15
4 Italy 1918: Falsification of the results of war,
politics in a big way.
4 Italy 1918: Falsification of the results of war,
politics in a big way.
Sloterdijk-Post-War
W
? TRACE
Peter Sloterdijk
Theory of the Post-War Periods Observations on Franco-German relations since 1945
With a Foreword by Klaus-Dieter Mu? ller
Translated from the German by Robert Payne
SpringerWienNewYork
Prof. Dr. Peter Sloterdijk
This work is subject to copyright.
All rights are reserved, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically those of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, broadcast- ing, reproduction by photocopying machines or similar means, and storage in data banks.
Product Liability: The use of registered names, trademarks, etc. in this pu- blication does not imply, even in the absence of specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and the- refore free for general use.
Springer-Verlag Wien New York is part of Springer Science+Business Media springer. at
Copy editing: Nadja Schiller (ZHdK)
Graphic design: Springer-Verlag, Vienna
Printed by: Ferdinand Berger & So? hne Ges. m. b. H. , 3580 Horn, Austria
Printed on acid-free and chlorine-free bleached paper - TCF SPIN: 12268290
Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek
Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deut- schen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet u? ber http://dnb. d-nb. de abrufbar.
Library of Congress Control Number: 2008939460
ISSN 1863-6411
ISBN 978-3-211-79913-0 Springer-Verlag Wien New York
Contents
Klaus-Dieter Mu? ller: Foreword . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
1 Europe,post-historical . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8
2 Heiner Mu? hlmann's Maximal-Stress- Cooperation-Theory. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
3 Europe after Napoleon . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
4 Italy 1918: Falsification of the results of war,
politics in a big way. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18
5 France 1945: The double falsification. . . . . . . . . . . 21
6 Germany1945:Metanoia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27
7 France 2007: Imperial temptation and the
implosion of the left-wing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30
8 Germany 2007: The idiot of the European family
in the phase of normalization - the Walser Affair . . . 36
9 Happy disassociation: Polemological prospects
with Rene? Girard . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
15
4 Italy 1918: Falsification of the results of war,
politics in a big way. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18
5 France 1945: The double falsification. . . . . . . . . . . 21
6 Germany1945:Metanoia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27
7 France 2007: Imperial temptation and the
implosion of the left-wing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30
8 Germany 2007: The idiot of the European family
in the phase of normalization - the Walser Affair . . . 36
9 Happy disassociation: Polemological prospects
with Rene? Girard . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44
About the Author . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50
Foreword
Klaus-Dieter Mu? ller
Following defeat in battle every culture receives the opportu- nity to re-evaluate its normative basic attitudes or as Sloterdijk puts it 'its moral grammar'. Procedures of this kind either end in a process assuming energies of revenge or the decision is made to transform the cultural rules ascertained as detrimental to behavioural patterns of a less harmful form. Is there such a thing as a civilizing influence of cultures by reorientation which brings about post-heroic values? Peter Sloterdijk uses the term 'metanoia' to describe this process. He does not mean by this Christian repentance but pragmatic relearning in order to in- crease civilisational viability (see p. 14). Sloterdijk calls the victor's post-stressory work of evaluation 'affirmation'.
In his, in reference to 'metanoia' and 'affirmation', exemplary "excursion into the jubilee culture" of Franco-German rela- tions Sloterdijk awards the Germans a "process which at no time complicated but also at no time threatened the metanoeth- ical tranformation process of the vanquished German people", which in its extreme forms consisted of triumphant self-hate and aggression towards each and every national tradition. This is reflected in the biographies of many Germans. In my case it was the same as in many other families, quarrels arose as to guilt and responsibility.
While German criticism spoke to a population which despite all antagonistic tendencies could not deny being guilty of the accusations made, French criticism was directed at a society acquitted and in need of elucidation as to their dro^le de libe? ra- tion. "This may well be the reason why the intellectual Ger-
1
many is the only place in the world where an old-fashioned correspondence theory of truth still dominates. Here defeat is called defeat (and a crime a crime) - and the remaining words are also gauged to this semantic primal scale. It is only here that the religion of the objective referee holds sway. The intel- lectual France prefers the politically more elegant and rhetori- cally more attractive position where words and things belong to separate systems. " (see p. 26).
Despite disparate post-war processes, in Germany 'metanoia' and in France 'affirmation' of the imaginary victor, both na- tions have come a long way together. It is a common belief that nothing will work in Europe unless France and Germany are in agreement. Franco-German relations, Franco-German affairs, Franco-German friendship: What next? The Franco-German methods of dealing with each other are often described as be- ing exemplary; it has almost become a legend. Peter Sloterdijk calls this legend into question by turning the political credo upside down.
He talks about Franco-German relations, regardless of the fact that "there is nothing new that can be said on this theme which could not come from audiotape" (see p. 10), Sloterdijk offers a preliminary rehearsal for philosophical commentary on the Franco-German day of commemoration taking place on 8th July 2012 marking the fiftieth anniversary of Charles de Gaulle and Konrad Adenauer attending the historical service of reconcilia- tion in the coronation cathedral in Reims. He calls the arrange- ment made by the French President and the German Chancel- lor "the healing disentanglement of the two nations" (see p. 45) According to Sloterdijk this represented the termination of a fatally closeknit relationship which reached back to the era of the Napoleonic wars at least. For a long time the Germans and the French had become caught up in an endless cycle of mim-
2
icry, imitation, one-upmanship and projective empathy with each other. What de Gaulle and Adenauer pledged each other was an everlasting non-attachment and in some ways even a permanent state of indifference. The good relationship, or at least functional relationship, which has existed since then rest on the solid foundations of the non-attachment which has been finally achieved - diplomatically described as friendship be- tween the two nations.
The post-war period began with a French policy of occupation, which was strongly characterized by 'improvisation'1. Neverthe- less in the spirit of 'affirmation' the objective was unanimously clear: to restore France to its former national greatness. Only as a late occupying power was France able to participate in the post-war policies concerning Germany by means of the conces- sions made by the other allies - or as Sloterdijk puts it "the re-interpretation of the results of the war". France was certainly not in a position to prepare for this role in advance. However, there had been considerations on the side of the French in the resistance groups in Algier and London before the end of the war in reference to a re-educational programme for Germany emanating from France2.
Right from the very beginning the French policy of occupa- tion was typified by a comprehensive cultural policy, partly as an aspect of the security policy and partly as a demonstration of France's cultural superiority in comparison with the other
Cheval, Rene? : ? Die Bildungspolitik in der Franzo? sischen Besatzungszone" in: Hein- emann, Manfred (Hg. ): Umerziehung und Wiederaufbau. Die Bildungspolitik der Be- satzungsma? chte in Deutschland und O? sterreich, Stuttgart 1981, p. 190-200, here p. 190
Gerard, Francis: Que faire de l'Allemagne? Algier 1943, see Ruge-Schatz: ? Grund- probleme der Kulturpolitik in der franzo? sischen Besatzungszone" in: Scharf, Claus und Schro? der, H. -J. (Hgs. ): Die Deutschlandpolitik Frankreichs und die Franzo? sische Zone 1945-1949, Wiesbaden 1983, p. 91-110
? 3
Allies. This so-called 'Machtersatzpolitik'3 which arose from intellectual-cultural Messianism had well-established roots in France. Among these were the Roman legacy, the influence of the Catholic church with its universal pretensions and the very early formation of a powerful central state drawing on the Cath- olic religion for support4. In addition the French Revolution supplied the values of democracy, liberty and progress. They made the civilisatory consciousness the business of an entire people. The Federal Republic of Germany seemed to France to be a "land in need of cultural missionary work"5. Eighteen French cultural institutes were created in the first ten years after the end of the war in Germany, considerably more than in any other western European country. The Germans on their part were, in the spirit of 'metanoethical' re-orientation, ini- tially very interested in the French cultural imports.
The scale on which this re-orientation and 'self-discovery' in the framework of rebuilding the nation progressed meant that the Germans began to develop a new self-assurance. They also became more confident and independent in their Franco-Ger- man initiatives in communication - and a kind of de-fascina- tion emerged. Those actively shaping the Franco-German cul- tural exchange observed an increasing disinterest in France in general and especially in contemporary French art and culture. Many Germans cling to a specific image of French culture "as if
Clemens, Gabriele: ? Die britische Kulturpolitik in Deutschland: Musik, Theater, Film und Literatur" in: Clemens, Gabriele (Hg. ): Die Kulturpolitik im besetzten Deut- schland, Stuttgart 1994, p. 200-218, here p. 203
Salon, Albert: L'Action culturelle de la France dans le monde, Paris 1983, p.
? TRACE
Peter Sloterdijk
Theory of the Post-War Periods Observations on Franco-German relations since 1945
With a Foreword by Klaus-Dieter Mu? ller
Translated from the German by Robert Payne
SpringerWienNewYork
Prof. Dr. Peter Sloterdijk
This work is subject to copyright.
All rights are reserved, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically those of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, broadcast- ing, reproduction by photocopying machines or similar means, and storage in data banks.
Product Liability: The use of registered names, trademarks, etc. in this pu- blication does not imply, even in the absence of specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and the- refore free for general use.
Springer-Verlag Wien New York is part of Springer Science+Business Media springer. at
Copy editing: Nadja Schiller (ZHdK)
Graphic design: Springer-Verlag, Vienna
Printed by: Ferdinand Berger & So? hne Ges. m. b. H. , 3580 Horn, Austria
Printed on acid-free and chlorine-free bleached paper - TCF SPIN: 12268290
Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek
Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deut- schen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet u? ber http://dnb. d-nb. de abrufbar.
Library of Congress Control Number: 2008939460
ISSN 1863-6411
ISBN 978-3-211-79913-0 Springer-Verlag Wien New York
Contents
Klaus-Dieter Mu? ller: Foreword . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
1 Europe,post-historical . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8
2 Heiner Mu? hlmann's Maximal-Stress- Cooperation-Theory. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
3 Europe after Napoleon . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
4 Italy 1918: Falsification of the results of war,
politics in a big way. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18
5 France 1945: The double falsification. . . . . . . . . . . 21
6 Germany1945:Metanoia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27
7 France 2007: Imperial temptation and the
implosion of the left-wing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30
8 Germany 2007: The idiot of the European family
in the phase of normalization - the Walser Affair . . . 36
9 Happy disassociation: Polemological prospects
with Rene? Girard . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
15
4 Italy 1918: Falsification of the results of war,
politics in a big way. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18
5 France 1945: The double falsification. . . . . . . . . . . 21
6 Germany1945:Metanoia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27
7 France 2007: Imperial temptation and the
implosion of the left-wing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30
8 Germany 2007: The idiot of the European family
in the phase of normalization - the Walser Affair . . . 36
9 Happy disassociation: Polemological prospects
with Rene? Girard . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44
About the Author . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50
Foreword
Klaus-Dieter Mu? ller
Following defeat in battle every culture receives the opportu- nity to re-evaluate its normative basic attitudes or as Sloterdijk puts it 'its moral grammar'. Procedures of this kind either end in a process assuming energies of revenge or the decision is made to transform the cultural rules ascertained as detrimental to behavioural patterns of a less harmful form. Is there such a thing as a civilizing influence of cultures by reorientation which brings about post-heroic values? Peter Sloterdijk uses the term 'metanoia' to describe this process. He does not mean by this Christian repentance but pragmatic relearning in order to in- crease civilisational viability (see p. 14). Sloterdijk calls the victor's post-stressory work of evaluation 'affirmation'.
In his, in reference to 'metanoia' and 'affirmation', exemplary "excursion into the jubilee culture" of Franco-German rela- tions Sloterdijk awards the Germans a "process which at no time complicated but also at no time threatened the metanoeth- ical tranformation process of the vanquished German people", which in its extreme forms consisted of triumphant self-hate and aggression towards each and every national tradition. This is reflected in the biographies of many Germans. In my case it was the same as in many other families, quarrels arose as to guilt and responsibility.
While German criticism spoke to a population which despite all antagonistic tendencies could not deny being guilty of the accusations made, French criticism was directed at a society acquitted and in need of elucidation as to their dro^le de libe? ra- tion. "This may well be the reason why the intellectual Ger-
1
many is the only place in the world where an old-fashioned correspondence theory of truth still dominates. Here defeat is called defeat (and a crime a crime) - and the remaining words are also gauged to this semantic primal scale. It is only here that the religion of the objective referee holds sway. The intel- lectual France prefers the politically more elegant and rhetori- cally more attractive position where words and things belong to separate systems. " (see p. 26).
Despite disparate post-war processes, in Germany 'metanoia' and in France 'affirmation' of the imaginary victor, both na- tions have come a long way together. It is a common belief that nothing will work in Europe unless France and Germany are in agreement. Franco-German relations, Franco-German affairs, Franco-German friendship: What next? The Franco-German methods of dealing with each other are often described as be- ing exemplary; it has almost become a legend. Peter Sloterdijk calls this legend into question by turning the political credo upside down.
He talks about Franco-German relations, regardless of the fact that "there is nothing new that can be said on this theme which could not come from audiotape" (see p. 10), Sloterdijk offers a preliminary rehearsal for philosophical commentary on the Franco-German day of commemoration taking place on 8th July 2012 marking the fiftieth anniversary of Charles de Gaulle and Konrad Adenauer attending the historical service of reconcilia- tion in the coronation cathedral in Reims. He calls the arrange- ment made by the French President and the German Chancel- lor "the healing disentanglement of the two nations" (see p. 45) According to Sloterdijk this represented the termination of a fatally closeknit relationship which reached back to the era of the Napoleonic wars at least. For a long time the Germans and the French had become caught up in an endless cycle of mim-
2
icry, imitation, one-upmanship and projective empathy with each other. What de Gaulle and Adenauer pledged each other was an everlasting non-attachment and in some ways even a permanent state of indifference. The good relationship, or at least functional relationship, which has existed since then rest on the solid foundations of the non-attachment which has been finally achieved - diplomatically described as friendship be- tween the two nations.
The post-war period began with a French policy of occupation, which was strongly characterized by 'improvisation'1. Neverthe- less in the spirit of 'affirmation' the objective was unanimously clear: to restore France to its former national greatness. Only as a late occupying power was France able to participate in the post-war policies concerning Germany by means of the conces- sions made by the other allies - or as Sloterdijk puts it "the re-interpretation of the results of the war". France was certainly not in a position to prepare for this role in advance. However, there had been considerations on the side of the French in the resistance groups in Algier and London before the end of the war in reference to a re-educational programme for Germany emanating from France2.
Right from the very beginning the French policy of occupa- tion was typified by a comprehensive cultural policy, partly as an aspect of the security policy and partly as a demonstration of France's cultural superiority in comparison with the other
Cheval, Rene? : ? Die Bildungspolitik in der Franzo? sischen Besatzungszone" in: Hein- emann, Manfred (Hg. ): Umerziehung und Wiederaufbau. Die Bildungspolitik der Be- satzungsma? chte in Deutschland und O? sterreich, Stuttgart 1981, p. 190-200, here p. 190
Gerard, Francis: Que faire de l'Allemagne? Algier 1943, see Ruge-Schatz: ? Grund- probleme der Kulturpolitik in der franzo? sischen Besatzungszone" in: Scharf, Claus und Schro? der, H. -J. (Hgs. ): Die Deutschlandpolitik Frankreichs und die Franzo? sische Zone 1945-1949, Wiesbaden 1983, p. 91-110
? 3
Allies. This so-called 'Machtersatzpolitik'3 which arose from intellectual-cultural Messianism had well-established roots in France. Among these were the Roman legacy, the influence of the Catholic church with its universal pretensions and the very early formation of a powerful central state drawing on the Cath- olic religion for support4. In addition the French Revolution supplied the values of democracy, liberty and progress. They made the civilisatory consciousness the business of an entire people. The Federal Republic of Germany seemed to France to be a "land in need of cultural missionary work"5. Eighteen French cultural institutes were created in the first ten years after the end of the war in Germany, considerably more than in any other western European country. The Germans on their part were, in the spirit of 'metanoethical' re-orientation, ini- tially very interested in the French cultural imports.
The scale on which this re-orientation and 'self-discovery' in the framework of rebuilding the nation progressed meant that the Germans began to develop a new self-assurance. They also became more confident and independent in their Franco-Ger- man initiatives in communication - and a kind of de-fascina- tion emerged. Those actively shaping the Franco-German cul- tural exchange observed an increasing disinterest in France in general and especially in contemporary French art and culture. Many Germans cling to a specific image of French culture "as if
Clemens, Gabriele: ? Die britische Kulturpolitik in Deutschland: Musik, Theater, Film und Literatur" in: Clemens, Gabriele (Hg. ): Die Kulturpolitik im besetzten Deut- schland, Stuttgart 1994, p. 200-218, here p. 203
Salon, Albert: L'Action culturelle de la France dans le monde, Paris 1983, p.
