No More Learning

Farrukh-siyar had naturally to give the highest offices in the realm
to the king-makers. Sayyid 'Abdullah was made minister with the
titles of Qutb-ul-Mulk Zafar Jang Sipah-salar; Sayyid Husain 'Ali
was appointed first paymaster with the titles of Amir-ul-umara Firuz
Jang. The post of second paymaster was conferred upon Muhammad
Amin Khan Chin (the Turani leader) with the titles of I'timad-ud-
Daula Nusrat Jang, while his son Qamar-ud-din became paymaster
of the Ahadis. Several secondary posts at court were given to the
new emperor's personal favourites, and by reason of their intimacy
with him they exercised very much real power over the administra-
tion and often succeeded in thwarting the ostensible ministers by
influencing the emperor behind their backs. The chief examples
of these "king's friends” were Mir Jumla, the superintendent of the
pages, and Khvaja 'Asim, the superintendent of the audience-hall.
New viceroys were sent to many of the provinces with this change
of sovereigns, notably 'Abdus-Samad Khan (Lahore), Raja Jay Singh
Sawai (Malwa) and Sayyid Khan Jahan Barha (Ajmer). The vice-
royalties of Multan and Bihar were conferred on the two Sayyid
brothers, with permission to govern them by deputy. Shahamat
Khan (now created Mubariz Khan) was confirmed in the govern-
ment of GujaratBengal was nominally given to Mir Jumla, but its
former revenue minister Murshid Quli Khan (now created Ja'far
Khan Nasiri) was ordered to govern it as his deputy in addition to
being substantive viceroy of Orissa. The six provinces of the Deccan
were conferred on Nizam-ul-Mulk (Chin Qilich Khan Bahadur, son
of Ghazi-ud-din Firuz Jang of Aurangzib's time), with his head-
quarters at Aurangabad and deputies in each of the component
provinces. The Nizam was the ablest man in the empire and now
rose to the foremost position, which he retained till his death in 1748.
He was one of the leaders of the Turani party, the other being his
father's first cousin Muhammad Amin Khan (now second paymaster).
The Turani soldiers who came from Central Asia (north of the Oxus)
enjoyed high favour and influence in the Mughul empire, being
fellow-countrymen of the Timurid dynasty. They formed a large
proportion of the army, and their leaders were remarkable for mili-
tary skill and capacity for civil government alike. The foreign Muslim
immigrants whose home was Persia and Khurasan, known as the
Iranis, were also singularly gifted, especially in revenue and secre-
1 Gentlemen troopers, W. Irvine, Army of the Indian Moghuls, p. 43.


## p. 332 (#368) ############################################

332
BAHADUR SHAH TO RAFI-UD-DAULA
tariat work, but they were Shiahs, and being comparatively few in
number exerted less influence in the state except when the very
highest offices were filled by their members. These two groups of
foreign adventurers in India were constantly at war with each other
for power and position at the Delhi court, and though the earlier
strong emperors kept them under control, their rivalry became the
predominant characteristic of Indian history under the weak later
Mughuls and one of the causes of the downfall of the empire. The
India-born Muslims, conspicuously inferior in intellect and capacity,
looked upon both with envy and half-veiled but futile hostility. The
Afghans, though enlisted in large numbers in the imperial army, did
not count in Indian politics till after 1748.
After securing himself on the throne Farrukh-siyar by the advice
of Mir Jumla put many members of his rival's party to death and
created a reign of terror. Among the chief victims were Sa'd-ullah
Khan (the deputy minister), Haidayat-kesh (the chief news-writer),
Sidi Qasim (the police prefect of Delhi), Sabha Chand (Zu-'l-Fiqar's
all-powerful man of business) and Shah Qudrat-ullah of Allahabad,
a learned Sufi, whose fault was that though highly trusted and
favoured by 'Azim-ush-shan he had not joined Farrukh-siyar in his
march against Jahandar. Sabha Chand's tongue was cut out, all the
others were put to death. Next, Farrukh-siyar, in order to make it
impossible for the Sayyid brothers to displace him and set up some
other prince of the house of Babur, resolved to blind the more pro-
minent and more energetic of the members of the imperial family
held in captivity, and this cruel form of mutilation was inflicted upon
'Azz-ud-din (eldest son of Jahandar), Wala Tabar (son of Muhammad
A'zam Shah) and Humayun Bakht (Farrukh-siyar's younger brother,
a boy of ten), on 21 January, 1714. A little later a heroic Qalmaq
woman-servant named Shadman (surnamed Raza Bahadur Rustam-
i-Hind) and the witty but indelicate poet Ja'far Zatalli were put to
death for disrespect to the new reign.
Farrukh-siyar was utterly thoughtless, fickle and weak, and devoid
of constancy or fidelity to his own promises. Like all weak men he
was swayed by the latest adviser, and having resolved to do a thing
could never hold to it long but soon sank into despair and went back
on his undertakings. Constitutionally incapable of governing by his
own will and controlling others, he would not trust any able agent,
but was easily inspired with a childish suspicion of his ministers and
induced to enter into plots for their overthrow. But his cowardice
and fickleness made it impossible for any plot to succeed under his
leadership, and his instigators had to suffer from the vengeance of
the fruitlessly offended ministers. From the very commencement of
his reign a party hostile to the Sayyid brothers was formed at his
court by his personal favourites and attendants and they did their
best to clog the wheels of the administration by inducing him to


## p. 333 (#369) ############################################

SAYYID BROTHERS BREAK WITH FARRUKH-SIYAR 333
interfere in the minister's department and to issue secret orders
contradictory to those that he had publicly sanctioned in the presence
of his minister. The distribution of offices of state and of the con-
fiscated property of the defeated party led to frequent and bitter
differences between the Sayyid brothers and Farrukh-siyar as insti-
gated by his intimate circle (chiefly Mir Jumla). Mir Jumla easily
poisoned his ears against the Sayyid brothers by suggesting that they
were amassing fortunes and increasing their forces and adherents
with a view to ousting Farrukh-siyar after a time and seizing the
throne for themselves. As early as March, 1713, the quarrel between
the emperor and his ministers had become so bitter and open that
the latter ceased to attend at court. But in a few days, Farrukh-siyar's
courage failed, he personally visited 'Abdullah in his house and
patched up a truce by an effusive display of friendliness and trust.
The Sayyid brothers were first separated by the Rajput campaign.
Ajit Singh Rathor had taken advantage of the wars of succession
following the death of Bahadur Shah to expel the imperial officers
from Jodhpur, forbid cow-killing and the call to prayer in his
territory, and even to capture Ajmer. Husain 'Ali Khan, the head
paymaster, was appointed to chastise him. But Farrukh-siyar, with
the low cunning of weak minds, while publicly issuing orders in
support of the expedition, sent secret letters advising the enemy to
oppose and thwart the imperial general and even to assassinate him,
with promises of the emperor's favour if he was successful. Leaving
Delhi early in January, 1714, Husain 'Ali marched to Ajmer and
thence to Merta, the gateway of Marwar. His army underwent
great hardship from the sandy deserts they had to cross and the want
of water on the way. Ajit Singh, terrified by Husain 'Ali's military
reputation (earned in Aurangzib's days) and the vigorous advance
of his army, fled further and further into the desert of Bikaner. The
country now occupied by the Mughuls was settled, the peasants
conciliated, and outposts established, as Husain 'Ali advanced. In
spite of the approach of the hot weather and scarcity in his camp,
the Mughul general resolved to make a forced march on Jodhpur. But.
just then Ajit Singh made an abject surrender. He promised to give
one of his daughters in marriage to Farrukh-siyar, to send his son
Abhay Singh to attend at court, and himself to serve in the emperor's
army when called upon (May). Thus fully successful, Husain 'Ali
returned to Delhi, after restoring order in the province of Ajmer.
But during his absence from the capital, his enemies, led by Mir
Jumla, had obtained entire control over the emperor. Sayyid
'Abdullah was a rough soldier who now pursued pleasure only and
left all the state affairs in the hands of his subordinates, particularly
a bania (grocer) named Ratan Chand who used to look after the
Sayyid's private estates. This man, abusing his influence over the
sleepy minister, used to extort large bribes from office-seekers, as


## p. 334 (#370) ############################################

334
BAHADUR SHAH TO RAFI-UD-
-DAULA
che price of issuing letters of appointment under the imperial seal
to them. But Mir Jumla, in rivalry with the minister, used to affix
the seal to letters of appointment, without passing them through
the minister's office. Thus, the minister suffered in both influence
and emoluments, and this circumstance further strengthened the
ranks of his enemies. While Husain 'Ali was absent in Rajputana,
‘Abdullah felt that power was slipping out of his grasp at court and
that Mir Jumla was acting as de facto minister. Farrukh-siyar even
went so far as to urge him to resign his office. On hearing of these
things, Husain 'Ali hurried back to the capital (16 July, 1714).
Farrukh-siyar's personal favourites urged him to neutralise the
Sayyid brothers' predominance in the state by bringing forward two
nobles and placing them on an equality with the former, so that all
malcontents would gather under the leadership of these two men.
In pursuance of this policy, Mir Jumla and Khan Dauran were
promoted to the rank of 7000, and placed in charge of 5000 guardsmen
each. Their relations also received commands, and thus their com-
bined forces threatened to overshadow the armed strength of the
minister and the paymaster. No order was issued by the emperor
without the approval of these two favourites. Even plots against the
Sayyids' lives were formed in the palace. Meantime, Husain 'Ali had
got possession of the secret letters sent against him by Farrukh-siyar
to Ajit Singh, and also learnt of the plotting at court. The two brothers
ceased to attend on the emperor, and stood on the defensive in their
own houses. At last, in December, Husain 'Ali and his brother wrote
to the emperor, offering to resign as they had lost his confidence and
he was resolved on their destruction. Farrukh-siyar's spirit quailed
at this threat, and he entered into negotiations for conciliating them;
Mir Jumla, his favourite selection for the post of minister, "was only
a carpet-knight; he talked well, but evaded dealing with the kernel
of the matter"; he shrank from undertaking the overthrow of the
Sayyids by force. Muhammad Amin Khan, sick of Farrukh-siyar's
treachery and weakness, refused to stir unless the emperor personally
headed the army against the Sayyid brothers. Farrukh-siyar now
totally lost heart and made a complete surrender to the Sayyids. They
spared Khan Dauran, who had made a secret pact to serve them
faithfully, but secured from the emperor Mir Jumla's removal from
court to the viceroyalty of Bihar, and the dismissal of Mir Jumla's
chief agent Lutf-ullah Khan Sadiq. In return, Husain 'Ali agreed
to leave the court as viceroy of the Deccan. This settlement was
effected in December, 1714. Husain 'Ali marched for the south in
April, 1715, with the power to appoint and remove all officials in the
Deccan (including even the commandants of the important forts).
But the treacherous Farrukh-siyar wrote secretly to Daud Khan,
newly appointed governor of Burhanpur, to resist Husain 'Ali. The
attempt ended in Daud Khan's defeat and death (September, 1715).


## p. 335 (#371) ############################################

SIKH GURU BANDA CAPTURED
335
On 27 September, 1715, Farrukh-siyar was married to Ajit Singh's
daughter, who had been converted to Islam on that day. The cele-
brations were held on a most gorgeous scale a month and a half later,
because at the time of the marriage the emperor was suffering from
an internal disease and only the skill of Dr. William Hamilton, the
surgeon of the English embassy, succeeded in curing him early in
December next.
The most important feat of arms of this reign was the extermination
of Banda. This Guru had built a large fort near Sadhaura since his
last defeat and from it dominated the neighbourhood. 'Abdus-Samad
Khan (the new governor of Lahore) laid siege to this fort. The Sikh
garrison offered a brave and obstinate defence, making almost daily
sorties; but the lines of investment being completed, their provisions
were exhausted and one night they escaped from it to Lohgarh,
where Banda himself was residing. 'Abdus-Samad Khan immediately
pushed on to that fort; a panic seized the Guru and his men and they
evacuated Lohgarh without firing a shot (October, 1713). Soon
afterwards Banda issued from his refuge in the hills and began to
ravage the north Punjab plains again, plundering the parganas of
Rupar, Kalanaur and Batala. Their atrocities drove the population
into wholesale flight from the raided country. But a strong combi-
nation of imperial officers forced the Guru to fall back from Kot Mirza
Jan to Gurdaspur (44 miles north-east of Amritsar). Here he was
invested by a large Mughul force under 'Abdus-Samad Khan (April,
1715). After almost daily fighting with the garrison, the Mughul
soldiers raised a high earthen wall with a trench behind it all round
Gurdaspur, so as to enclose the fort completely on all sides. Next,
a stockade was constructed nearer the walls with a deep and wide
ditch at its foot, so as to prevent the escape of the garrison. The
Sikhs fought most gallantly, inspiring the Mughul troops with a
terror of their prowess; but all attempts to break through failed and
the Mughuls captured some of the bastions and gates. After all their
food had been exhausted and they had undergone unspeakable
privations, the Sikhs surrendered unconditionally (17 December,
1715). The captive Guru and his 740 followers were paraded through
Delhi in a humiliating procession like that in which Shambhuji had
been conducted to Aurangzib's camp, and then they were put to a
cruel death at the police office of Delhi (15 March, 1716). The Sikhs
showed wonderful patience and strength of mind, and welcomed
death as a deliverance; not one of them accepted the offer of Islam
to save his life. Banda himself and his little son of three years were
krutally hacked to death on 19 June. After Guru Govind's death,
his widow Mata Sundari and his alleged adopted son Ajit Singh
had set up as the rival heads of the Sikh sect; only a few families
followed either of them. On the death of the two their spiritual
succession was claimed by Jahi Singh the son of Ajit (who lived at


## p. 336 (#372) ############################################

336
BAHADUR SHAH TO RAFI-UD-DAULA
Muttra) and Sahib Dei (or Kumari Dula), the betrothed of Govind
Singh, who lived at Delhi, each getting only a few followers.
Towards the close of Aurangzib's reign, the Jat peasantry of the
region round Bharatpur (west of Agra) were organised into a pre-
datory power by Raja Ram and after the death of that chieftain by
Churaman, who hovered about the contending armies and greatly
increased his wealth and armed strength by plundering both sides
during the campaign of Jajau and the civil war between Jahandar
Shah and Farrukh-siyar. Bahadur Shah had won him over by the
grant of an office and employed him in his campaigns. His robberies
on the highway and extortions in other people's assignments made it
necessary for the Delhi government to subdue him. Raja Jay Singh
Sawai begged the command and invested Churaman in his new fort
of Thun (November, 1716). The stronghold was well armed and
provisioned and surrounded by a thick thorny jungle. But Jay Singn
built guard-houses all around it and was heavily reinforced by the .
emperor. The Jats outside it and their village allies continued their
depredations, making the roads unsafe and capturing a rich caravan
worth two million rupees. The siege dragged on for twenty months.
Churaman then opened negotiations with the minister over the head
of Jay Singh, agreeing to pay a tribute of five million rupees. Under
orders from the court, Jay Singh had to raise the siege, and Churamari
visited Delhi in April, 1718.
Farrukh-siyar was constantly plotting the overthrow of the Sayyid
brothers, but his own character was extremely timid and fickle, and
the successive agents chosen by him, after intriguing for some time
and even making armed preparations, either gave up the attempt
as hopeless or went over to the Sayyids as more capable of protecting
their personal interests. This went on throughout the reign, with the
result that the central administration of the empire became more and
more confused and weak, while the provinces fell into greater neglect
than before. The life of the state seemed to consist in alarms and
excursions which all ended in smoke; the only form of activity was
lying talk and court intrigue, while the work of the government stood
still or inevitably drifted towards anarchy and bankruptcy. About
the middle of June, 1714, it was hoped to use Nizam-ul-Mulk (who
had been ousted from the viceroyalty of the Deccan by Sayyid Husain
'Ali) as a lever for overthrowing the two brothers, but in two years
he left the court in disgust, without attempting or even agreeing to
make any coup. Mir Jumla, who had been packed off to Patna owing
to an earlier conspiracy against the minister, returned to Delhi
(January, 1716) by secretly travelling like a veiled woman. The
emperor, admonished by the minister for this breach of promise,
ordered Mir Jumla to retire to Lahore. But Mir Jumla's troops
mutinied for their arrears of pay and threatened the capital with
civil war. At last they were pacified by part payment and disbanded,
while Mir Jumla was compelled to go to Lahore.


## p. 337 (#373) ############################################

FARRUKH-SIYAR AND THE SAYYID BROTHERS 337
Farrukh-siyar's next idea was to raise up some of the older nobles
of Aurangzib's time as a counterpoise to the Sayyid brothers. 'Inayat-
ullah Kashmiri, who had been disgraced at the beginning of the
reign, now received the rank of 4000 and was made imperial revenue
minister (April, 1717). He tried to purge the administration of the
abuses that had recently crept into it and to restore the regulations
and discipline of Aurangzib's time. He reimposed the poll-tax and
proposed to reduce or resume the assignments which officials had
continued to secure in excess of their legal dues or by fraud. He thus
raised a host of enemies in that corrupt court, especially in Ratan
Chand, the trusted man of business of the minister, and his friends
and underlings. Ratan Chand used to lease the collection of revenue
to the highest bidder, instead of dealing with the cultivators directly
by servants of the state, and the result of this vicious system was
rack-renting and the ruin of agriculture. Sayyid 'Abdullah, instigated
by his evil genius Ratan Chand, refused to give up the practice of
leasing out the collection; he also shielded revenue officers who had
misappropriated public money. These facts as well as Farrukh-siyar's
policy of restoring the older men to office embittered the relations
between the emperor and his minister. Muhammad Murad, a glib-
tongued Kashmiri officer of the court, wormed himself into the
emperor's favour and secretly proposed many plans for destroying
the Sayyids. The credulous Farrukh-siyar believed in this man's
capacity and courage, gave him the rank of 7000, and appointed him
superintendent of the imperial harem with the title of I'tiqad Khan
(May, 1718), lavishing money and gifts on him. But the Kashmiri
braggart, knowing his own incapacity, suggested Sarbuland Khan'as
the instrument best fitted to overthrow the minister. This noble
was summoned to court and promoted to the rank of 7000, with the
title of Mubariz-ul-Mulk (July, 1718), but learning that Farrukh-
siyar intended to appoint Muhammad Murad as minister he drew
back from the conspiracy and resigned his post.
Next a plot to surround and seize Sayyid Abdullah at the 'Id
prayer of 27 August was anticipated and foiled by the minister
appearing in full force. Then the foolish emperor sounded Maharaja
Ajit Singh, but the latter, knowing the inconstancy and deceitfulness
of Farrukh-siyar, thought it better to give his adhesion to the Sayyid
brothers, and henceforth became very friendly with them: Nizam-ul-
Mülk was approached with no better success.
At the end of September, 1718, Mir Jumla, who had been recalled
by Farrukh-siyar from Lahore, reached Delhi, but immediately went
over to the minister's camp. Even Samsam-ud-Daula lost the con-
fidence of the volatile emperor and made friends with Sayyid
'Abdullah. In short, all his hostile plots were immature and failed
to produce anything except talk and excitement in Delhi. · The
1 A "legal dicham” was struck at Lahore to commemorate this. See Punjab
Catalogue of Mughul Coins, no. 2271.


## p. 338 (#374) ############################################

338
BAHADUR SHAH TO RAFI-UD-DAULA
excessive favour shown to Muhammad Murad (I'tiqad Khan)
alienated most of the former adherents of the emperor.
On hearing of the recall of Mir Jumla, the minister had written
to his brother to come back from the Deccan. Husain 'Ali left Bur-
hanpur on 14 December, 1718, pretending that he was escorting to
the capital an alleged son of Muhammad Akbar (the fourth son of
Aurangzib) delivered to him by the Maratha Raja Shahu. His army
numbered 25,000 cavalry, besides 10,000 foot-musketeers and artillery.
Some 11,000 Marathas under the Peshwa Balaji Vishvanath and
Khande Rao Dabhade accompanied him. Their help was secured by
promising to Raja Shahu (a) the chauth or one-fourth of the revenue
of the Deccan, (b) the sardeshmukhi or 10 per cent. on the collections,
(c) the confirmation of Shivaji's hereditary dominions, and (d) the
release of Shahu's mother and half-brother from captivity in Delhi,
besides a cash salary to each Maratha soldier. The Sayyid marched
rapidly on, the province of Malwa, lying in his way, having been
vacated by its viceroy, and he arrived outside Delhi on 16 February,
1719.
In the meantime, Sayyid 'Abdullah, the minister, had given up
visiting the emperor in anger at his perfidy. But in December
Farrukh-siyar made an abject surrender to him, even exchanging
turbans with the minister. He next tried to conciliate, with his
minister's mediation, Ajit Singh, Sarbuland Khan, Jay Singh Sawai
and some other grandees. He lavished honours upon the Sayyid
brothers, raising them to the command of 8000 each, and made new
appointments at the minister's dictation. Muhammad Amin Khan,
who had come away from his province of Malwa, was dismissed by
the emperor (20 January, 1719), and then made terms with the
minister in self-defence. On 7 February 'Abdullah visited Nizam-
ul-Mulk and seemingly conciliated him. At the near approach of
Sayyid Husain 'Ali, Farrukh-siyar was in mortal fear lest he should
be deposed and the alleged grandson of Aurangzib crowned in his
stead. He humbled himself in every possible way and granted all
the demands of the Sayyids. At their first interview (23 February)
he placed his turban on Husain 'Ali's head. But spies reported con-
spiracies formed by the emperor and his personal attendants to
attack Husain 'Ali when off his guard in the imperial presence, and
he decided to end such maneuvres once for all.
In the morning of 27 February, 1719, Sayyid 'Abdullah entered
the palace with Ajit Singh and his own adherents and troops, occu-
pied the gates, office rooms and bed-chambers, and placed his own
guards on all sides of it. In the afternoon, Husain 'Ali marched into
the city from the suburbs, at the head of thirty to forty thousand men
and strong artillery, while his Maratha auxiliaries were posted
outside the palace gates. Inside the palace there was a stormy scene
between the emperor and the minister, the latter taunting him with


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FARRUKH-SIYAR DEPOSED AND MURDERED 339
ingratitude and perfidy and the former abusing his minister in
uncontrollable anger. The rumour arose that the emperor had been
deposed, and the city lay motionless in terror of a deadly outbreak.
Next day (28 February), shortly after dawn, there was a brawl
in the streets between the Mughul retainers of Muhammad Amin
Khan and the Marathas crowding the streets, and the latter were
assailed and driven back by the citizens. A panic seized the Marathas,
they could offer no defence, and lost some 1500 of their number
besides all the property on their persons. The wildest rumours spread
in the city and added to the confusion and unrest. Several nobles
appeared in the streets with their contingents and tried to fight their
way to the fort. But the Sayyids were firmly in possession of the
palace and their well-planted artillery scattered their foremost
enemies. In the afternoon the nobles, learning that all was over with
Farrukh-siyar, withdrew to their homes.
After his interview with the minister on the 27th, Farrukh-siyar
had hidden himself in the female apartments. Next morning, when
the tumult and street fighting began, Husain 'Ali from his house in
the city wrote to his brother within the fort to put an end to Farrukh-
siyar by force, otherwise he would have to enter the palace for
settling the business. The riot raging in the city showed that no time
was to be lost. Sayyid 'Abdullah sent his men who broke open the
door of the harem, entered and brought away Rafi -ud-Darajat (a son
of Rafi-ush-Shan), who was immediately seated on the Peacock Throno
and proclaimed emperor. Then a party of Afghans was sent into the
harem; they pushed away the ladies and seizing Farrukh-siyar dragged
him with blows and abuse to the minister, who had him immediately
blinded. The fallen emperor was kept in prison for two months, and
then strangled (27-28 April, 1719). He lies buried in Humayun's tomb.
Farrukh-siyar "was strong neither for evil nor for good. . . . He was
for ever letting 'I dare not wait upon 'I would'. For seven years the
State was in a condition of unstable equilibrium, and it is not too
much to say that Farrukh-siyar prepared for himself the fate which
finally overtook him. Feeble, false, cowardly, contemptible, it is
impossible either to admire or regret him” (Irvine). His deposition
by the Sayyid brothers cannot, therefore, be called wrong. "But
their way of doing what had become almost a necessity was unduly
harsh. Blinding a deposed king was the fixed usage. . . . But the
severity of the subsequent confinement was excessive; and the taking
of the captive's life was an extremity entirely uncalled for. . . . The
Sayyids were forced into action by a regard for their own lives and
honour" (Irvine).
Rafi-ud-Darajat was a very intelligent youth of twenty, but already
seized with consumption when placed on the throne. He lived and
died as a captive of the Sayyid brothers. They restored peace to the
realm and reassured the alarmed public by leaving most of the old
>


## p. 340 (#376) ############################################

340
BAHADUR SHAH TO RAFI-UD-DAULA.
arrangements and office distributions unchanged. The poll-tax was
again abolished to appease the Hindus. Nizam-ul-Mulk, who still
maintained obstinate neutrality, was sent to Malwa as viceroy, to
get his Mughul troops out of Delhi.
The Maratha contingent was
sent back with royal orders (dated 13 and 24 March) confirming the
promises made to them. The two brothers quarrelled over the
distribution of the treasure seized in the palace and the forfeited
assignments of Farrukh-siyar's partisans.
On 18 May the garrison of Agra fort, instigated by Mitra Sen (a
Nagar Brahman of local influence), refused to recognise Rafi-ud-
Darajat and proclaimed Niku-siyar (son of Akbar), who was kept in
prison there, as emperor, with Mitra Sen (now created Raja Birbal
with the rank of 7000) as his minister. The imperial treasure hoard
in the fort was used to enlist troops for the new sovereign. But the
rebellion did not spread beyond the fort walls; Niku-siyar's two great
friends, Jay Singh Sawai and Chhabela Ram, held back, and he
wrote to the Sayyid brothers inviting them to accept him as emperor,
in return for the recognition of their rank and honours.
Rafi'-ud-Darajat grew rapidly weaker from his disease, and was
deposed on 4 June, 1719, dying of consumption a week afterwards.
His elder brother, Rafi -ud-Daula, was enthroned (6 June), with the
title of Shah Jahan the second. He too lived within the fort, a prisoner
of his two ministers in all matters, even in his private life. Inayat-
ullah, the brother of Farrukh-siyar's mother, began to raise an army
for overthrowing the Sayyids. But his plot was detected and he was
seized at Delhi (10 June, 1719) and thrown into prison. Jay Singh
Sawai was the rallying point of the discontented nobles, several of
whom fled to him.
Husain 'Ali marched to Agra and pressed on its siege vigorously.
The walls and even the pearl mosque were damaged by his fire, but
no breach or mine was completed. After a month the garrison began
to suffer from scarcity of provisions. Niku-siyar's brother, in trying
to escape, was captured. At last, on 12 August, the fort was sur-
rendered, Niku-siyar was sent to another state prison and · Mitra
Sen committed suicide.
Jay Singh having advanced from Amber with hostile intent,
'Abdullah marched out of Delhi with the new emperor on 15 July,
and arrived at Vidyapur near Fathpur-Sikri on 1 September. Here
Husain 'Ali arrived in a few days, and the two brothers made a
division of the spoils taken at Agra. Rafi'-ud-Daula was a very sickly
youth, and much addicted to opium. An attack of diarrhea in such a
constitution baffled all the royal physicians and he died in the camp on
17 September, but the fact was kept concealed for nine days. The
Sayyids, who had been already looking out for his successor, crowned
Raushan-Akhtar, the son of Jahan Shah (the fourth son of Bahadur
Shah), under the title of Muhammad Shah, on 28 September, 1719.


## p. 341 (#377) ############################################

:
CHAPTER
XU
MUHAMMAD SHAH
THE new emperor, though weak and inexperienced, was not so
feeble as his two predecessors, but the condition of the empire was
now such that none but an Akbar could have restored the imperial
authority.
The Sayyid brothers were still all powerful at court, but the antago-
nism of the Turanian nobles and their own dissensions and unfitness
for their positions were undermining their power, and the great
provinces of the empire were only nominally subordinate to the
imperial authority.
Ja'far Khan, who had originally been 'Azim-ush-Shan's lieutenant
in the province of Bengal, now ruled as viceroy the provinces of
Bengal, Bihar and Orissa. The viceroyalty of the six provinces of the
Deccan was held by Sayyid Husain 'Ali Khan Amir-ul-Umara, who
derived his wealth and power from this great charge and who was
represented at Aurangabad, during his absence at court, by his
nephew, 'Alim 'Ali Khan. Ajit Singh of Jodhpur, a fine ally of the
Sayyids, held, besides his own state, the government of the great
provinces of Gujarat and Ajmer. The province of Malwa was held
by. Nizam-ul-Mulk, the leader of the Turanian party among the
nobles, who was bitterly hostile to the Sayyids. He had been induced
by a promise of the viceroyalty of Bengal to acquiesce in their de-
position of Farrukh-siyar and when the measure had been carried
out had been forced to content himself with the provincial govern-
ment of Malwa. Considering himself deceived he departed for Malwa
with an ill grace on 3 March, 1719.
The Allahabad province was held by Chhabela Ram, who had been
devoted to Farrukh-siyar and so resented the treatment of that prince
that he had only been restrained by a rebellion in his own province
from taking up arms on behalf of Niku-siyar. Chhabela Ram might
now be said to be in rebellion and the Sayyids were meditating an
attack on Allahabad.
** Sayyid 'Abdullah Khan, with the emperor, marched, on 14 October,
from Fathpur-Sikri to Agra and was about to open negotiations with
Chhabela Ram when the latter suddenly died. His nephew Girdhar
Bahadur opened negotiations for the surrender of the strong fortress
of Allahabad in return for appointment as governor of Oudh. He
åccepted these terms but delayed so long, on flimsy pretexts, that
å force was sent to besiege Allahabad.
- Budh Singh of Bundi, chief of the Hara clan of Rajputs, had
opposed the Sayyids' treatment of Farrukh-siyar and his kinsman
.


## p. 342 (#378) ############################################

342
MUHAMMAD SHAH
Bhim Singh of Kotah sought to obtain the support of the powerful
brothers to oust Budh Singh from Bundi and to usurp the position
of chief of the Haras. The Sayyids sent a force to assist Bhim Singh
.
with instructions, after completing this task, to remain on the confines
of Malwa and observe the movements of Nizam-ul-Mulk, whose inten-
tion of establishing himself in the Deccan was already suspected.
Meanwhile the Sayyid brothers had quarrelled over the spoils of
Agra. The younger claimed the spoils as he had taken them, while
the elder maintained that they should be divided. After an acri.
monious dispute Sayyid Husain 'Ali Khan was obliged to surrender
over two million rupees to his brother and the two were never again
on their former terms of amity. At the same time Sayyid 'Abdullah
Khan incurred much odium by leaving the management of all public
affairs in the hands of Ratan Chand, whose interference with
ecclesiastical appointments caused such scandal that even his master
was provoked to utter a mild rebuke.
Girdhar Bahadur had strengthened the defences of Allahabad,
which he still hesitated to surrender. At length he said he would
deal with nobody but Ratan Chand, who was accordingly sent, on
10 March, 1720, to negotiate the surrender. A month later Girdhar,
leaving the gates of the fort open, marched off to take over his
province. The evacuation was celebrated at Agra as a great victory
won by the imperial arms.
Nizam-ul-Mulk had done his utmost to restore order in Malwa and
to strengthen himself for a conflict with the Sayyids. He increased
their dislike of him by employing Marhamat Khan, who had been
dismissed from the post of commandant of Mandu. Marhamat Khan
justified the selection by capturing Sironj and Bhilsa from some
Rajput rebels whom the Sayyids had ordered Nizam-ul-Mulk to
punish. This success was so distasteful to Husain 'Ali that his service
was unrecognised, and Nizam-ul-Mulk was warned by his cousin that
the Sayyids, as soon as they had finished with Niku-siyar and Girdhar
Bahadur, intended to attack him. He accordingly began to enlist
troops in large numbers and Husain 'Ali abused his agent at court,
A protest from Nizam-ul-Mulk led to a decree recalling him from
Malwa on the ground that it was necessary to place Malwa under
the control of the viceroy of the Deccan. The offer of a choice of
other provinces failed to allay the suspicion that his destruction was
intended, the movements of troops on the borders of his province
confirmed this, and private letters from the emperor and his mother
complaining of the Sayyids' usurpation of all authority removed any
scruples which may have oppressed him. There was no longer any
question of rebellion against the emperor. Action taken against the
Sayyids would be an attempt to release him from the hands of gaolers.
Nizam-ul-Mulk heard that mace-bearers were on their way from
Agra to compel him to return to court and on 9 May he crossed the


## p. 343 (#379) ############################################

NIZAM-UL-MULK OPPOSES THE SAYYIDS
343
Narbada and invaded Khandesh, the northernmost province of
Husain 'Ali's viceroyalty.
The Sayyid brothers quarrelled again over the question of the
manner in which he should be dealt with, but the more vigorous
counsel of the younger prevailed, Dilavar 'Ali Khan was sent in
pursuit and steps were taken to pursue him and to bar his way to
the south.
Meanwhile Nizam-ul-Mulk had been active. He gained possession
of the strong fortress of Asir by the bribing of its garrison, whose pay
was two years in arrears, and imprisoning its aged and incompetent
commander. A few days later Burhanpur was occupied. A step-
mother of the Sayyids was in Burhanpur, and the men of her escort,
in their terror, offered to surrender all valuables carried by the party
on condition that the lives and honour of their charges were spared.
Nizam-ul-Mulk behaved gallantly. He refused to accept anything,
sent a present of fruit to the children, and provided an escort to
conduct the whole party in safety to the Narbada. Early in June he
turned northwards to meet the pursuing force, which was composed
of picked men, including a large number of Barha Sayyids, but their
valour was no match for the tactics of Nizam-ul-Mulk, who gained
a complete victory near Khandwa. A forced march to Burhanpur
of a detachment of the troops which had taken part in the battle
of Khandwa arrested the further progress of an army which was
advancing from the south.
These successes dismayed the Sayyid brothers and various plans
of action were discussed. Conciliatory letters and an imperial res-
cript promising Nizam-ul-Mulk the viceroyalty of the Deccan were
estimated at their true value, in view of the continued presence of
the Deccan army in the field. The rainy season rendered any rapid
military movement impossible, and after some futile negotiations and
much tedious marching and counter-marching through the heavy soil
of Berar the armies met between the towns of Balapuri and
Shevgaon ? in Berar. On 10 August both armies advanced to the
attack. One historian has asserted that Nizam-ul-Mulk's cause was
desperate and that his defeat was averted only by the death of the
opposing commander, 'Alim 'Ali Khan, the nephew and deputy of
Husain 'Ali Khan. Many of the troops on the losing side, with the
facility of those who fight for gain alone, transferred their services
to the victor. A few days after the battle the governor of Hyderabad
and his brother, who had announced that they were marching to
the aid of the Sayyids, made their submission to Nizam-ul-Mulk in
his camp, his authority was established in the viceroyalty of the
Deccan, and he sent the head of Sayyid Alim 'Ali Khan to the
emperor as that of a rebel.
Husain 'Ali was already preparing to march to the Deccan when
1 20° 40' N. , 76° 50' E.
2 20° 48' N. , 76° 45' E.
9


## p. 344 (#380) ############################################

314
MUHAMMAD SHAH
camel-riders, on 27 August, brought to Agra the news of 'Alim 'Ali's
defeat and death. The Sayyid brothers were overwhelmed with grief
and consternation and could determine on no course of action. At
length it was decided that the emperor should march with Sayyid
Husain 'Ali Khan to the Deccan and that Sayyid Abdullah Khan
should administer from Delhi the northern provinces of the
empire.
The Mughul nobles, both of the Turanian and of the Iranian
factions, were now weary of domination by the Sayyids and Mu-
hammad Amin Khan, the leader of the former, who occasionally
spoke Turki to the empreor, having ascertained his resentment of
their actions, formed a conspiracy to remove Husain 'Ali. Among
the conspirators was Mir Muhammad Amin, a Sayyid of Nishapur
who had lately received the title of Sa'adat Khan and had also as
a Sayyid and a Shiah, been a client and favourite of Husain 'Ali.
The assassin, Mir Haidar Beg, another Sayyid, was found by Mu-
hammad Amin Khan from his own contingent.
On the morning of 9 October, when Husain 'Ali, having made his
obeisance to the emperor at the camp a short distance to the east of
Toda Bhim which the army had just reached, was being borne
towards his own tents Mir Haidar Beg and one or two other Mughuls
approached his palanquin and complained loudly of their treatment
by their master, Muhammad Amin Khan, who, they said, embezzled
their pay. Husain 'Ali, who had ridiculed a warning that a plot
against his life was on foot, beckoned to Mir Haider Beg, whom he
knew by sight, and as the latter approached as though to present
his petition turned to take a pipe from a pipe-bearer who stood
on the other side of the palanquin. Mir Haider Beg, seizing his
opportunity, drew his long knife and plunged it into Husain 'Ali's
side, and then, dragging his body from the palanquin, sat astride
it and began to hack off the head. The murderer was slain by a young
cousin of the murdered man, who was in his turn put to death by
some Mughuls.
Muhammad Amin Khan'at once appeared on the scene and carried
the Sayyid's severed head into the emperor's tents, but Muhammad
Shah shrank from them and retired into the women's apartments.
A conspirator threw a shawl over his head and, rushing into the tent
of the women, seized Muhammad and took him to the scene of the
murder, the elephants were brought up, and the party mounted:
The Sayyid's head was raised aloft on a bamboo, the drums were
beaten and orders were given that his tents and treasure should be
plundered. Ratan Chand, who was accompanying the army to the
Deccan, was seized and imprisoned.
Sayyid 'Abdullah Khan received by a camel-rider a scrap of paper
from Ratan Chand informing him of the assassination of his brother,
1 26° -55' N. , 76° 49E


## p. 345 (#381) ############################################

'ABDULLAH KHAN DEFEATED AND IMPRISONED 346
Sending on his son-in-law and a few others ahead to Delhi to proclaim
one of the imprisoned princes of the house of Timur as emperor, he
continued his march.
* On the day following the assassination Muhammad Shah held
a formal audience at which Muhammad Amin Khan was appointed
minister and promotion was freely showered on the conspirators.
Muhammad Amin Khan and the cowardly Khan Dauran were both
promoted to the command of 8000 horse, a rank hitherto restricted
to princes of the imperial family; the new minister's son, Qamar-
ud-din Khan, received the command of 7000, and Sa'adat Khan of
5000 horse.
It was decided to turn northward and deal with 'Abdullah Khan,
and by 14 November the imperial army reached the neighbourhood
of Hasanpur, on the Jumna, about fifty miles south of Delhi.
The prince selected by the Sayyids' party for the dangerous honour
of the throne was Ibrahim,' a brother of the two puppet emperors,
Rafi-ud-Darajat and Rafi -ud-Daula. He was proclaimed at Delhi
on 14 October, two days before the arrival of 'Abdullah Khan, who
assembled troops—many of which were of very poor quality. His
army marched out to the Qutb Minar on 2 November and on the
14th reached Bilochpur, a village on the Jumna about five miles north
of Hasanpur.
The battle, which began on 15 November, was throughout the
first day chiefly a duel of artillery. The impetuous valour of the
Sayyids of Barha, who had gathered round their leader, held the
imperial troops in check but 'Abdullah Khan's artillery was hopelessly
outclassed by the imperial guns, which were not only far superior
in weight of metal but were admirably served. Many of his raw.
and undisciplined troops melted away before the fire of the imperial
guns, so that of 40,000 horse and 18,000 foot with which he had taken
the field in the morning no more than a few thousands remained with
him in the evening. There was a bright moon and the slightest
movement in his camp drew on it the fire of the artillery, which was
not only active during the night but was advanced to within a short
distance of his position. (By morning only a few of his relations and
a thousand veteran troops remained; though they charged the im-
perial army, valour was of no avail. ) Nearly all the leaders were slain,
wounded, or captured, and Sayyid 'Abdullah Khan and his wounded
brother were taken and 'Abdullah was led before the emperor.
'Abdullah and his brother were eventually placed in the custody of
Haidar Quli Khan. Ratan Chand had been beheaded before the
emperor's elephant at the beginning of the battle.
Prince Ibrahim was arrested in a mango grove at Bagpur on the
Jumna, sixteen miles north of Hasanpur, and carried before Mu-
hammad Shah, who, recognising that he had been merely a pawn in
1 Coin was actually struck in his name (Ed. ). .


## p. 346 (#382) ############################################

346
MUHAMMAD SHAH
'Abdullah's game, received him kindly and inflicted no penalty. But
he was sent back to his prison at Delhi.
On 23 November Muhammad Shah entered his capital in triumph
and received provincial governors from the Punjab, Oudh and Raja
Jay Singh of Amber. Nizam-ul-Mulk and the lieutenant-governor
of Orissa, who could not reach Delhi so soon, sent expressions of their
loyalty, congratulations on the emperor's victory, and contributions
to his treasury. A proclamation at the beginning of the reign had
decreed the levy of the jizya and the levy was now confirmed but was
suddenly abandoned at the instance of Jay Singh of Amber and
Girdhar Bahadur, whom it was not politic to offend.
On 9 January, 1721, Muhammad Shah married the daughter of
Farrukh-siyar, and on 30 January the minister, Muhammad Amin
Khan, died of colic. His death was attributed to the magical arts
of a Persian adventurer named Mir Muhammad Husain, who calling
himself Namud announced himself as the prophet of a new religion,
described in a volume of scripture in a strange language of which he
was the sole interpreter. He had acquired a considerable following,
and Muhammad Amin Khan, whose fierce bigotry was notorious,
resolved to punish the heresiarch and sent soldiers to arrest him.
When the colic which had already attacked the minister suddenly
grew worse, Namud was taxed with having cast a spell upon him and
admitted that he had. He declined to remove it and predicted his
oppressor's immediate death. The fulfilment of his prediction greatly
increased his influence among the vulgar and secured him from the
attacks of the powerful. Namud died two or three years later and was
succeeded by his son, who bore the fanciful name of Numa Namud.
This avaricious successor deprived his father's chief disciple Duji
Bar of the share of the offerings which he had hitherto enjoyed and
Duji Bar in his wrath exposed the fraud. When the fabrication of
the creed and scriptures was known the sect lost all its followers save
a few fools.
The duties of minister were entrusted as a temporary measure,
and pending the arrival at court of Nizam-ul-Mulk, to 'Inayat-ullah
Khan the Kashmiri, an old noble of Aurangzib's reign, Qamar-
ud-din Khan received his father's title of I'timad-ud-Daula, and
Sa'adat Khan was appointed to the government of Agra.
Ajit Singh of Jodhpur, who had been a partisan of the Sayyids and
still held the government of Ajmer and Gujarat, refused to recognise
the new government and assumed the state of an independent
sovereign. Complaints of his tyranny and, above all, of his bigotry
and intolerance, reached the court and orders were issued dismissing
him from the government of both provinces. So strong was the
sentiment aroused in Gujarat by the raja's misgovernment that his
deputy was attacked and expelled from the province, and the
Mughul deputy had no difficulty in taking his place. In the province


## p. 347 (#383) ############################################

NIZAM-UL-MULK APPOINTED MINISTER
317
of Ajmer, contiguous to the contumacious raja's own state, it was
less easy to provide, as none of the nobles at court was willing to
undertake the task. Ajit Singh invaded Ajmer with 30,000 horse,
and news of this checked a Mughul officer who started. Sa'adat Khan
was summoned from Agra to punish the rebel, but when he reached
Delhi he could find nobody to accompany him and the emperor
either could not or would not supply him with the funds for his
troops. Intelligence was now received that the officer who had
first advanced had entered the province of Ajmer and had plundered
some of its villages, but all the plunder had been retained by his
starving troops, who were in arrears of pay, and he had fled to Amber,
io Jay Singh, and returned his commission as governor of Ajmer.
While the courtiers wavered as to the order to be taken with Ajit
Singh, Nizam-ul-Mulk started from the Deccan, and the news
brought Ajit Singh to his senses. On entering Ajmer he rebuilt
mosques which had been destroyed by his orders, allowed the
butchers to kill cattle for food, and withdrew his former prohibition
of the Muslim call to prayer. He then wrote to court a humble
petition promising that, if he were allowed to retain Ajmer, he would
be loyal and submissive in future, and this was granted.
Nizam-ul-Mulk had started from Aurangabad for Delhi on hearing
the result of the battle of Hasanpur, but at the news of Muhammad
Amin Khan's appointment as minister he returned immediately to
his capital. His ambition was to establish virtual independence in
the Deccan and to control at Delhi the affairs of the empire. The
Marathas were already the chief obstacle in the south, and when he
failed to attain his object at Delhi he was mean enough to free himself
in the south by encouraging them to extend their ravages to the
northern provinces of the empire.
He was dealing with disturbances in Bijapur and the Carnatic
when the news of Muhammad in Khan's death reached him.
Regarding the emperor's refusal to fill the place at once as an
indication that it was reserved for him, he marched northwards,
and was presented to the emperor at Delhi on 29 January, 1772. The
jealousy and the intrigues of the courtiers delayed for a short time
his appointment as minister, but on 21 February the emperor pre-
sented him with the pen-case symbolical of the post and he entered
upon his duties. Meeting with interference and opposition he ordered
his chief opponent, Haider Quli Khan, to repair to his province. The
order was obeyed, but Haider Quli Khan's conduct in Gujarat was
as embarrassing as his behaviour at court. His violence and eccen-
tricity now developed into mania, and he boasted that he would
overthrow Nizam-ul-Mulk.
The new minister's unpopularity increased daily. Courtiers were
alienated by his arrogance and the emperor by the strictness of his
discipline. Some even encouraged the maniac Haider Quli Khan,


## p. 348 (#384) ############################################

848
MUHAMMAD SHAH
but his administration of Gujarat became such a scandal that wiser
counsels prevailed and he was dismissed. He had, however, grown so
strong in Gujarat that only one of the most powerful of the nobles
could depose him. The choice naturally fell on the minister as the
most capable and least desired at the capital, and Nizam-ul-Mulk
was appointed to the government of Gujarat, to be held in addition
to his post of minister and the viceroyalty of the Deccan. He left
Delhi on 12 November and marched for Gujarat. Haider Quli Khan,
who decided that it would be folly to oppose him and had no desire
to encounter him, left Gujarat for Delhi by another route, and
Nizam-ul-Mulk, finding no resistance, sent his deputy into Gujarat
and set out on his return march to Delhi.
Sayyid 'Abdullah Khan had recently been the cause of dissensions
between the courtiers, some of whom advocated his release. The
majority, however, persuaded the emperor that his removal was
necessary, and on 12 October, 1722, he was poisoned.
Before Nizam-ul-Mulk left Delhi for Gujarat Sa'adat Khan, who
held the government of Agra, received the title of Burhan-ul-Mulk,
by which he will henceforth be known, and was appointed to the
government of Oudh, in addition to that of Agra. The Jats to the
west and north-west of Agra had long been a source of trouble. Their
chief, Churaman, though he had sworn allegiance to Muhammad
Shah and was ostensibly ranged on his side at the battle of Hasanpur,
had plundered the camps of both armies indiscriminately, and now
exhibited scarcely a pretence of subordination either to the governor
of Agra or to the emperor. The deputy at Agra, while riding abroad,
was shot dead by a Jat. Burhan-ul-Mulk set out from Oudh to avenge
the death of his lieutenant, but Khan Dauran, who had resented his
appointment to two such important provinces as Agra and Oudh,
in the absence of Nizam-ul-Mulk made the outrage a pretext for
transferring the government of Agra to Raja Jay Singh of Amber.
Jay Singh received an order to crush the Jats. Their country lay
between Jay Singh's capital and the seat of his new government,
and he attacked them on his way to Agra. A family quarrel gave him
the help of Badan Singh, Churaman's nephew, in the siege of Thun,"
in the course of which Churaman quarrelled with his son Muhkam
Singh and poisoned himself. Muhkam Singh fled from Thun, which
was occupied by Jay Singh's troops on 19 November, and Badan
Singh, in exchange for an undertaking to pay tribute regularly to
Delhi, was recognised as Raja of Dig, where he laid the foundations
of the Jat state of Bharatpur,? which has played a prominent part in
the later history of India.
The confirmation of Ajit Singh in the government of Ajmer had
been due to weakness rather than to clemency, and his tenure of
Ajmer, sanctified by the shrines of Mu'in-ud-din Chishti and several
1 27° 23' N. , 77° 7' E.
2 See vol. v, pp. 374-5 and 577.


## p. 349 (#385) ############################################

NIZAM-UL-MULK RETURNS TO THE DECCAN 349
lesser saints, was repugnant to Muslim sentiment. Haider Quli Khan's
prompt obedience to the order recalling him from Gujarat and his
reckless audacity led to his appointment as governor of Ajmer, from
which he expelled the raja's officers.
On 5 July, 1723, Nizam-ul-Mulk arrived at Delhi, but soon found
his position at court insupportable. His gravity and austerity had
unfitted him for intercourse with courtiers who were rather boon
companions than statesmen. Muhammad Shah now neglected public
business entirely beyond passing orders on the petitions of suitors and
place-seekers recommended by his intimate associates, who reaped
a rich harvest from the fees which they levied from their clients.
Those to whom the execution of the duties of minister had fallen
during Nizam-ul-Mulk's absence in Gujarat were loth to surrender
their power and he enjoyed the title without the power of his place.
He ventured to offer serious advice to his sovereign, entreating him
to abandon the practice of letting the reserved lands in farm, to
abolish the wholesale bribery which prevailed at court, to exact the
levy of the jizya, as in the time of Aurangzib, from unbelievers, and
to requite the services rendered by Tahmasp. I. of Persia to his
ancestor, Humayun, by marching to relieve Tahmasp II, now beset
by Afghan invaders, who had sacked and occupied his capital. This
advice was rejected; Nizam-ul-Mulk obtained permission to make
a shooting tour in the Duab, and on 18 December left the court.
News of Maratha inroads in Malwa and Gujarat now reached
Delhi, and Nizam-ul-Mulk, who was at Soron, near the Ganges,
informed the emperor that these required his immediate presence
in his own provinces, and, without waiting for formal permission,
marched at once into Malwa. On his approach the Marathas, who
had only followed his own secret advice, retired across the Narbada
and Nizam-ul-Mulk encamped for some time at Sehore. Here he
learnt of the existence at Delhi of an elaborate conspiracy to compass
his overthrow.
His post of minister had been bestowed on his cousin Qamar-ud-din
Khan, I'timad-ud-Daula, and now his enemies persuaded the weak
emperor to send secret instructions to Mubariz Khan to oppose his
return to the Deccan, promising as a reward the viceroyalty of that
region, the greatest place in the empire.
Mubariz Khan had served Sayyid Hussain 'Ali Khan before
Nizam-ul-Mulk, who had indulgently treated him, and had left
him at Hyderabad as governor, when the viceroy went to Delhi.
On reaching his capital at Aurangabad late in June, 1724, Nizam-
ul-Mulk discovered that Mubariz Khan's preparations for attack were
far" advanced and that the Marathas had extended their operations
in the Deccan. Remonstrances proved fruitless, and in August,
hearing that Mubariz Khan's army was already in motion, he left:
Aurangabad to meet him.


## p. 350 (#386) ############################################

350
MUHAMMAD SHAH
Mubariz Khan attempted, by passing far to the east of Aurangabad,
to draw him away from the city, hoping to be able to descend on
Aurangabad from the north and occupy it before his intentions were
ascertained. He evaded Nizam-ul-Mulk, but the viceroy turned
northward to meet him. The two armies met at Shakarkheldal in
Berar on 11 October. The historians represent the battle as having
been fiercely contested. Nizam-ul-Mulk's army was at one time
thrown into some confusion by the unsuccessful attempt of a force
of the enemy to plunder its camp and baggage, a stratagem usual in
the Deccan.