers. The boy Ennius
seems to have been educated in the Hellenic city of Tarentum.
Even there, he may not yet have spoken Latin at all. Cicero appar-
ently confesses in the 'Archias' (62 B. C. ) that his native speech had
even then made no headway "beyond the narrow boundaries" of
Latium. In Magna Græcia, Ennius probably often heard classic
Greek tragedy acted, as Virgil intimates he still did in his time.
We have referred elsewhere to the dramatic incident, that Cato
the Elder brought in his train from Corsica the man who, more than
all others, was to establish in Rome that Hellenic art most dreaded
by the great Censor. Cato was the younger of the two. Ennius was
just
"Midway upon the journey of our life. »
He was then a centurion in rank; that is, he had fought his way, no
doubt with many scars, to the proud place at the head of his com-
pany. (A young Roman gentleman, invited by the general to join
his staff, knew little of such campaigning. ) This was at the close of
Rome's second and decisive struggle with Carthage, so long the
queen of the Western Mediterranean. Ennius lived on, chiefly in
Rome, as many years longer; his death coinciding with the equally
decisive downfall of Macedonia (168 B. C. ). His life, then, spans per-
haps the greatest exploits of Roman arms. This was doubtless also
the age in which the heroic national character reached its culmina-
tion and began to decay.
In
Of this victorious generation the Scipios are probably the best
type. Its chief recorder was their friend and protégé, the Calabrian
peasant and campaigner. Of all the missing works in the Latin
speech, perhaps not even the lost books of Livy would be so eagerly
welcomed-so helpful in restoring essential outlines, now lacking, of
Roman action and character- as the 'Annals of Ennius, in eighteen
books, which followed the whole current of Roman tradition, from
Æneas and Romulus down to the writer's own day. And this work
was, at the same time, the first large experiment in writing Homeric
hexameters in the Latin speech! So true is it, that the Hellenic Muse
was present at the birth of Roman literature. Though no work of
## p. 5477 (#37) ############################################
ENNIUS
5477
Ennius survives save in tantalizing fragments, he is the manliest, the
most vivid figure in the early history of Latin letters.
Gellius preserves a saying of Ennius, that in his three mother
tongues he had three hearts. But his fatherland had accepted in
good faith, long before, the Italian supremacy of Rome.
His love for
the imperial city quite equaled that of any native. He became actu-
ally a citizen through the kindness of his noble friend Fulvius, who
as one of the triumvirs appointed to found Potentia, enrolled Ennius
among the "colonists" (184 B. C. ).
"Romans we now are become, who before this day were Rudini! »
is his exultant cry, in a line of the
Annals. '
>
It is not likely that he had any assistance on this occasion from
Cato, who had already discovered his own grievous error.
Some years
earlier one of the Fulvii had taken Ennius with him on a campaign
in Greece (189 B. C. ); but evidently not as a centurion! It is of this
Fulvius that Cicero says in the 'Archias, "He did not hesitate to
consecrate to the Muses memorials of Mars. " The alliteration suggests
a poetic epigram; and Cato is known to have complained in a public
oration that Fulvius "had led poets with him into his province. »
Ennius might have been useful also as an interpreter, as a secretary,
and as a table companion.
One of the longest fragments from the 'Annals' describes such a
friend of another Roman general. Gellius, who preserves the lines,
quotes good early authority for considering them as a self-portraiture
by Ennius.
PORTRAIT OF A SCHOLAR
S°
O HAVING spoken, he called for a man, with whom often and gladly
Table he shared, and talk, and all his burden of duties,
When with debate all day on important affairs he was wearied,
Whether perchance in the forum wide, or the reverend Senate;
One with whom he could frankly speak of his serious matters,—
Trifles also, and jests,- could pour out freely together
Pleasant or bitter words, and know they were uttered in safety.
Many the joys and the griefs he had shared, whether public or
secret!
This was a man in whom no impulse prompted to evil,
Whether of folly or malice. A scholarly man and a loyal,
Graceful, ready of speech, with his own contented and happy;
Tactful, speaking in season, yet courteous, never loquacious.
Vast was the buried and antique lore that was his, for the foretime
Made him master of earlier customs, as well as of newer.
## p. 5478 (#38) ############################################
5478
ENNIUS
Versed in the laws was he of the ancients, men or immortals.
Wisely he knew both when he should talk and when to be silent. -
So unto him Servilius spoke, in the midst of the fighting
The soldier-scholar who could draw this masterly portrait must
have been somewhat worthy to sit for it. Certain touches indeed
were hardly possible without self-consciousness. The rare combina-
tion of antique lore and modern knowledge of the world is one such.
Another is the "content with his own"; for though a friend of the
wealthiest, Ennius, we are told, lived simply in a small house, at-
tended by one servant only. This same handmaid takes part in a
little comedy, which the id waste of Roman gravity may almost
count as funny:-
"When Scipio Nasica once came to call on the poet Ennius, and asked
for him at the door, the maid said Ennius was not at home. Now, Nasica
perceived that this was said at the master's bidding, and that he really was
within. A few days later Ennius came to his friend's house, in his turn,
and called for Nasica, who bawled out that he was not at home. (What!
don't I know your voice? ' said Ennius. -You're a shameless fellow! ' came
the response. When I asked for you, I took your maid's word for it that
you were out. You don't believe me myself ? >»
Scipio's resentment does not seem very deep. He had realized,
probably, that two callers were already with Ennius, both unsocial
dames,― Podagra and Calliope; for however ill it agrees with the
pleasing picture of poetic simplicity and contentment, we have Enni-
us's own word in the matter:-
"Only when housed with the gout am I a maker of verses. »
Horace indeed, waging the old contest which neither Demosthenes
nor Franklin has fully decided in favor of the water-drinkers, de-
clares:-
"Even in the morning the Muses have mostly reeked of the wine-cup.
Homer confesses his fondness for wine by chanting its praises.
Father Ennius, too, leaped forward to sing of the battle
Never unless well drunk! "
That same aristocrats' disease, the Nemesis of port wine and good
living, gout,-is reputed to have carried off this austere and con-
tented poet at threescore and ten (in 169 B. C. ). Perhaps the hospi-
talities of the Scipios and Fulvii must bear the blame. Horace too
loved his "mess of watercress," at home; - and dined by preference
with Mæcenas! At any rate, Ennius had no prolonged last illness
nor dotage. Says Gellius: "Ennius tells us in the twelfth book of his
-
## p. 5479 (#39) ############################################
ENNIUS
5479
'Annals' that he is in his sixty-seventh year when composing it. "
The completion of eighteen books is made certain by many quota-
tions.
The total amount of these citations by later authors is about six
hundred hexameters, perhaps a twentieth of the whole. Many are
mere half-lines or single verses, quoted by a grammarian for a rare
word, or by literary critics to illustrate Virgil's method of graceful
borrowing. The latter tribe, by the way, make a strong showing.
Plagiarism is not quite the nicest word. The ancients seem to have
felt there was one right way to say anything. If they found a block,
large or small, shaped to their hand, they merely tried to set it where
it should be more effective than even where its maker put it! Often
the open transfer was a loyal courtesy.
"Muses, ye who beneath your feet tread mighty Olympus »
were the first words of the 'Annals. ' Other early fragments are:
"Fettered in slumber gentle and placid — »
"Seemed to approach me Homer the poet->
This opening vision may be connected with the assertion attributed
to Ennius, that the soul of Homer had transmigrated, through many
other incarnations, into his own body.
The tale of Rome, it would seem, began as with Virgil in the
Troad,
"Where in Pelasgian battle the ancient Priam had fallen. »
Romulus appeared as the child of Æneas's daughter Rhea Silvia. It
was apparently Cato who, first among Romans, noted the gap of some
four centuries between the traditional time of Troy's downfall and the
accepted Roman founder's date, and so caused the shadowy kings of
Alba to defile in long uneventful line, like Banquo's descendants,
across the legendary stage. Cato may have published his discovery
as a savage criticism upon this very poem.
However diversified in scale and tone of treatment, the entire his-
tory of Rome of course constitutes a subject hopelessly beyond the
limits of epic unity. The sections of the long poem must have fallen
apart, like those of all later rhythmical chronicles. Yet we may well
believe that the energy of the manly singer, his patriotic spirit, his
faith in Rome's high mission, never flagged nor failed.
The tenderest passage extant seems modeled on a briefer sketch
in Io's account of her own sorrows, in Eschylus's 'Prometheus. '
The Vestal Rhea Silvia has been startled by a prophetic dream:
## p. 5480 (#40) ############################################
5480
ENNIUS
RHEA SILVIA'S DREAM
R
AISING her trembling body, the crone with a light had approached
her:
This is the tale she affrighted relates, when roused from her
slumber:--
"Daughter of Eurydicè, by our father dearly beloved,
Force and life are wholly from out my body departed!
Ay, for it seemed that a goodly man amid beautiful willows
Bore me by banks of rivers and unknown places. Thereafter,
Sister mine, in solitude. -so I fancied I wandered:
Slowly I sought thee, with wistful heart, but could not descry thee,
Tracing thy feet; for nowhere a pathway guided my footsteps.
Then in these words, and aloud, methought my father addressed me:
'O my daughter, for thee is first great sorrow appointed:
Then in turn shall fortune revisit thee, out of the river. '
Such were my father's words, O sister, and then he departed,
Suddenly, nor was he seen by me, though heartily longed for:
Not though often my hands to the azure expanses of heaven
I with tears held forth, and in loving accents addressed him:-
Then, with pain, from my weary heart had slumber departed. ”
We cannot doubt, however, that the poem reached its highest
level in describing the life struggle of Rome against Pyrrhus, and
later against Hannibal. The former commander impressed even his
Italian foemen as a gallant and chivalric figure. One fine speech of
his yet remains, and Ennius must have had much of that "stern joy
that warriors feel" when he laid such noble words upon the lips of
the Epirote king. To be sure, their final victory made it easier for
the Romans, or for their annalist, to be generous.
PYRRHUS'S SPEECH
G
OLD for myself I crave not; ye need not proffer a ransom.
Not as hucksters might, let us wage our war, but as soldiers:
Not with gold, but the sword. Our lives we will set on the
issue.
Whether your rule or mine be Fortune's pleasure,- our mistress,—
Let us by valor decide. And to this word hearken ye also:-
Every valorous man who is spared by the fortune of battle,
Fully determined am I his freedom as well to accord him. -
Count it a gift. At the wish of the gods in heaven I grant it.
From that more prolonged dubious and mortifying struggle with
the greatest of Carthaginians, wherein Ennius himself had played a
## p. 5481 (#41) ############################################
ENNIUS
5481
manful part, no such effective passage is quotable. There are how-
ever three lines only in praise of the great Fabius, which we might
be glad to apply to our own Washington or Lincoln:-
CHARACTER OF FABIUS
SIMPLY by biding his time, one man has rescued a nation.
Not for the praises of men did he care, but alone for our safety.
Therefore greater and greater his fame shall wax in the future.
The Greek element in this monument of Roman patriotism was
evidently large. Numerous passages yet remain which can be profit-
ably compared with their Hellenic originals. Indeed, upon his formal
side Ennius may have been as far from independence as Virgil him-
self. Like most Roman poets, he is interesting less as a creative or
imaginative artist than as a vigorous patriotic man, endowed with
robust good sense and familiar with good literary models. His own
character is at least as attractive as his work.
For these reasons we may regret somewhat less the loss of his
tragedies, which were no doubt based almost wholly upon Greek ori-
ginals. Mere translations they were not, as the rather copious frag-
ments of his 'Medea' suffice to show when set beside Euripides's
play. In any case, it would be unfair to hold him responsible for
sentiments uttered by his dramatic characters; e. g. ,—
"I have said, and still will say, a race of Heavenly gods exists:
But I do not think they care for what concerns the human race:
If they cared, the good were happy, bad men wretched. 'Tis not so! »
Of course, whoever said this may have had as prompt cause for
remorse as Sophocles's Jocasta. There was however in Rome — more
perhaps than in Athens a prevailing conviction that the dramatic
stage should offer us only manly and elevating types of character.
For instance, excessive lamentation over physical or psychical woes
was sternly condemned, and perhaps largely eliminated from the
Latin versions of Attic dramas. Even a single play of the best
Roman period, like Ennius's 'Medea,' would give us fuller knowledge
on all such questions; but we can hardly hope that any have been
preserved, even in Egyptian papyrus rolls.
In many other interesting ways Ennius took a leading part in
enabling "vanquished Greece to conquer her victors. " In the list of
comic poets, indeed (quoted by Gellius, xv. 24), Ennius has but the
tenth and last place, even this being granted him merely "causa anti-
quitatis. " In truth, humor was probably the one gift of the gods
almost wholly denied to Ennius, as to another sturdy patriot-poet,
John Milton. He translated a Greek work on Gastronomy, a subject
―
## p. 5482 (#42) ############################################
5482
ENNIUS
with which he may have been only too familiar. In his 'Epichar-
mus' the old Sicilian poet appeared to him, like Homer, in a dream:-
"For it seemed to me that I was lying dead upon my couch.
Some are truthful visions, yet it need not be that all are so.
'Tis the soul perceives and hearkens: all things else are deaf and blind. "
The purport of the vision was a material explanation of the universe,
based upon the four elements of Empedocles. Ennius hit upon a
recondite truth, in attempting to explain away the very gods of the
Roman Pantheon:
"That I mean as Jupiter which among Greeks is known as air. »
Modern philology verifies this almost literally. These may well
have seemed bold words to publish in Rome, though the refined
circle about the Scipios had doubtless as little belief in the popular
mythology as the men of the world—and of letters-who met two
centuries later around Mæcenas's board. Ennius even translated
Euhemerus, who has given his name to the theory that makes the
divine legends mere distorted reminiscences of real men and women,
living many generations earlier. The Transmigration doctrine is
hardly consistent with these atheistic tendencies, and the whole tale
of the identity between Homer's and Ennius's soul may be based
merely on some bold assertion of Ennius's own supremacy in Latin
letters. Few Roman poets have any false (or real) modesty on this
question.
This brings us to the last form of Ennius's poetic activity which
we can mention; viz. , epitaphs. On Africanus he wrote an elegiac
couplet, expressing the favorite eulogy of the ancients upon a suc-
cessful soldierly life. Xenophon, for instance, records a prayer of the
younger Cyrus to quite the same effect.
EPITAPH ON SCIPIO
HERE is he laid unto whom no man, whether foeman or comrade,
Ever was able to give recompense worthy his deeds.
In the companion inscription intended for himself, Ennius brings
two familiar thoughts into rather striking association. Tennyson's
'Crossing the Bar' has lifted the first to a far nobler level.
EPITAPH ON ENNIUS
NO ONE may honor my funeral rites with tears or lamenting.
Why? Because still do I pass, living, from lip unto lip.
## p. 5483 (#43) ############################################
ENNIUS
5483
An iambic couplet, quoted from "Ennius, in the third book of his
Satires," may be echoed thus:-
-
HAIL, Ennius the poet, who for mortal men
Thy flaming verses pourest from thy marrow forth!
Perhaps in these same 'Satires' (Miscellanies? ) occurred another
eulogistic couplet upon his illustrious friend :-
EPITAPH ON SCIPIO
HOW GREAT a statue shall the folk of Rome to thee upraise,
How tall a column, Scipio, that thy deeds may duly praise?
This friendship of Ennius with the elder Africanus was quite
famous. The young bearer of the name, Emilianus, showed simi-
lar appreciation of the noble Greek exile Polybius. We know just
enough of these Scipios and their age to realize that in our enforced
ignorance we miss the noblest spirits, doubtless also the happiest days,
of republican Rome. It was the general belief of later antiquity,
that a bust of Ennius had an honored place in the tomb of the
great Scipio family. This does not appear to have been verified,
however, when the crypt was discovered in modern times.
We have already indicated that Ennius's work, so far as we can
judge it, by no means justified his claim to Homeric rank, in any
sense. Perhaps he never held a place at all among the great masters
of creative imagination. But at least, by his vigorous manly char-
acter, his wide studies, his good taste, and his lifelong industry, he
does claims a position as an apostle of culture and the founder of lit-
erature, perhaps fairly comparable to that of Lessing.
We cannot-for the best of reasons - follow the present study
with adequate citations, as is the rule in this work. It is not even
possible to point out for the English student any translation of the
scanty fragments which survive. For a fuller selection from them,
however, and also for a more copious discussion of Ennius's charac-
ter, we are glad to refer to one of the best sections in a most excel-
lent book: Chapter iv. of The Roman Poets of the Republic,' by
the late William Y. Sellar. Classical specialists will find Lucian
Müller's study of Ennius the most exhaustive. The fragments of the
'Annals' are also given in Bährens's Poetæ Latini Minores,' Vol. vi.
Wizzian Cranston Lawton,
## p. 5484 (#44) ############################################
5484
YOGX
JOSEF EÖTVÖS
(1813-1871)
HE life of Baron Josef Eötvös falls within the most critical
period of Hungarian history. He was born in Buda-Pesth
on September 23d, 1813, at a time when the Hungarians
were already in open revolt against the Hapsburg rule. His father,
who had accepted great favors from the government and was conse-
quently considered hostile to the cause of the people, had married a
German woman, Baroness von Lilien. Her
nobility of character and true culture had
a great influence on her son in his early
childhood; and added to this was the equally
important influence of his tutor Pruzsin-
sky, a man who had taken an active part in
Hungarian politics, and was thoroughly im-
bued with the French liberal ideas of 1789.
JOSEF EÖTVÖS
When the young Baron Eötvös was sent
to a public school, his schoolmates treated
him so coldly that he demanded an expla-
nation. He was told that his father had
embraced the cause of the government and
was a traitor, and that most likely he would
be a traitor himself. He had a boy's igno-
rance of politics, but went home determined to understand the situa-
tion; and the result was his first political speech,-from the teacher's
desk in the school-room,- in which before his assembled enthusiastic
schoolmates he swore fidelity to Hungary and the cause of Hungarian
liberty, an oath of which his entire life was the fulfillment.
When Eötvös had finished his law studies he accepted a position
in the government offices; but to a man of his wide interests the dry
official life could not be satisfying, and in 1830 he made his literary
début with a translation of Goethe's 'Götz von Berlichingen. ' In
1833 followed an original comedy, The Suitors'; in '34 a tragedy,
'Revenge'; and in '35 a translation of Victor Hugo's 'Angelo. ' His
æsthetic introductions to his translations attracted the attention of
the Hungarian Academy, and caused his election as corresponding
member at the early age of twenty-two. The literary publications
of the following years contained several lyric poems from his pen.
In 1836 Eötvös went abroad and spent a year traveling in Ger-
many, Switzerland, Holland, France, and England. Upon his return
## p. 5485 (#45) ############################################
JOSEF EÖTVÖS
5485
he gave up his official position and went to his father's estate Sály,
where he wrote his first great novel, The Carthusian Monk. ' It is
written in the form of the autobiography of a young Frenchman,
Count Gustave, who finds himself a prey to the most tormenting
doubts. The prejudices of the aristocracy, the recklessness of the
would-be democrats, the tottering of the old faith, and the hopeless-
ness of atheism, are powerfully depicted. Gustave's bride Julie leaves
him for her lover, a man of low birth. Her happiness is short-
lived, and followed by deep disappointment and degradation. Gustave.
considers himself partly responsible for her misery, and makes an
attempt to forget his sorrow in a life of pleasure and dissipation; but
his moral abasement brings him despair instead of oblivion. He
meets his former bride' Julie, and in trying to rescue her, loses his
new bride Betty and causes her unhappiness. Driven to despair, he
seeks comfort in a Carthusian cloister, but not even here, in prayer
and silence, does he find peace. After an attempt to commit suicide,
from which he is saved by a song sung outside his window, he finally
becomes reconciled to life by the daily contact with religious faith
and quiet industry, and dies with a regained belief in immortality.
After 1840 Eötvös settled in Buda-Pesth and began his career as
politician and statesman. Two years before, he had published a
pamphlet on prison reforms, and had defended the system of silence
as opposed to that of solitary confinement. In 1840 he published two
essays, one on 'Pauperism in Ireland' and the other on The Eman-
cipation of the Jews. ' He was a stanch adherent of Kossuth's, and
became the foremost writer on Kossuth's paper: the articles which he
wrote for this he collected later under the title Reform'; in 1847
he published a continuation of them, Teendöink' (Our Problems).
He was moreover considered the most brilliant leader and speaker
of the Opposition party.
<
In 1846 Eötvös wrote his second great novel, The Village No-
tary,' a book which secured him world-wide fame. It is intended to
be a true picture of the county administration system of Hungary at
the time: we find here the landed aristocracy, both great and small;
the poor nobleman without landed property; the official of the county
administration; the submissive peasant, and all the remaining pariahs
of Hungarian society. The novel contains three or four stories, more
or less connected: the family tragedy of the sheriff Rety; the fate of
the poor village notary Tengely, who is not able to prove his noble
birth and in consequence is subjected to many prosecutions and trials;
and finally the story of the honest but quick-tempered peasant Viola,
who is driven to a lawless life by the arbitrariness and cruelty of his
superior. This novel is inseparably linked with the name of Eötvös,
and may justly be considered one of the masterpieces of Hungarian
literature.
## p. 5486 (#46) ############################################
5486
JOSEF EÖTVÖS
When the progressive party under Kossuth conquered in 1848,
when the policy of the Opposition was sanctioned by the King and
the first responsible ministry was founded, Baron Eötvös accepted
the portfolio of Minister of Education. When the war with Austria
became inevitable he went abroad, and did not return until peace
was established. In Munich he wrote his work on The Equality
of the Nationalities,' and began his book on 'The Dominant Ideas
of the Nineteenth Century and Their Influence upon the State. ' The
Academy made him its vice-president in 1855, and the next year
president.
During the following years he continued his political activity as
member of the Reichstag and editor of a political weekly; and when
a reconcilation with the government took place in 1867, he again
became member of the cabinet, and remained so until his death.
Personally Eötvös was a man of unusual culture of mind and heart,
a nobleman in the truest and fullest sense of the word. As poet,
writer, and statesman, it is he more than any other Hungarian who
has exerted an influence upon the course of European culture.
VIOLA IN COURT
From The Village Notary'
THE
HE appearance of the prisoner produced a profound sensation.
in the court. Kishlaki felt deep pity for his misfortunes,
though he could not but admit that his fate was in part
merited. Völgyeshy, who had heard enough to convince him
that there was no hope of the court pronouncing in favor of
Viola, shuddered to think that the man whom he saw was
doomed to die before sunset. Mr. Catspaw showed great un-
easiness when he heard the rattling of the chains; and Shoskuty,
who had never seen the robber, was quite as much excited by
his curiosity as Mr. Skinner by the feelings of ill-dissembled tri-
umph with which he watched the prisoner's features and carriage.
Zatonyi alone preserved his habitual composure.
cosmological, the other religious-four hundred and fifty fragmentary
verses have come down to us, the exceptionally large number prob-
ably showing the wide-spread character of his popularity. In certain
political overturnings he fell into disfavor with his fellow-citizens, and
was apparently banished. At any rate, many years of his life were
passed in wandering over the Greek countries. Travel in those days
took the place of the modern university, and whatever results travel
could yield he obtained. A long life was spent in forming and pro-
claiming philosophic doctrine, in preaching, and in healing the sick.
A man of imposing personality, he was popularly believed to work
miracles and to possess divine power,- beliefs which he took no
pains to discourage. The suspicion of charlatanry which attaches to
him appears in the probably baseless story that he secretly threw
himself into the crater of Etna, in order not to be thought to have
died as a man, but to have disappeared as a god. His character and
teachings have deeply affected two notable poems, Lucretius's 'De
Rerum Natura,' and Matthew Arnold's 'Empedocles on Etna. '
At the beginning of the fifth century B. C. there was great intel-
lectual activity throughout the Greek world, especially along the
coast land of Asia Minor, among the islands of the Egean Sea, in
Sicily and Southern Italy,—the Greek America,- where comfortable
conditions had been attained in freedom, wealth, and ease of com-
munication. Here men were becoming conscious of themselves and
of an environing world, and had begun to seek a more exact expla-
nation of the universe than the traditional mythologies could supply.
The ancient beliefs accepted gods of all degrees and ranges of power.
The arrangements of the world were due to them, and all events
## p. 5468 (#28) ############################################
5468
EMPEDOCLES
were under their control; but they were imagined as having their
birth and exerting their activity in an already existing universe. Of
this, or of themselves, they did not lay the foundations. Multitudi-
nous they were as the physical forces of our scientific men, and as
little capable of accounting for their own origin. In the preceding
century men had already begun to wonder about this origin, and to
distrust mythological explanations of it. They questioned what was
the ultimate ground of things, what was the universal Nature (púois)
from which gods and men alike proceeded, of what was the world
made. These questions mark the first stirrings of a philosophic spirit
among the Greeks.
The Ionians or Eastern Greeks suggested in reply that some one
of the many elements now existing might be the primordial element,
and from this all else be derived. Water or even air might be the
primordial stuff (4px), which processes of thickening and thinning then
turned into all that we see. Nature would thus consist of a single
real substance, and of it the many objects we perceive would be but
the modifications.
Acute minds, however, at Elea in Southern Italy,- Xenophanes,
Parmenides, Zeno,- pressed this hypothesis farther.
If the many
objects we see are but modifications of a single being or substance,
then objects themselves, and the whole changing world which they
involve, become illusory. For how could water be changed into
anything other than itself, without ceasing in the same degree to be
water at all? And if one primordial element is all that ultimately
constitutes Being, will not every change of this Being or Substance
move in the direction of Not-Being or Insubstantiality? It is useless
to suggest that change might arise through the transition from one
kind of being to another. If there are kinds of Being, diversity is
planted in the frame of things, rational unity disappears, and anything
like a universe becomes impossible. The one and the many are so
inherently opposed that each must exclude the other from existence.
To the Eleatic eye, or to any other capable of distinguishing reality
and appearance, all Being is one, changeless, undifferentiated, eternal.
It is the deceiving senses which report multiplicity; reason speaks only
of unity. The transformations suggested and seemingly warranted
by sensuous experience cannot even be thought of with precision,
but will on reflection everywhere disclose hidden contradictions.
Only one method of preserving the reality of change accordingly
remains, and that is to imbed it in the nature of the primordial ele-
ment itself. This method was adopted by Heraclitus of Ephesus.
Fire, said he, presents a case of existence where nothing like fixed
Being is to found. Of fire it is not true that it first exists and after-
wards changes. At no moment of its existence, even the earliest, is
## p. 5469 (#29) ############################################
EMPEDOCLES
5469
it unchanging. Into its nature change is so essentially inwrought
that we are obliged to describe it as always becoming, rather than
as at any time being. And what is true of fire is true of the uni-
verse in general. Ceaseless change characterizes it. All things flow,
nothing stands. You cannot bathe twice in the same stream. The
Eleatics were right in declaring that Being cannot change except into
its opposite, Not-Being; but that is precisely what it perpetually does
change into. Nature is made by the union of these opposites. Strife
is the father of all, the unceasing strife of Being and Not-Being. The
two are inseparable. The original element contains them both, and
Nature arises from their conflict.
These, then, were the explanations of the universe offered to Em-
pedocles: the mythological notion of personal divine agency, the pri-
mary transformable element of the Ionians, the one fixed substance of
the Eleatics, the ceaseless change of Heraclitus. Perhaps we should
add the teachings of Pythagoras about number, immortality, and a
renovated social order. All these widely divergent cosmologic notions
Empedocles accepted, and in his eclectic and compromising fashion
sought to adjust them into harmony with one another.
With the Eleatics he agrees in holding that whatever ultimately
exists must be perpetual, incapable of changing its qualities, of com-
ing into being or ceasing to be. But he conciliates this with the
Heraclitan recognition of the universality of change, by a peculiar
adaptation of Ionic doctrine. It is true that not all the elements
of the world are equally primordial; but why assume that there is
but one such primordial element ? —may there not be several? The
Pythagoreans taught that the number four entered deeply into the
structure of the world. Might there not, then, be four original ele-
ments say, earth, air, fire, and water? Three of these had already
figured separately in Ionic speculation. These primordial roots, as
Empedocles calls them, in themselves always unchanged, might by
mingling with one another, or by separation, produce the appearances
which we know as birth, death, and changeable phenomena. Yet to
effect such combinations, something is needed which the Ionians over-
looked — forces, to operate change and to adjust the elements to one
another. These Empedoclean forces are two,- Love and Strife, or
(stripping off that mythological and personified character which this
poetizing philosopher attributes to them, as also to his four elements)
we may call them by the modern names of affinity and repulsion.
In the beginning all the four elements were compacted by Love into
a harmonious universe, which may be symbolized by a sphere. Into
this spherical concord crept Strife, gradually, through disturbing the
normal degrees of mixture, breaking up the primeval whole into indi-
vidual existences. These individual existences appeared at first in
## p. 5470 (#30) ############################################
5470
EMPEDOCLES
fragmentary and imperfect forms, heads and arms and eyes coming
into life, yet missing their congruous parts. Such monstrosities soon
perished. But when one happened to be joined to another in natural
fitness, it survived. So there was a progression from the imperfect to
the more perfect. Moreover, although in the world which now exists,
differentiating and individualizing Strife is in the ascendant, Love will
one day have its way again and draw all once more back to the
sphere-shaped fourfold harmony. Yet this Love-ruled harmony will
not persist, but out of it new mixtures will still proceed, a Strife-
cycle forever alternating with a Love-cycle. Out of this same Love
our perceptions and desires spring, the elements which form us seek-
ing their similars elsewhere. Only like can be known by like. With
these physical doctrines Empedocles combined, for no obvious reason,
the Pythagorean doctrine of the transmigration of souls.
To sum up, the teaching of Empedocles is a composite, and in-
. cludes fragments of all the theories current in his time. His own
contributions are 1, the doctrine of the four elements; 2, the percep-
tion that for the fashioning of a world, forces are as needful as
material; 3, the notion of alternating world-cycles; 4, vague hints of
evolution and even of natural selection; and 5, cognition by similars.
To have four or five original ideas is to be a wealthy man indeed.
Those of Empedocles were all taken up into subsequent philosophy,
and have ever since enriched the blood of the world.
―――
The Greek text of the fragments of Empedocles, with Latin trans-
lation, may be found in Mullach's 'Fragmenta Philosophorum Græco-
rum,' Vol. i. ; selections, with Latin comment, arranged so as best to
exhibit the philosophy, in Ritter and Preller's 'Historia Philosophiæ ';
an English translation, in the fifth chapter of Burnet's 'Early Greek
Philosophy; the life, in the eighth Book of Diogenes Laertius; dis-
cussions of the philosophy, in all the histories of Greek Philosophy –
especially in Burnet, in Zeller's 'Pre-Socratic Philosophy,' Vol. ii. , in
Zeller's small 'Greek Philosophy,' and in Windelband's 'Geschichte
der alten Philosophie. '
-
Set Salmer
[The mere fact that some four hundred and eighty verses of Empedocles
have been preserved is doubtless a tribute to his high rank as a poet. Cer-
tainly no other among the early philosophers has had so happy a fate.
Enough remains to indicate his lofty creative imagination, as well as the
splendid march of his verse. A few of the chief fragments are therefore pre-
sented here in a metrical version, by W. C. Lawton.
The other passages,
needed to illustrate Professor Palmer's study, follow in the prose form given
them by John Burnet, M. A. , in his history of early Greek philosophy. ]
## p. 5471 (#31) ############################################
EMPEDOCLES
5471
FROM THE POEM ON NATURE
E
MPEDOCLES was without doubt a leader of mystics, and one who
claimed for himself superhuman nature and wisdom; but it
seems equally true, as true as of Plato, of Swedenborg, or of
Emerson, that he was his own first and sincerest believer.
In par-
ticular, the lines in which he declares his recollections of immortality
and of a more blest divine existence, are as earnest as anything in
Plato or in Wordsworth.
-
THERE is a doom of fate, an ancient decree of immortals,
Never to be unmade, by amplest pledges attested:
That, if a spirit divine, who shares in the life everlasting,
Through transgression defile his glorious body by bloodshed,
Or if he perjure himself by swearing unto a falsehood,
Thrice ten thousand seasons he wanders apart from the Blessèd
Passing from birth unto birth through every species of mortal,
Changing ever the paths of life, yet ever unresting:
Even as I now roam, from gods far-wandered, an exile,
Yielding to maddening strife.
These, as Plutarch and others testify, are the opening lines in the
Prelude of Empedocles's great poem on Nature. Other and briefer
fragments continue the same train of thought.
ONCE already have I as a youth been born, as a maiden,
Bush, and wingèd bird, and silent fish in the waters.
After what horrors, and after how long and blissful existence,
Thus am I wretchedly doomed to abide in the meadows of mor-
tals!
Loudly I wept and wailed at beholding the place unfamiliar.
Joyless the place, where
Murder abides, and Strife, with the other races of Troubles.
―――
The belief in transmigration, which we are wont to associate
especially with the Pythagorean teachings, is nowhere more earnestly
and vividly expressed than by Empedocles. The conviction that
Man's soul is a fallen exile from a higher diviner sphere, to which he
may hope to return only after long purgatorial atonement in earthly
incarnations, all this has been even more magnificently elaborated
in Platonic dialogues like the Phædrus and the Phædo; but Plato
himself may well owe much of his loftiest inspiration to this Sicilian
seer.
The theory of the four elements is clearly stated in a three-line
fragment of the same Prelude:-
## p. 5472 (#32) ############################################
EMPEDOCLES
5472
HEARKEN and learn that four, at the first, are the sources of all
things:
Fire, and water, and earth, and lofty ether unbounded.
Thence springs all that is, that shall be, or hath been aforetime.
Empedocles seems to have rivaled Lucretius himself in the pict-
uresque vividness of his similes. Here, for instance, is an attempt
to illustrate how the manifold forms of the visible world might well
arise from the mingling of these few elements:-
JUST as men who the painter's craft have thoroughly mastered
Fashion in many a tint their picture, an offering sacred;
When they have taken in hand their paints of various colors,
Mingling skillfully more of the one and less of another,
Out of these they render the figures like unto all things;
Trees they cause to appear, and the semblance of men and of
women,
Beasts of the field, and birds, and fish that inhabit the waters,
Even the gods, whose honors are greatest, whose life is unending:-
Be not deceived, for such, and nowise other, the fountain
Whence all mortals spring, whatever their races unnumbered.
Incidentally we see clearly that while the painter's art has made
many a stride from Homer's time to Empedocles's day, yet "Art is
still religion"; the masterpiece is as a matter of course an anathema,
an altar-piece.
Among the other fragments of the Proem is the singular invoca-
tion of the Muse. The poetic quality is rather disappointing. Despite
his hatred of Strife, Empedocles has evidently just indulged in rather
strong polemic; perhaps against those who profess to teach more
than man may know, for the invocation begins thus:
-
ONLY do ye, O gods, remove from my tongue their madness;
Make ye to flow from a mouth that is holy a fountain unsullied.
Thou, O white-armed Virgin, the Muse who rememberest all things,
Whatsoe'er it is lawful to utter to men that are mortal
Bring me, from Piety driving a chariot easily guided.
It is clear from many such passages, that Empedocles claimed for
himself not merely a poetic inspiration but an absolutely super-
human nature. It is not easy to find anywhere a more magnificent
and sublime egotism than his. The most famous passage of this
character is not from his great work on Nature (or Creation), but is
found in the 'Katharmoi' (Poem of Purifications): —
## p. 5473 (#33) ############################################
EMPEDOCLES
5473
O My friends, whoso in Acragas's beautiful city
Have your dwelling aloft; whose hearts are set upon virtue;
Reverent harbors of guests, who have no share in dishonor,-
Greeting! But I as a god divine, no longer a mortal,
Dwell with you, by all in reverence held, as is fitting,
Girt with fillets about, and crowned with wreaths of rejoicing.
Whatsoever the folk whose prosperous cities I enter,
There I of women and men am revered. By thousands they follow,
Questioning where they may seek for the path that leadeth to profit.
These are in need of prophetic words, and others, in illness,
Since they have long been racked with the grievous pangs of
diseases,
Crave that I utter the charm whose power is sovran in all things.
Yet pray why lay stress upon this, as were it a marvel
If I surpass mankind, who are mortal and utterly wretched?
OTHER FRAGMENTS FROM THE POEM ON NATURE
A
ND thou shalt learn all the drugs that are a defense against
ills and old age, since for thee alone shall I accomplish all
this. Thou shalt arrest the violence of the weariless winds
that arise and sweep the earth, laying waste the cornfields with
their breath; and again, when thou so desirest, thou shalt bring
their blasts back again with a rush. Thou shalt cause for men
a seasonable drought after the dark rains, and again after the
summer drought thou shalt produce the streams that feed the
trees as they pour down from the sky. Thou shalt bring back
from Hades the life of a dead man.
Fools! for they have no far-reaching thoughts who deem that
what before was not comes into being, or that aught can perish
and be utterly destroyed. For it cannot be that aught can arise
from what in no way is, and it is impossible and unheard-of that
what is should perish; for it will always be, wherever one may
keep putting it.
I shall tell thee a twofold tale. At one time things grew to
be one only out of many; at another, that divided up to be many
instead of one. There is a double becoming of perishable things,
and a double passing away. The coming together of all things
brings one generation into being and destroys it; the other grows
X-343
## p. 5474 (#34) ############################################
5474
EMPEDOCLES
up and is scattered as things become divided. And these things
never cease, continually changing places, at one time all uniting
in one through Love, at another each borne in different direc-
tions by the repulsions of Strife.
For of a truth, they [i. e. , Love and Strife] were aforetime
and shall be; nor ever, methinks, will boundless time be emptied
of that pair. And they prevail in turn as the circle comes round,
and pass away before one another, and increase in their appointed
turn.
For if thou takest them [trees and plants] to the close recesses
of thy heart and watchest over them kindly with faultless care,
then thou shalt have all these things in abundance throughout
thy life, and thou shalt gain many others from them; for each
grows ever true to its own character, according as its nature is.
But if thou strivest after things of a different kind, as is the
way with men, ten thousand woes await thee to blunt thy care-
ful thoughts. All at once they will cease to live when the time
comes round, desiring each to reach its own kind: for know that
all things have wisdom and a share of thought.
It is not possible for us to set God before our eyes, or to lay
hold of him with our hands, which is the broadest way of per-
suasion that leads into the heart of man. For he is not furnished
with a human head on his body, two branches do not sprout from
his shoulders, he has no feet, no swift knees, nor hairy parts; but
he is only a sacred and unutterable Mind, flashing through the
whole world with rapid thoughts.
FROM THE POEM OF PURIFICATIONS
AN
ND there was among them a man of rare knowledge, most
skilled in all manner of wise works, a man who had won
the utmost wealth of wisdom; for whensoever he strained
with all his mind, he easily saw everything of all the things that
are now [though he lived] ten, yea, twenty generations of men
ago.
But at the last, they appear among mortal men as prophets,
song-writers, physicians, and princes; and thence they rise up as
gods exalted in honor, sharing the hearth of the other gods and
the same table; free from human woes, safe from destiny, and
incapable of hurt.
## p. 5475 (#35) ############################################
5475
ENNIUS
(239-169 B. C. )
BY WILLIAM CRANSTON LAWTON
D
SOUBTLESS every human race surely every Aryan clan-has
felt, and some measure gratified, the need of lyric utter-
ance, in joy, in grief, and in wrath. The marriage song,
the funeral chant, the banqueters' catch, the warriors' march, the
hymn of petition and of thanksgiving - these must have been heard
even in early Latium. Yet this Latin peasant soldier was surely
as unimaginative a type of man as ever rose to the surface of self-
conscious civilized life. His folk-song, like his folk-lore generally,
must have been heavy, crude, monotonous, clinging close to the soil.
Macaulay's Lays still stir the boyish heart, though Matthew Arnold
did repeat, with uncharacteristic severity, that he who enjoyed the
barbaric clash of their doggerel could never hope to appreciate true
poetry at all!
But good or bad, they are pure Macaulayese. No
audible strain has come down, even of those funeral ballads and fes-
tival lays whose former existence is merely asserted, without illustra-
tion, by Cato and by Varro.
-
At the threshold of Hellenic literature stand the two epics whose
imaginative splendor is still unrivaled. The first figure in Roman
letters, seven centuries later, is a Greek slave, or freedman, Livius
Andronicus, translating into barbarous Saturnian verse the Iliad and
Odyssey, and rendering almost as crudely many a famous tragedy.
Next Nævius sang, in those same rough Saturnians, the victory of
Rome in the Punic wars. Joel Barlow's Columbiad' and "meek
drab-skirted" Ellwood's 'Davideis' might have made room between
them for this martial chant, if it had survived. Then Plautus, fun-
maker for the Roman populace, "turned barbarously" into the vulgar
speech plays good and bad, of the Middle and New Attic Comedy.
The more serious of these dramas, like the 'Captivi,' seem like a char-
coal reproduction upon a barn door of some delicate line engraving,
whose loss we must still regret. Yet much of the real fun in Plau-
tus is Roman, and doubtless his own. Moreover, he or his Greek
masters probably both - knew how to make a comedy go in one
unpausing rush of dramatic action, from the lowering to the rais-
ing of the curtain. But to true creative literature these versions
of Menander and Philemon bear about the same relation as would
## p. 5476 (#36) ############################################
5476
ENNIUS
adaptations of Sardou and Dumas, with local allusions and "gags,"
in Plattdeutsch, for the Hamburg theatre.
The next figure in this picturesque line is Ennius, who like nearly
all the early authors is no Roman gentleman, not even a Latin at
all. Born (239 B. C. ) in the village of Rudiæ of far-off Calabria, he
heard in this cottage home the rough Oscan speech of his peasant
race. This language held for them somewhat the position of Aramaic
among the fisher folk of Galilee two centuries and a half later.
both lands, Greek was the ordinary speech of the market-place;
Latin, at most, the official language of the rulers. The boy Ennius
seems to have been educated in the Hellenic city of Tarentum.
Even there, he may not yet have spoken Latin at all. Cicero appar-
ently confesses in the 'Archias' (62 B. C. ) that his native speech had
even then made no headway "beyond the narrow boundaries" of
Latium. In Magna Græcia, Ennius probably often heard classic
Greek tragedy acted, as Virgil intimates he still did in his time.
We have referred elsewhere to the dramatic incident, that Cato
the Elder brought in his train from Corsica the man who, more than
all others, was to establish in Rome that Hellenic art most dreaded
by the great Censor. Cato was the younger of the two. Ennius was
just
"Midway upon the journey of our life. »
He was then a centurion in rank; that is, he had fought his way, no
doubt with many scars, to the proud place at the head of his com-
pany. (A young Roman gentleman, invited by the general to join
his staff, knew little of such campaigning. ) This was at the close of
Rome's second and decisive struggle with Carthage, so long the
queen of the Western Mediterranean. Ennius lived on, chiefly in
Rome, as many years longer; his death coinciding with the equally
decisive downfall of Macedonia (168 B. C. ). His life, then, spans per-
haps the greatest exploits of Roman arms. This was doubtless also
the age in which the heroic national character reached its culmina-
tion and began to decay.
In
Of this victorious generation the Scipios are probably the best
type. Its chief recorder was their friend and protégé, the Calabrian
peasant and campaigner. Of all the missing works in the Latin
speech, perhaps not even the lost books of Livy would be so eagerly
welcomed-so helpful in restoring essential outlines, now lacking, of
Roman action and character- as the 'Annals of Ennius, in eighteen
books, which followed the whole current of Roman tradition, from
Æneas and Romulus down to the writer's own day. And this work
was, at the same time, the first large experiment in writing Homeric
hexameters in the Latin speech! So true is it, that the Hellenic Muse
was present at the birth of Roman literature. Though no work of
## p. 5477 (#37) ############################################
ENNIUS
5477
Ennius survives save in tantalizing fragments, he is the manliest, the
most vivid figure in the early history of Latin letters.
Gellius preserves a saying of Ennius, that in his three mother
tongues he had three hearts. But his fatherland had accepted in
good faith, long before, the Italian supremacy of Rome.
His love for
the imperial city quite equaled that of any native. He became actu-
ally a citizen through the kindness of his noble friend Fulvius, who
as one of the triumvirs appointed to found Potentia, enrolled Ennius
among the "colonists" (184 B. C. ).
"Romans we now are become, who before this day were Rudini! »
is his exultant cry, in a line of the
Annals. '
>
It is not likely that he had any assistance on this occasion from
Cato, who had already discovered his own grievous error.
Some years
earlier one of the Fulvii had taken Ennius with him on a campaign
in Greece (189 B. C. ); but evidently not as a centurion! It is of this
Fulvius that Cicero says in the 'Archias, "He did not hesitate to
consecrate to the Muses memorials of Mars. " The alliteration suggests
a poetic epigram; and Cato is known to have complained in a public
oration that Fulvius "had led poets with him into his province. »
Ennius might have been useful also as an interpreter, as a secretary,
and as a table companion.
One of the longest fragments from the 'Annals' describes such a
friend of another Roman general. Gellius, who preserves the lines,
quotes good early authority for considering them as a self-portraiture
by Ennius.
PORTRAIT OF A SCHOLAR
S°
O HAVING spoken, he called for a man, with whom often and gladly
Table he shared, and talk, and all his burden of duties,
When with debate all day on important affairs he was wearied,
Whether perchance in the forum wide, or the reverend Senate;
One with whom he could frankly speak of his serious matters,—
Trifles also, and jests,- could pour out freely together
Pleasant or bitter words, and know they were uttered in safety.
Many the joys and the griefs he had shared, whether public or
secret!
This was a man in whom no impulse prompted to evil,
Whether of folly or malice. A scholarly man and a loyal,
Graceful, ready of speech, with his own contented and happy;
Tactful, speaking in season, yet courteous, never loquacious.
Vast was the buried and antique lore that was his, for the foretime
Made him master of earlier customs, as well as of newer.
## p. 5478 (#38) ############################################
5478
ENNIUS
Versed in the laws was he of the ancients, men or immortals.
Wisely he knew both when he should talk and when to be silent. -
So unto him Servilius spoke, in the midst of the fighting
The soldier-scholar who could draw this masterly portrait must
have been somewhat worthy to sit for it. Certain touches indeed
were hardly possible without self-consciousness. The rare combina-
tion of antique lore and modern knowledge of the world is one such.
Another is the "content with his own"; for though a friend of the
wealthiest, Ennius, we are told, lived simply in a small house, at-
tended by one servant only. This same handmaid takes part in a
little comedy, which the id waste of Roman gravity may almost
count as funny:-
"When Scipio Nasica once came to call on the poet Ennius, and asked
for him at the door, the maid said Ennius was not at home. Now, Nasica
perceived that this was said at the master's bidding, and that he really was
within. A few days later Ennius came to his friend's house, in his turn,
and called for Nasica, who bawled out that he was not at home. (What!
don't I know your voice? ' said Ennius. -You're a shameless fellow! ' came
the response. When I asked for you, I took your maid's word for it that
you were out. You don't believe me myself ? >»
Scipio's resentment does not seem very deep. He had realized,
probably, that two callers were already with Ennius, both unsocial
dames,― Podagra and Calliope; for however ill it agrees with the
pleasing picture of poetic simplicity and contentment, we have Enni-
us's own word in the matter:-
"Only when housed with the gout am I a maker of verses. »
Horace indeed, waging the old contest which neither Demosthenes
nor Franklin has fully decided in favor of the water-drinkers, de-
clares:-
"Even in the morning the Muses have mostly reeked of the wine-cup.
Homer confesses his fondness for wine by chanting its praises.
Father Ennius, too, leaped forward to sing of the battle
Never unless well drunk! "
That same aristocrats' disease, the Nemesis of port wine and good
living, gout,-is reputed to have carried off this austere and con-
tented poet at threescore and ten (in 169 B. C. ). Perhaps the hospi-
talities of the Scipios and Fulvii must bear the blame. Horace too
loved his "mess of watercress," at home; - and dined by preference
with Mæcenas! At any rate, Ennius had no prolonged last illness
nor dotage. Says Gellius: "Ennius tells us in the twelfth book of his
-
## p. 5479 (#39) ############################################
ENNIUS
5479
'Annals' that he is in his sixty-seventh year when composing it. "
The completion of eighteen books is made certain by many quota-
tions.
The total amount of these citations by later authors is about six
hundred hexameters, perhaps a twentieth of the whole. Many are
mere half-lines or single verses, quoted by a grammarian for a rare
word, or by literary critics to illustrate Virgil's method of graceful
borrowing. The latter tribe, by the way, make a strong showing.
Plagiarism is not quite the nicest word. The ancients seem to have
felt there was one right way to say anything. If they found a block,
large or small, shaped to their hand, they merely tried to set it where
it should be more effective than even where its maker put it! Often
the open transfer was a loyal courtesy.
"Muses, ye who beneath your feet tread mighty Olympus »
were the first words of the 'Annals. ' Other early fragments are:
"Fettered in slumber gentle and placid — »
"Seemed to approach me Homer the poet->
This opening vision may be connected with the assertion attributed
to Ennius, that the soul of Homer had transmigrated, through many
other incarnations, into his own body.
The tale of Rome, it would seem, began as with Virgil in the
Troad,
"Where in Pelasgian battle the ancient Priam had fallen. »
Romulus appeared as the child of Æneas's daughter Rhea Silvia. It
was apparently Cato who, first among Romans, noted the gap of some
four centuries between the traditional time of Troy's downfall and the
accepted Roman founder's date, and so caused the shadowy kings of
Alba to defile in long uneventful line, like Banquo's descendants,
across the legendary stage. Cato may have published his discovery
as a savage criticism upon this very poem.
However diversified in scale and tone of treatment, the entire his-
tory of Rome of course constitutes a subject hopelessly beyond the
limits of epic unity. The sections of the long poem must have fallen
apart, like those of all later rhythmical chronicles. Yet we may well
believe that the energy of the manly singer, his patriotic spirit, his
faith in Rome's high mission, never flagged nor failed.
The tenderest passage extant seems modeled on a briefer sketch
in Io's account of her own sorrows, in Eschylus's 'Prometheus. '
The Vestal Rhea Silvia has been startled by a prophetic dream:
## p. 5480 (#40) ############################################
5480
ENNIUS
RHEA SILVIA'S DREAM
R
AISING her trembling body, the crone with a light had approached
her:
This is the tale she affrighted relates, when roused from her
slumber:--
"Daughter of Eurydicè, by our father dearly beloved,
Force and life are wholly from out my body departed!
Ay, for it seemed that a goodly man amid beautiful willows
Bore me by banks of rivers and unknown places. Thereafter,
Sister mine, in solitude. -so I fancied I wandered:
Slowly I sought thee, with wistful heart, but could not descry thee,
Tracing thy feet; for nowhere a pathway guided my footsteps.
Then in these words, and aloud, methought my father addressed me:
'O my daughter, for thee is first great sorrow appointed:
Then in turn shall fortune revisit thee, out of the river. '
Such were my father's words, O sister, and then he departed,
Suddenly, nor was he seen by me, though heartily longed for:
Not though often my hands to the azure expanses of heaven
I with tears held forth, and in loving accents addressed him:-
Then, with pain, from my weary heart had slumber departed. ”
We cannot doubt, however, that the poem reached its highest
level in describing the life struggle of Rome against Pyrrhus, and
later against Hannibal. The former commander impressed even his
Italian foemen as a gallant and chivalric figure. One fine speech of
his yet remains, and Ennius must have had much of that "stern joy
that warriors feel" when he laid such noble words upon the lips of
the Epirote king. To be sure, their final victory made it easier for
the Romans, or for their annalist, to be generous.
PYRRHUS'S SPEECH
G
OLD for myself I crave not; ye need not proffer a ransom.
Not as hucksters might, let us wage our war, but as soldiers:
Not with gold, but the sword. Our lives we will set on the
issue.
Whether your rule or mine be Fortune's pleasure,- our mistress,—
Let us by valor decide. And to this word hearken ye also:-
Every valorous man who is spared by the fortune of battle,
Fully determined am I his freedom as well to accord him. -
Count it a gift. At the wish of the gods in heaven I grant it.
From that more prolonged dubious and mortifying struggle with
the greatest of Carthaginians, wherein Ennius himself had played a
## p. 5481 (#41) ############################################
ENNIUS
5481
manful part, no such effective passage is quotable. There are how-
ever three lines only in praise of the great Fabius, which we might
be glad to apply to our own Washington or Lincoln:-
CHARACTER OF FABIUS
SIMPLY by biding his time, one man has rescued a nation.
Not for the praises of men did he care, but alone for our safety.
Therefore greater and greater his fame shall wax in the future.
The Greek element in this monument of Roman patriotism was
evidently large. Numerous passages yet remain which can be profit-
ably compared with their Hellenic originals. Indeed, upon his formal
side Ennius may have been as far from independence as Virgil him-
self. Like most Roman poets, he is interesting less as a creative or
imaginative artist than as a vigorous patriotic man, endowed with
robust good sense and familiar with good literary models. His own
character is at least as attractive as his work.
For these reasons we may regret somewhat less the loss of his
tragedies, which were no doubt based almost wholly upon Greek ori-
ginals. Mere translations they were not, as the rather copious frag-
ments of his 'Medea' suffice to show when set beside Euripides's
play. In any case, it would be unfair to hold him responsible for
sentiments uttered by his dramatic characters; e. g. ,—
"I have said, and still will say, a race of Heavenly gods exists:
But I do not think they care for what concerns the human race:
If they cared, the good were happy, bad men wretched. 'Tis not so! »
Of course, whoever said this may have had as prompt cause for
remorse as Sophocles's Jocasta. There was however in Rome — more
perhaps than in Athens a prevailing conviction that the dramatic
stage should offer us only manly and elevating types of character.
For instance, excessive lamentation over physical or psychical woes
was sternly condemned, and perhaps largely eliminated from the
Latin versions of Attic dramas. Even a single play of the best
Roman period, like Ennius's 'Medea,' would give us fuller knowledge
on all such questions; but we can hardly hope that any have been
preserved, even in Egyptian papyrus rolls.
In many other interesting ways Ennius took a leading part in
enabling "vanquished Greece to conquer her victors. " In the list of
comic poets, indeed (quoted by Gellius, xv. 24), Ennius has but the
tenth and last place, even this being granted him merely "causa anti-
quitatis. " In truth, humor was probably the one gift of the gods
almost wholly denied to Ennius, as to another sturdy patriot-poet,
John Milton. He translated a Greek work on Gastronomy, a subject
―
## p. 5482 (#42) ############################################
5482
ENNIUS
with which he may have been only too familiar. In his 'Epichar-
mus' the old Sicilian poet appeared to him, like Homer, in a dream:-
"For it seemed to me that I was lying dead upon my couch.
Some are truthful visions, yet it need not be that all are so.
'Tis the soul perceives and hearkens: all things else are deaf and blind. "
The purport of the vision was a material explanation of the universe,
based upon the four elements of Empedocles. Ennius hit upon a
recondite truth, in attempting to explain away the very gods of the
Roman Pantheon:
"That I mean as Jupiter which among Greeks is known as air. »
Modern philology verifies this almost literally. These may well
have seemed bold words to publish in Rome, though the refined
circle about the Scipios had doubtless as little belief in the popular
mythology as the men of the world—and of letters-who met two
centuries later around Mæcenas's board. Ennius even translated
Euhemerus, who has given his name to the theory that makes the
divine legends mere distorted reminiscences of real men and women,
living many generations earlier. The Transmigration doctrine is
hardly consistent with these atheistic tendencies, and the whole tale
of the identity between Homer's and Ennius's soul may be based
merely on some bold assertion of Ennius's own supremacy in Latin
letters. Few Roman poets have any false (or real) modesty on this
question.
This brings us to the last form of Ennius's poetic activity which
we can mention; viz. , epitaphs. On Africanus he wrote an elegiac
couplet, expressing the favorite eulogy of the ancients upon a suc-
cessful soldierly life. Xenophon, for instance, records a prayer of the
younger Cyrus to quite the same effect.
EPITAPH ON SCIPIO
HERE is he laid unto whom no man, whether foeman or comrade,
Ever was able to give recompense worthy his deeds.
In the companion inscription intended for himself, Ennius brings
two familiar thoughts into rather striking association. Tennyson's
'Crossing the Bar' has lifted the first to a far nobler level.
EPITAPH ON ENNIUS
NO ONE may honor my funeral rites with tears or lamenting.
Why? Because still do I pass, living, from lip unto lip.
## p. 5483 (#43) ############################################
ENNIUS
5483
An iambic couplet, quoted from "Ennius, in the third book of his
Satires," may be echoed thus:-
-
HAIL, Ennius the poet, who for mortal men
Thy flaming verses pourest from thy marrow forth!
Perhaps in these same 'Satires' (Miscellanies? ) occurred another
eulogistic couplet upon his illustrious friend :-
EPITAPH ON SCIPIO
HOW GREAT a statue shall the folk of Rome to thee upraise,
How tall a column, Scipio, that thy deeds may duly praise?
This friendship of Ennius with the elder Africanus was quite
famous. The young bearer of the name, Emilianus, showed simi-
lar appreciation of the noble Greek exile Polybius. We know just
enough of these Scipios and their age to realize that in our enforced
ignorance we miss the noblest spirits, doubtless also the happiest days,
of republican Rome. It was the general belief of later antiquity,
that a bust of Ennius had an honored place in the tomb of the
great Scipio family. This does not appear to have been verified,
however, when the crypt was discovered in modern times.
We have already indicated that Ennius's work, so far as we can
judge it, by no means justified his claim to Homeric rank, in any
sense. Perhaps he never held a place at all among the great masters
of creative imagination. But at least, by his vigorous manly char-
acter, his wide studies, his good taste, and his lifelong industry, he
does claims a position as an apostle of culture and the founder of lit-
erature, perhaps fairly comparable to that of Lessing.
We cannot-for the best of reasons - follow the present study
with adequate citations, as is the rule in this work. It is not even
possible to point out for the English student any translation of the
scanty fragments which survive. For a fuller selection from them,
however, and also for a more copious discussion of Ennius's charac-
ter, we are glad to refer to one of the best sections in a most excel-
lent book: Chapter iv. of The Roman Poets of the Republic,' by
the late William Y. Sellar. Classical specialists will find Lucian
Müller's study of Ennius the most exhaustive. The fragments of the
'Annals' are also given in Bährens's Poetæ Latini Minores,' Vol. vi.
Wizzian Cranston Lawton,
## p. 5484 (#44) ############################################
5484
YOGX
JOSEF EÖTVÖS
(1813-1871)
HE life of Baron Josef Eötvös falls within the most critical
period of Hungarian history. He was born in Buda-Pesth
on September 23d, 1813, at a time when the Hungarians
were already in open revolt against the Hapsburg rule. His father,
who had accepted great favors from the government and was conse-
quently considered hostile to the cause of the people, had married a
German woman, Baroness von Lilien. Her
nobility of character and true culture had
a great influence on her son in his early
childhood; and added to this was the equally
important influence of his tutor Pruzsin-
sky, a man who had taken an active part in
Hungarian politics, and was thoroughly im-
bued with the French liberal ideas of 1789.
JOSEF EÖTVÖS
When the young Baron Eötvös was sent
to a public school, his schoolmates treated
him so coldly that he demanded an expla-
nation. He was told that his father had
embraced the cause of the government and
was a traitor, and that most likely he would
be a traitor himself. He had a boy's igno-
rance of politics, but went home determined to understand the situa-
tion; and the result was his first political speech,-from the teacher's
desk in the school-room,- in which before his assembled enthusiastic
schoolmates he swore fidelity to Hungary and the cause of Hungarian
liberty, an oath of which his entire life was the fulfillment.
When Eötvös had finished his law studies he accepted a position
in the government offices; but to a man of his wide interests the dry
official life could not be satisfying, and in 1830 he made his literary
début with a translation of Goethe's 'Götz von Berlichingen. ' In
1833 followed an original comedy, The Suitors'; in '34 a tragedy,
'Revenge'; and in '35 a translation of Victor Hugo's 'Angelo. ' His
æsthetic introductions to his translations attracted the attention of
the Hungarian Academy, and caused his election as corresponding
member at the early age of twenty-two. The literary publications
of the following years contained several lyric poems from his pen.
In 1836 Eötvös went abroad and spent a year traveling in Ger-
many, Switzerland, Holland, France, and England. Upon his return
## p. 5485 (#45) ############################################
JOSEF EÖTVÖS
5485
he gave up his official position and went to his father's estate Sály,
where he wrote his first great novel, The Carthusian Monk. ' It is
written in the form of the autobiography of a young Frenchman,
Count Gustave, who finds himself a prey to the most tormenting
doubts. The prejudices of the aristocracy, the recklessness of the
would-be democrats, the tottering of the old faith, and the hopeless-
ness of atheism, are powerfully depicted. Gustave's bride Julie leaves
him for her lover, a man of low birth. Her happiness is short-
lived, and followed by deep disappointment and degradation. Gustave.
considers himself partly responsible for her misery, and makes an
attempt to forget his sorrow in a life of pleasure and dissipation; but
his moral abasement brings him despair instead of oblivion. He
meets his former bride' Julie, and in trying to rescue her, loses his
new bride Betty and causes her unhappiness. Driven to despair, he
seeks comfort in a Carthusian cloister, but not even here, in prayer
and silence, does he find peace. After an attempt to commit suicide,
from which he is saved by a song sung outside his window, he finally
becomes reconciled to life by the daily contact with religious faith
and quiet industry, and dies with a regained belief in immortality.
After 1840 Eötvös settled in Buda-Pesth and began his career as
politician and statesman. Two years before, he had published a
pamphlet on prison reforms, and had defended the system of silence
as opposed to that of solitary confinement. In 1840 he published two
essays, one on 'Pauperism in Ireland' and the other on The Eman-
cipation of the Jews. ' He was a stanch adherent of Kossuth's, and
became the foremost writer on Kossuth's paper: the articles which he
wrote for this he collected later under the title Reform'; in 1847
he published a continuation of them, Teendöink' (Our Problems).
He was moreover considered the most brilliant leader and speaker
of the Opposition party.
<
In 1846 Eötvös wrote his second great novel, The Village No-
tary,' a book which secured him world-wide fame. It is intended to
be a true picture of the county administration system of Hungary at
the time: we find here the landed aristocracy, both great and small;
the poor nobleman without landed property; the official of the county
administration; the submissive peasant, and all the remaining pariahs
of Hungarian society. The novel contains three or four stories, more
or less connected: the family tragedy of the sheriff Rety; the fate of
the poor village notary Tengely, who is not able to prove his noble
birth and in consequence is subjected to many prosecutions and trials;
and finally the story of the honest but quick-tempered peasant Viola,
who is driven to a lawless life by the arbitrariness and cruelty of his
superior. This novel is inseparably linked with the name of Eötvös,
and may justly be considered one of the masterpieces of Hungarian
literature.
## p. 5486 (#46) ############################################
5486
JOSEF EÖTVÖS
When the progressive party under Kossuth conquered in 1848,
when the policy of the Opposition was sanctioned by the King and
the first responsible ministry was founded, Baron Eötvös accepted
the portfolio of Minister of Education. When the war with Austria
became inevitable he went abroad, and did not return until peace
was established. In Munich he wrote his work on The Equality
of the Nationalities,' and began his book on 'The Dominant Ideas
of the Nineteenth Century and Their Influence upon the State. ' The
Academy made him its vice-president in 1855, and the next year
president.
During the following years he continued his political activity as
member of the Reichstag and editor of a political weekly; and when
a reconcilation with the government took place in 1867, he again
became member of the cabinet, and remained so until his death.
Personally Eötvös was a man of unusual culture of mind and heart,
a nobleman in the truest and fullest sense of the word. As poet,
writer, and statesman, it is he more than any other Hungarian who
has exerted an influence upon the course of European culture.
VIOLA IN COURT
From The Village Notary'
THE
HE appearance of the prisoner produced a profound sensation.
in the court. Kishlaki felt deep pity for his misfortunes,
though he could not but admit that his fate was in part
merited. Völgyeshy, who had heard enough to convince him
that there was no hope of the court pronouncing in favor of
Viola, shuddered to think that the man whom he saw was
doomed to die before sunset. Mr. Catspaw showed great un-
easiness when he heard the rattling of the chains; and Shoskuty,
who had never seen the robber, was quite as much excited by
his curiosity as Mr. Skinner by the feelings of ill-dissembled tri-
umph with which he watched the prisoner's features and carriage.
Zatonyi alone preserved his habitual composure.
