No More Learning

, by the extremely interesting narrative by arch-
bishop Abbot of his own sequestration (1627) reported in vol. 1 of the Stuart Tracts 17
(1903) from The English Garner, which includes not only a clear, and, in the circum-
stances, fair, account of the system of Laud, but, also, a curious sketch of the rise of
Buckingham.
in


## p. 188 (#204) ############################################

188
Historical and Political Writings
(1616—68), which extends from the year 1649 to the restoration,
with the addition of some papers belonging to the last eleven years
of Charles I. Against Thurloe, an 'antidote,' if it is to be so called,
was posthumously supplied in the important collection known as
the Clarendon State Papers preserved in the Bodleian and
calendared in three volumes. The first of these volumes, which
reaches to the year 1649, deals, to a great extent, with docu-
ments collected for the use of Clarendon when he was writing
the earlier books of his History of the Rebellion, together with
his own letters and the correspondence of his secretary Edgeman.
The second volume is concerned with copies of Charles II's dis- 7. 3
guised correspondence with members of the royal family and
royalists in England, and a series of newsletters addressed to
Edgeman by Richard Watson, an ejected fellow of Caius college,
and a similar series sent from London to Sir Edward Nicholas at
a
the Hague. The third contains a list of the state papers of the
years 1655 to 1657-records of plots and negotiations for the
restoration of the king, of which only a small proportion had been
previously printed.
If it is not always easy to discriminate between the public and
private letters of sovereigns, or of their ministers and agents at
home and abroad, and other important functionaries of state, this
difficulty often becomes an impossibility in the period now under
review. So long as the personal authority of the sovereign was
the very essence of the existing system of government, the sense
of that authority dominated all his communications, whether with
members of the royal family or with others; while a more or less
direct personal relation to the sovereign seemed to pervade
despatches, reports and letters of all kinds on business of state.
This feature finds abundant illustrations in the letters, noted
below, of ambassadors of the type of Sir Henry Wotton; and,
no doubt, some of the mental characteristics of James I led his
diplomatists to adapt their communications to the idiosyncrasy
of the recipient. The king's curiosity was endless, and his sagacity
fell little short of his curiosity; he loved a good story and was
quick in understanding the point of a joke? But it should also
be remembered that the early Stewart age had inherited from the
Elizabethan a prose diction intent upon the display of two qualities
not always mutually reconcileable-amplitude and point; so that
few men and women, least of all those whose epistles were likely
to pass through a succession of hands, sat down to write a letter
1 See bibliography as to The Prince's Cabala.


## p. 189 (#205) ############################################

Cromwell's Letters
189
without the desire of leaving it, when done, a finished production
in the way of style.
The letters of queen Henrietta Maria, including her corre-
spondence with the king, have been collated by Mrs Everett
Green from both the English and the French archives. Though,
in the case of the daughter of Henri IV, everything turned to
failure as, with him, most things ended in success, and, though,
with the best of intentions, her efforts largely contributed to
aggravate the misfortunes of her consort, she was a true daughter
of the one, as she was, in another sense, the true wife of the
other, king. Her letters have a style of their own, which, in the
earlier among them, is accentuated by her pretty broken English.
As the toils close round the king and she is perpetually urging
him to burst through them, the letters to her 'dear heart' gain in
intensity what they lose in charm. The correspondence, which
ought to have come to a close with her joyful message to her son
on his restoration—if you are torn to pieces in England with
“kindness," I have my share of it also in France'-drags to a
weary end, full of the miseries of money troubles and veiled
personal mysteries which seem still not to have been quite set
at rest.
A few words may seem in place here on the letters, and the
speeches, of Oliver Cromwell, which are alike familiar to modern
readers in Carlyle's subjective presentment. As Mrs Lomas, the
latest editor of these remains, puts the matter, Cromwell was an
accurate writer; and this makes it both possible and desirable
to restore the actual text of his letters. But the case is quite
different with the speeches; here, we have only what Cromwell
is reported to have said, sometimes taken down in shorthand only,
and often under disadvantages of time and place.
On the other hand, the frankness with which his thoughts are
laid bare as his sense of responsibility to the Divine source of
authority causes him to ignore all other considerations prevails
more and more completely as the speeches progress ; while such
is not the case with the letters. On the contrary, some of the
early letters, from the point of view of sincerity, are more 'con-
vincing' than a diplomatic communication to Mazarin or a mandate
to Cambridge university. Yet, as a whole, Cromwell's letters,
which, when necessity obliged, were matter-of-fact and businesslike,
are full of those touches of intimacy and those suggestions of indi-
vidual conviction which give to a letter its true charm and its real
force. Cromwell, if one may so put it, was a born letter-writer.


## p. 190 (#206) ############################################

190 Historical and Political Writings
Fairfax seems to have left to him the task of drawing up despatches
to Speaker Lenthall describing victorious actions; and Carlyle and
Gardiner agree that it was Cromwell himself who composed the
fateful manifesto of the army to the city of London. Few more
powerfully written state papers exist than the declaration of the
lord lieutenant of Ireland (in reply to the Roman Catholic council
of Kilkenny, 1650), though its account of earlier Irish history may
be regarded as more than doubtful'. Nothing, in its way, could
be more dignified than his message accepting the Oxford vice-
chancellorship’, or, again, more broad-minded than his advice to
his son Richard to recreate himself with ‘Sir Walter Raughley's
History' Among Cromwell's speeches, it is a difficult task to
select the most noteworthy. But it may not be amiss to direct
attention to two of them, as typical of his treatment of some of
the problems with which, in the course of his career, he found
himself face to face. In the great speech to the Barebones
parliament“, he raises a whole edifice of theory as to the elo-
quence of words and that of deeds; and the speech challenging
the confidence of his own first parliament is an unmistakably able
pronouncement, especially in reference to his own position.
Probably the most trustworthy text of any of his speeches is
that of the speech against the Levellers, revised by himself as
delivered in January 1655º.
The value of ambassadorial despatches as materials of history
was recognised at an early date. According to Bacon? , they are
ad historiam pretiosissima supellex ; and, in Sir George Carew's
introduction to his Relation of the State of France, addressed
to James I on Carew's return from his embassy to Henri IVS, the
original letters and papers of leading actors in the management
of affairs are described as the only true and unerring sources
of history. But, though Sarpi (father Paul), the illustrious
'
historian of the council of Trent (1619), by his use of materials of
this nature, had already set an example which, before long, was to
be followed by English historical writers, it had not occurred to
the statesmen and diplomatists of the reigns of Elizabeth and
James I to publish, or allow to be published, their works' of this
description; and, had it occurred to them, they would probably
soon have been made to change their minds.
6
1 Vol. II, pp. 5 ff. (Mrs Lomas's edition).
3 Vol. 11, p. 54.
• Vol. 11, pp. 339 ff.
? De Augmentis (1623).
2 Vol. 11, p. 180.
• Vol. , pp. 272 ff.
8 Vol. II, p. 405.
8 Printed in Birch's Negotiations.


## p. 191 (#207) ############################################

Sir Dudley Digges
191
It may be disputed whether the golden age of English diplo-
macy should be placed in the years in which the great queen was
warily staving off, though she knew it to be inevitable, the critical
struggle with Spain, or in the reign of her successor, confident,
almost to the last, of his ability to gain by negotiation the European
authority which he was unprepared to assert by the alternative
method of blood and iron. But it is certain that few publications
of diplomatic history have exercised a greater effect than one
which was given to the world in 1654, when a new epoch was
opening in English foreign policy and the protector's military
state, after asserting itself as the dominant great power of Europe,
seemed about to become the head of a protestant alliance holding
the balance in both hemispheres? . It was at this time that there
appeared in print a posthumous publication by Sir Dudley Digges,
late master of the rolls (1583-1639), entitled The Compleat
Ambassador: or Two Treaties of the Intended Marriage of Qu.
Elizabeth of Glorious Memory. In this work, the history of the
negotiations as to the Anjou and Alençon matches carried on
during Walsingham's embassy (1570—3, dates covering that of the
massacre of St Bartholomew) became public property in the shape of
the despatches of Walsingham, and the replies of Burghley, Leicester
and Sir Thomas Smith. No similar revelation had hitherto taken
place in England, where, notwithstanding the assiduous exertions
of James. I's diplomatists, very little attention had been paid to
their activity by outsiders. But the publisher, encouraged by the
success of Cabala”, a curious medley of letters and papers of the
reigns of James and Charles I which appeared in 1654, anticipated
a great success for his experiment, and was not deceived. The
time was propitious for a study of the diplomatic processes of the
most aggressively protestant of queen Elizabeth's ambassadors,
whose policy of securing the alliance of France against Spain was
just about to experience a revival. Thus, the book, having rapidly
gone into a second edition, was, in due course, translated into
French, and came to be repeatedly cited in Wicquefort's celebrated
manual, L'Ambassadeur et ses Fonctions
Sir Henry Wotton, of whose writings some general account has
been given in a previous volume", was one of the most accomplished,
1 Cf. Stäblin, K. , Sir Francis Walsingham und seine Zeit (Heidelberg, 1908),
vol, i, ad fin.
: As to his and his son's pamphlets, see bibliography.
• To be distinguished, of course, from The Prince's Cabala.
• See vol. iv, pp. 163–4, ibid. bibliography, p. 484.


## p. 192 (#208) ############################################

192
Historical and Political Writings
as he was one of the most voluminous, letter-writers of his age.
Many of his letters are printed in the successive editions of
Reliquiae Wottonianae ; but a very large number has been added
by the zeal of his most recent biographer'. In the case of a con-
siderable portion of these letters, it is useless to seek to distinguish
between what is of the nature of private or of public information.
Intended primarily for the eye of his royal master, Wotton's semi-
official letters blend the report of high affairs of state and the offer
of grave political advice with table-talk. Of this he was a master;
he practised it to perfection with the members of his embassy
at Venice, and he seasoned it with a great deal of wit. The
genial humour of his later years, when, in his Eton provostship,
he had found such mental repose as is possible to an active spirit,
was, necessarily, of slower growth.
While, as a diplomatist, Wotton exercised, at least at Venice,
a stronger influence than quite suited his master's policy, his
literary ambition, except in a poetic gem by which it would have
surprised him to find himself most widely remembered, never
carried him far in the direction of achievement. His authorship
of The State of Christendom, a survey of the political world in
1594, still remains doubtful, and, as a historian, he never accom-
plished more than the Characters of Essex and Buckingham, with
Some Observations by way of Parallel; a short Life and Death
of the former favourite; a Latin Panegyrick of King Charles,
written at Eton not long before his death, and, among a few other
fragments or incidental pieces, a page of an intended History of
Venice, which no man could have seemed either by experience or
by insight more competent to write. The history of England from
Henry VIII, which it was the wish of Charles I that Wotton should
execute, he never seems to have taken in hand. In the world
of letters, he was a man of projects, as in that of politics he was
a man of designs--and it is this perennial freshness of mind which,
added to the nobility of his aims and the grace of his style, makes
him a delightful letter-writer.
A species of correspondents which is more fully discussed
elsewhere in this volume? , cannot be altogether passed by in the
present connection. 'Intelligencers,' as they were called, played
a part of some importance in the earlier Stewart period. They
1 The Life and Letters of Sir Henry Wotton (1907) by Logan Pearsall
Smith.
See chapter on The Beginnings of English Journalism, post.


## p. 193 (#209) ############################################

Intelligencers. Private Letters
193
>
were professed writers of news employed by ambassadors residing
abroad, or by persons of consequence at home, to furnish them
with a continuous budget of news concerning events in England
and in other countries. Obviously, the value of these communica-
tions was enhanced, if private letters could be added from persons
connected with the court and likely to be au courant of its secrets
or, at all events, of its gossip, or from others filling important
positions abroad. It is of such 'intelligence' as this that is com-
posed the collection transcribed by T. Birch from various sources
and published from his MSS in the British Museum under the
title The Court and Times of James I. The most prolific
'intelligencer' in this collection is John Chamberlain, who is
responsible for not less than 116 in the first, and 122 in the
second, volume. Most of his letters are addressed to Carleton,
to whom, when in Paris, all but one letter of another series are
likewise addressed. Chamberlain's letters, or many of them,
possess some of the qualities of later journalism, without some
of their defects. Their news includes gossip of all sorts, but
they are straightforward in statement, while their simplicity of
style must have refreshed diplomatists, who had 'oratory' enough
to compose on their own account. It must not be forgotten that
these were private letters intended for private recipients, and that
the freedom of comment which makes them pleasant reading would
not have been possible under any other circumstances!
Letters in which public and private ingredients intermix were
familiar already to the Elizabethans, as they must be to every age
in which a sense of form has come to affect all varieties of written,
and not a few of spoken, composition. Bacon, as is known, was a
great letter-writer and owed something of the strength which he
shows even in this relatively loose branch of writing to the example
of his mother. This lady identified herself to an extraordinary
degree with the interests of her sons, though her puritanism was of
a hard flawlessness to which neither of them could attain. Bacon
himself was in so many respects greater than his age that the chief
significance of his own priceless letters lies in their biographical
value. But the light which they throw on affairs of state in which
he was an actor, or of which he was an interested spectator, or (as
i Francis Osborne, the author of Advice to a Son and other easy-going manuals
of knowledge and conduct, declares, in the first-named work, that it is an Office
unbecoming a Gentleman to be an Intelligencer, which in real Truth is no better
than & Spie. '
? See her letters in Spedding's Letters and Life, vol. 1, pp. 110 ff.
13
E. L. VII.
CH. VIII.


## p. 194 (#210) ############################################

194
Historical and Political Writings
in the early Essex episode ) something of both, is of the utmost
importance for the historical student; and the fact that, in not a
few of these letters, Bacon appears as a keen politician nurtured in
the Elizabethan traditions of a patriotic hatred of Spain, is only
part of their general evidence showing the many-sidedness of his
nature, by no means alien from the sympathies and antipathies
common to those around him. A special literary interest attaches
to the interesting letters to Sir Toby Matthew on Instauratio
Magna, and to the Letter to the King upon the sending unto him
of a beginning of a History of His Majesties Time? .
In the reign of Charles I, few historical students will fail to
turn to the letters of the great statesman by whom the king's
councils were guided in the most critical period of his rule. The
Earl of Strafford's Letters and Despatches, extending over the
years 1611 to 1640, show forth a man who, though overwhelmed
by the 'violent hate' of a people refusing to be coerced into good
government, thoroughly knew his own mind and could forgive his
sovereign for not knowing his own? .
As we pass into the period of the civil war, our attention is
claimed, after the letters of Oliver Cromwell already noticed, by
The Fairfax Correspondence, and the Memorials of the Civil War
which forms the conclusion of the series. Unfortunately, these
volumes, which relate the history of a family genuinely English
in its temperament and bearing, and include correspondence with
many personages prominent in the struggle, are written in the
confusing form, popularised by Carlyle, of running narrative inter-
spersed with original letters. The same form is more successfully
adopted in one of the most attractive records of family history
belonging to the period from the outbreak of the civil war to the
revolution of 1688 (and beyond); but, in this instance, the design
is carried out with so much of both objectivity and freshness as
to leave little room for cavil.
The Letters and Papers of the Verney Family down to the
end of the year 1639 were first printed in 1833. They are docu-
ments of a family history which goes back to the reign of king
John, covers the wars of the Roses and the Tudor reigns, and
relates the story of the journey into Spain of Charles prince of
Wales, on whom Edward Verney attended. But the collection
ends with the Scottish expedition of king Charles, when his
standard-bearer, Sir Edmund Verney, was again in his train, in
1 Ibid. vol. 11.
2 These are in vol. Iv.
3 First published in 1739. See bibliography.


## p. 195 (#211) ############################################

The Verney Letters
195
1639. Here, the tale was taken up by pious hands and carried
on through three series of Memoirs of the Verney Family during
the civil war, during the commonwealth and from the restoration
to the year 1696. The story, like the stately and hospitable English
house which forms its centre, is full of portraits; but, in their book,
the tact of the editresses has allowed these to be mainly self-painted.
The Verneys, before and during the seventeenth century, were, in
the words of the elder lady Verney,
an ordinary gentleman's family of the higher class, mixing a good deal in the
politics of their times, with considerable country and local influence; Members
of Parliament, sheriffs, magistrates, soldiers--never place-men-marrying in
their own degree, with no splendid talents or positions to boast of, no crimes,
either noble or ignoble, to make them notorious, and, for that very reason,
good average specimens of hundreds of men or women of their age.
6
They were, at the same time, a family that cherished, in prosperity
and in adversity alike, the principles of conduct in both public and
private life to the observation of which the greatness and the
freedom of England are deeply indebted; and, in their case, the
principles in question were practised not less constantly by
the women than by the men. Sir Edmund Verney, ultimus
Angliae Bannerettus, who, with many misgivings as to the policy
of Charles I, had loyally adhered to his cause, fell at Edge-
hill, his right hand, with the royal standard in its grasp, being
severed from his arm; the responsibilities of the headship of the
family descended to his son Ralph and remained with him for
nearly half a century. While Sir Edmund was described as 'one
of the strictness of a Puritan, of the charity of a papist, of the
civility of an Englishman,' Sir Ralph is an admirable example of
the best class of country gentleman of his or any day, gentle and
courteous, the mainstay of his brothers and sisters and kinsmen
and kinswomen of every degree, a thorough man of business, sober
in his religious views, and, in his political, loyal to his convictions,
but with a self-reliant loyalty unintelligible either to courts or to
mobs. Though he had taken the side of the parliament during the
civil war, he went into exile rather than accept the covenant, and
remained there for several years—even after the sequestration
of bis estates had been removed, thanks to the self-sacrificing
exertions of his wife Mary, the heroine par excellence of the
Verney records—Mischief, as Sir Ralph fondly called her, and,
in person, another Henrietta Maria', though not in the benefits
1 There is a prima facie resemblance between the portraits of the two ladies, both
of whom were small in stature.
13_2


## p. 196 (#212) ############################################

196 Historical and Political Writings
which her services brought to her husband. After its chief had
quitted house and country, the remainder of the family seemed to
fall to pieces—the brave Sir Edmund Verney the younger, slain at
Drogheda ; Tom, the black sheep of the family, a most unfortunate
traveller' by land and sea, and the rest of them. But Sir Ralph
survived his beloved wife for nearly half a century, and, in the
days of Charles II and James II, again sat in parliament, and was
again found on the side of civil and religious liberty. The history
of the times, public as well as private, is spread out before us in
this family correspondence, as it had been in no previous collection
since the Paston letters. It may, perhaps, be added that the in-
fluence of literature or learning upon the Verney family is not
perceptibly important, though some of them had been partly
educated at Oxford. The education of ladies in the seventeenth
century was, undoubtedly, inferior to that of some of their Eliza-
bethan predecessors? ; their penmanship is execrable, and their
spelling purely phonetic.
The Correspondence of the Family of Hatton (1601–1704),
though it cannot compare in breadth of interest to the Verney
papers, is one of the most amusing of the collections dating from
this period; though what has been published only forms part of a
larger family correspondence”, and mainly dates from post-restora-
tion times. Lord chancellor Sir Christopher Hatton, of Elizabethan
fame, left a son and namesake who, after the restoration, became
governor of Jersey, and was succeeded in this office by his son,
afterwards first viscount Hatton, to whom most of the letters now
printed were addressed. Nothing can be more characteristic of
the ‘frank age' from which they date than these outspoken family
communings, of which the spelling, by no means the least of their
charms, has, happily, not been modernised by their editor.
For final mention among the letter-writers of this period it has
been thought well to reserve one who may, perhaps, be considered
as the most widely representative of them all, inasmuch as, while
himself not unaccustomed to the lower walks of diplomacy, it is
rather as an 'intelligencer' of long standing, and as a more or less
private letter-writer, that he established his claim to the place
1 This does not specially apply to Anne and Mary Fitton, passages from whose
letters have been published under the title Gossip from a Muniment Room (by lady
Newdigate-Newdegate, 1897), and carry us back to the years 1574—1618. Mary
played only too conspicuous a part at queen Elizabeth's court. Anne may be regarded
as one of the worthies of Warwickshire. Their letters contain more of the prose than
of the poetry of women's experience.
2 The MS Finch-Hatton Correspondence in the British Museum.


## p. 197 (#213) ############################################

James Howell
197
ology, he came tumbling into the world a grave Cadet, a true fees
which he holds in the history of English literature. At the same
time, his general literary activity was such that it would be neither
just nor convenient were not some general account of his literary
labours to be attempted in this place.
Although James Howell earned his appointment by Charles II
as historiographer royal of England by a long succession of publica-
tions to be classed as historical, his enduring title to literary fame
rests on his Familiar Letters (Epistolae Ho-Elianae), which can
only in part be described as historical writing. They occupy a
place of their own in the literature of essays and table-talk clothed
in the mainly fictitious form of personal letters. Before he began
his literary career, James Howell had led an active life, which had
extended over some forty-five years since, to use his own phrase-
',
Cosmopolite ; not born to Land, Lease, House or Office. ' He had
seen many cities and the dwellers therein beyond the limits of
England and his native Wales; he had been engaged in commercial
dealings in Venice and in diplomatic negotiations in Spain, besides
being temporarily employed in foreign service in Denmark and in
France; he had held an administrative post in York, and had thus
come to sit for a time in parliament; and he had been sent on a
confidential mission by Strafford from Dublin to Edinburgh and
London. In 1642, before he had actually begun to perform the
duties of clerk of the privy council, into which office he had been
sworn, he was imprisoned in the Fleet-because of his loyalty or
because of his debts, or for both reasons. During the eight or nine
years of his imprisonment, he lived the laborious life of a man
supporting himself by his pen, and produced a large proportion of
his numerous writings. In these, he at first kept up a display
of antagonism to presbyterianism, becoming, as a matter of course,
involved in controversy with Prynde; but this attitude he modified,
and, in 1651, he was released on bail. During the protectorate, he
sought to secure the goodwill of Cromwell, advocating a compromise
between him and the royal pretender. The restoration, naturally,
he welcomed ; but he obtained nothing from the crown beyond a
small gift of money (£200) and the office aforesaid. Some ironical
consolations addressed to him by disappointed cavaliers led to a
controversy between him and Sir Roger L'Estrange, who had not
much trouble in pointing out certain inconsistencies in Howell's
political profession. He died in 16661.
1 He was buried in the Temple church, where his monument is preserved, though
not on its original site.
>


## p. 198 (#214) ############################################

198
Historical and Political Writings
Such a life might well provide abundant materials for the
volume of Letters which Howell published from his prison in 1645,
and which was succeeded by a second volume in 1647, and a new
edition of both, with a third volume, in 1650. A fourth was added
in a collected edition which appeared in 1655. The reader will
not be long in discerning the fictitious character of many of these
letters. Even so outspoken a writer as he was would hardly have
.
cared actually to send to Buckingham, when at the height of his
power, the ‘few advertisements of the letter of advice (dated
13 February 1626/7), which I would not dare to present, had I not
hopes that the Goodness which is concomitant with your Greatness
would make them venial,' or have troubled Charles I, not long after
Marston moor, with variations on the consolatory fact that, in the
past, other kings had found themselves in an even worse plight.
There is further internal evidence to support the same conclusion,
besides the occasional great length of these letters, their sans gêne,
remarkable even in an age not habituated to reticence, their excess
of anecdotes (though often good in themselves, and always well
told) and of verse, with which an experienced man of the world
would scarcely have tired most of his correspondents. Moreover,
as a matter of fact, the few letters from Howell actually preserved
by those to whom they were sent,' are in a shorter and more
businesslike form.
Of the letters as we have them, some are lucid, as well as
readable, summaries of the political condition and historical de-
velopment of particular countries or communities—Venice, the
united provinces of the Netherlands, the Hanseatic league and
Spain (which he studied with particular curiosity); statements as
to the distribution of different religions on the earth, of the Jews
in Europe, and the like ; accounts of the inquisition, and of par-
ticular episodes of recent or contemporary history. Others are
practically nothing else than short essays—'middles,' as journalists
would call them on social or literary topics of divers kinds,
especially problems of language-for Howell was a scholar by
training as well as by instinct, and, in 1623, after some of his
travels were over, was elected a fellow of his college (Jesus) at
Oxford. His scientific interests appear to have been few, though
he could speculate on the changes in the human body, and,
in moral science, on the mysterious ways of Providence in its
dealing with man', and on demonology, for he was no exception
· Letter 4 in book iv (Jacobs's ed. ), there can be little doubt, is the original of
Parnell's famous tale of the hermit.


## p. 199 (#215) ############################################

Howell's Familiar Letters
199
6
to his generation in his belief in witchcraft. Occasionally, he
turns to more material topics—the potations of the chief nations of
the globe (from 'whisky' to 'cauphe') and the virtues of tobacco,
which even king James acknowledged in circumstances of stress?
All these matters, and a great many others, Howell discusses
in 'these rambling Letters,' 'which indeed,' he writes", "are
naught else than a Legend of the cumbersome Life and various
Fortunes of a Cadet'; and he deprecates the assurances of his
correspondent that
some of them are freighted with many excellent and quiet passages de
livered in a masculine and solid style, adorn'd with much eloquence and stuck
with the choicest flowers pick'd from the Muses garden.
But the praise was not, in all respects, undeserved. Howell com-
bined instruction and entertainment with admirable effect, and
possessed what was still the rare gift of imparting information
that was not only to a large extent new, but, also, true so far as
its purveyor could ascertain its truth.
Accuracy of detail, in the
matter of dates and places, was not his fortes; on the other hand,
neither was a tendency to exaggeration, or a habit of garbling his
facts so as to suit his point of view, among his foibles. And,
above all, he said what he had to say clearly, often with not a
little force, and with a humour usually apposite and sound. His
anti-puritanism (as the later conduct of his life shows) was not
very violent, and sometimes takes a rather ingenious turn”; his
personal piety was quite unaffected, though his way of placing on
record his religious habits may savour rather too much of what he
calls 'striking a talley in the Exchequer of Heaven. ' And if, on
this and other occasions, he may seem to talk overmuch about
himself—'what subject,' as Thackeray asks in a passage where
James Howell is honoured by being coupled with Montaigneº +
'does a man know better? ' Thus, his letters as a whole, and
especially the earlier (for the later are not altogether exempt
from the decline noticeable in most continuations) do not fall far
short of his own description of 'Familiar Letters' as
the Keys of the Mind; they open all the Boxes of one's Breast, all the cells
of the Brain, and truly set forth the inward Man; nor can the Pencil so
lively represent the Face as the Pen can do the Fancy? .
i When he found himself in a pigsty.
From the Fleet, 5 May, book 11, letter 61.
3 Syracuse, now Messina' (book I, sect. 1, letter 27), is, perhaps, a rather out-of-
the-way instance of looseness.
* See the clever comparison (it hardly deserves a higher kind of comme
mendation)
between the advantages of prayer and those of praise (book ni, letter 67).
5 Book 1, sect. iv, letter 32.
• Roundabout Papers: On Two Children in Black.
7 Book 11, letter 70.
>
6
5


## p. 200 (#216) ############################################

200
Historical and Political Writings
James Howell's literary activity was very far from being
exhausted by his letters; during the years from 1642 to 1651,
his pen was never at rest, and the habit, once acquired, was never
relinquished. But, in one way or another, most of his lesser pro-
ductions seem more or less supplementary to the work on which his
literary reputation rests. An apparent exception is Dendrologia,
Dodona's Grove, or the Vocall Forest (1640), the earliest of his
publications, which may be described as an allegorical gallery of
characters conveying, under the thin veil of the names of trees
or of designations derived from them, the political sympathies or
antipathies of the writer? An allegory of this sort admitted of
easy multiplication, and Howell appended to it a series of skeleton
pleas, similar in design, for the monarchical form of government?
A second appendix, England's Teares for the present Warres, is a
rhetorical lament by London's mother, England.
In a different vein-one of rough satirical humour—are two
curious pieces of Howell's later years, which, as it were, travesty
the sober summaries exemplified in his letters—A Brief Character
of the Low Countries under the States (1660) and A Perfect De-
scription of the Country of Scotland (1659). The satire against
the Dutch is at least accompanied by a recognition of some of
their merits; but the anti-Scottish tract descends into invective
80 bitter and so coarse that its date alone can excuse it"; the
unerring instinct of Wilkes, more than a century later, selected
it for reproduction, with a sly preamble, in No. 31 of The North
Briton (August 1762).
In his capacity as a traveller, Howell, though familiar only with
western, and parts of southern and central, Europe, promulgated
Instructions for Forreine Travell (1642, republished 1650, with a
1 Cedar' is the emperor; “Oke, Vine, Beech' are the kings of England, France,
Sweden and Poland ; • Elder' is duke Maximilian I of Bavaria (so-called both from his
age and the ill favour he hath amongst us '); 'Elmes,' the nobility; ·Ampeluna,'
France; Adriana,' Venice; 'Alchorana,' Turkey; "Druina,' England; ‘Boetia,'
the university of Oxford, etc. That the opinions suggested by the allegory are not
altogether conventional is shown by the character of Elaiana' (Spain, the land of
oil), which displays discriminating insight.
6
6
6
The Great Conjunction or Parliament of Stars; Ornilogia (sic), or The Great
Consult of Birds ; Anthologia, or Parliament of Flowers; The Assembly of Architects
(on the value of such a pillar as an ancient court of justice); The Insurrection of the
Winds (against rebellion).
* It ends with the expression of a desire that, if England and her Monarch mis-
carry, her Epitaph may be written by her dearly beloved Childe, James Howell. '
' • There are spiders as bigge as Shrimps, and I think as many'—'You may sooner
convert a Jew, than make an ordinary Dutch-man yeild to Arguments that Crosse him. '
5 If the Almighty came down from heaven in the last day with His Angels in their
whitest garments, the Scots 'would run away, crying, The Children of the Chappel are
come again to torment us, let us flie from the abomination of these boys. '
6


## p. 201 (#217) ############################################

Howell's Londinopolis
201
new appendix 'for Travelling into Turkey and the Levant parts,'
which, unlike Fynes Moryson and Coryate, he had himself never
visited). The little book is a very diverting, but, at the same time,
very rational anticipation of the introductions to guidebooks of later
days, containing, as it does, much valuable historical, political and
(allowing for the philological shortcomings of the age) linguistic
observation interspersed with interesting observations on men
and manners.
It could, however, hardly be that he should not be most at home
in London, where, by his own choice, or lodged by the parliament,
he spent a large portion of his life; and his Londinopolis ; An
Historical Discourse or Perlustration of the City of London
(1657), a careful guidebook of London, with a survey of its
several wards, and special mention of its lawcourts, is among
the last literary fruits of his life, bearing the characteristic motto
Senesco, non segnesco. It makes no pretence of being wholly
original; and, indeed, the author confesses that, in this instance, he
has followed the examples of the Lord Bacon's Henry the Seventh,
and my Lord Herbert's Henry the eighth,' of which the noble
authors,
though the composition, and digesting be theirs, whereby they determined
their Books, yet, under favour, touching the main ingredients . . . took them
from others, who had written the life of these Kings before.
Yet the work is far from deficient in vigour, and includes a
* Parallel with other great Cities,' showing in which of twenty
several points they are respectively inferior to London.
1 Of Coryate and his Crudities (1610), as well as of other English travellers, some-
thing has been said ante, vol. iv, pp. 89 ff. Midway between Coryate's over-advertised,
but, as a matter of fact, unjustly decried, book and James Howell's Instructions, there
appeared so much as up to a recent date was allowed to become publicly known of Fynes
Moryson's Travels. The first three parts of his Itinerary were published in 1617; but
part 1v, with an imprimatur dated 1626, remained, unprinted, at Corpus Christi college,
Oxford, till the more important portions of it were published, thanks to the energy of
Charles Hughes, in 1903. The whole work was originally written in Latin, in which form
it is preserved among the Harleian MSS in the British Museum. The English version is
also by Fynes Moryson. On the whole, he was an impartial, as well as a candid, observer,
whose eyes were open to national vices, such as Italian immorality and German
intemperance. Though by no means infallible in his statements of fact, he is not
habitually inaccurate. He writes in good Elizabethan prose, but without any effort
at displaying his scholarship after the fashion of James Howell.


## p. 202 (#218) ############################################

CHAPTER IX
HISTORICAL AND POLITICAL WRITINGS
II
HISTORIES AND MEMOIRS
In the present chapter, which has to deal with a number of
more or less conscious endeavours to put the results of historical
study or of personal experience into a literary shape, it seems well
to begin with a notice of some of the works produced in the period
under discussion which aimed at being perfect history' or history
proper. Whether the masterpiece of the historical works of the
age, Clarendon's Rebellion, viewed in connection with his autobio-
graphy—from which (as will be seen) there is no possibility of
detaching it—be regarded as history proper, or as partaking of the
character of memoirs, it must mark the height of our survey of the
histories of the age, and will, at the same time, serve as a transition
from these to the accumulation of memoirs, diaries, contemporary
biographies and autobiographies, and personal narratives of various
sorts from which some selection will be attempted. What has to
be said of political literature, for the most part, will be added as
occasion may arise, for it would not be feasible to spread the net
widely over the sea of unnumbered pamphlets of an age in which
every subject in church and state was regarded as contentious, and
few were left undiscussed in 'fundamental' argument and with a
vast expenditure of printer's ink.
The days of the later Tudor annalists and chroniclers, thoroughly
national in their spirit and sympathies, had not passed away when
upon some few far-seeing minds had dawned the conception of
historical writing which, while still furnishing a full account of the
events of the past should, at the same time, interest the political
thinker and satisfy the demands of literary art.
Bacon's Historie of the Reigne of King Henry the Seventh
(1622), which may practically be regarded as the earliest of English


## p. 203 (#219) ############################################

Bacon's Reigne of Henry VII 203
historical monographs, was actually composed in 1621, probably
after Bacon, on his release from the Tower, had returned to
Gorhambury. In the circumstances, as Spedding points out, the
book could not be written otherwise than at secondhand; for,
during all but the last six weeks of the four or five months
within which the task was executed, the author was excluded
from London and from the house of Sir Robert Cotton, who
supplied him with some of his material. It is, consequently, in
the main, founded on Bernard André and Polydore Vergil, with
Fabyan and the later chroniclers, and a few additions by Stow,
and, more especially, by Speed, some of whose mistakes were
copied by Bacon. Yet this Life was by no means a piece of mere
compilation, either in design or execution. The conception of the
character of Henry VII dates from an early period of Bacon's career,
as is proved by a fragment of a history of the Tudor reigns from
Henry VIII to Elizabeth, discovered by Spedding? ; which also
seems to refute Mackintosh's idea that the Historie of the Reigne of
King Henry the Seventh was written, not only (as, in a sense, it cer-
tainly was) to justify James I, but, also, to flatter him by representing
Henry VII as a model king and the prototype of the reigning
monarch. For the rest, if features are observable in Bacon's king
Henry which seem to support Mackintosh's view (thus, Henry
was careful to obtain good intelligence from abroad'), there
are others in which the resemblance is most imperfect for his
pleasures, there is no news of them'; ‘he was governed by none')
—though it might be possible to see in this very unlikeness the
most subtle flattery. There is certainly no flattery to be found in
some touches of unmistakable irony-in the reference to Henry's
great attention to religious foundations as he became old, or in the
turn given to the application of the phrase "his Salomon of England
(for Salomon also was too heavy upon his people in exactions). '
On the whole, Henry VII, in the mirror of Bacon's narrative,
appears, not as a man of genius, but as a wise and singularly ready
politician, and as one of whom it might be said that 'what he
minded he compassed. ' It need hardly be added that the spirit of
the book is thoroughly monarchical ; the writer's contempt for
'the rude people,' always intent upon being deceived, is especially
noticeable in the narrative of the attempts of Lambert Simnel and
Perkin Warbeck. The style of this work possesses a kind of
charm absent from few of Bacon's writings, which always have the
6
1 Bacon's Literary and Professional Works, vol. 1 (v1), pp. 23 ff.
See ibid. pp. 17–22.


## p. 204 (#220) ############################################

204
Historical and Political Writings
>
fascination belonging to deep waters, and the concluding sentence
of the work is exceedingly graceful. The author's fondness for
Latin forms (“militar,' 'indubiate,' and so forth) is very obvious ;
the Latin translation of his book seems to have been made either
by himself or under his own eye.
Lord Herbert of Cherbury's Life and Reign of King Henry
the Eighth, together with which is briefly represented A general
History of the Times, marks a very conscious advance in historical
composition. There is here, coupled with a dignified ease of
style characteristic of most of the author's writings, and of his
Autobiography in particular, an evident wish to make as full use
as possible of the original documents at the historian's disposal.
No doubt, the work was also written with a personal purpose, and
of this it is impossible to lose sight in estimating the literary effect
produced ; indeed, it is to be discovered in most of Herbert's
historical writings. They were composed at a later period of his
life than the Autobiography, which only reaches the year 1624, and
the merits of which are surprisingly exiguous for an author com-
manding a wide experience of the world and possessed of original
intellectual power! Yet the characteristic qualities of the book,
both for better and for worse, have been much exaggerated.
Horace Walpole (who first printed the MS at Strawberry Hill in
1764) must have been beyond the mark in describing it as 'the most
curious and entertaining' produced by his press? ; and, if, as he
states, he and lady Waldegrave could not get on' with it 'for
laughing and screaming3,' their sense of the ridiculous must have
been excessively acute, though, to be sure, on one occasion, at least,
the autobiographer all but falls into the Falstaffian vein“.
Beyond all doubt, Edward Herbert was inordinately vain of
his powers as a duellist-whether on foot or on horseback-which,
in his opinion, evidently entitled him to say to all comers (in-
cluding ministers, governors, and ambassadors) 'Je suis Herbert,'
as one of his French rivals declared 'Je suis Balagny'; and in his
relations with women he certainly had the advantage of sublime
self-confidence. But duelling was the most fashionable vice of the
time; added to which he took his vows as knight of the Bath
6
1 An estimate of lord Herbert of Cherbury's position among modern speculative
thinkers has been given in vol. iv, pp. 292—4.
2 Letters, ed. Cunningham, vol. iv, p. 156.
3 Ibid. p. 252.
* See Autobiography, ed. Lee, S. , p. 185, for Herbert's night escapade, when he was
about to start on his embassy in 1619.
5 See the appendix on Duelling in France and England in the early years of the
Seventeenth Century' in Lee's edition,


## p. 205 (#221) ############################################

Lord Herbert of Cherbury
205
hi?
most seriously. Though vainglorious and quarrelsome, he was
free from revengefulness and any sort of meanness; and, though
something of a lady-killer, he was not wanton. Notwithstanding
his remarks on education, and his contributions 'both to natural
science and household medicine, it cannot be said that, except as
a picture of manners, his Autobiography has much serious interest
before the period of his embassy to France (161924); and, even
then, though his narrative of the Spanish and French marriage
negotiations is worth reading, as well as his characterisation of
Louis XIII, de Luynes, and Gondomar, he seems to reserve the
substance of his political experiences for treatment in another
form.
The Autobiography, of which the style is measured but agree-
able, though the record of some of the writer's youthful exploits in
camp and court, at times, has an almost pedantic solemnity, breaks
off with Herbert's recall from Paris. The remainder of his life
was given up to a series of endeavours to re-enter the active service
of the crown by conciliating the royal goodwill, and to literary
labours which, in part, are to be reckoned among these efforts.
Among them was the defence of Buckingham, drawn up in reply
to violent attacks upon the memory of the favourite after his
assassination, and dedicated to Charles I. Sir Henry Wotton
expressed his admiration of it while it was in the making ; but it
brought no recompense to its author.
Among these efforts, also, was his Life of Henry the Eighth, on
which he seems to have been at work as early as 1632, and on
which he was still engaged seven years later. The use of original
documents by which it is distinguished has been already noted.
It was not completed till 1645, when he was also bringing to an
end his chief philosophic labours. The rest of Herbert's life was
occupied by a painful and unedifying struggle for his estates.
Many indications of the growing interest in historical writing
in the reign of James I and in the earlier years of that of Charles I
must be passed by. Edmund Bolton, who, under the pseudonym
of 'Philanactophil'dedicated to Buckingham a translation of
Florus's epitome of Roman history, in order to demonstrate the
superiority of histories to 'epitomes,' took occasion, from the publica-
tion of an epistle by Sir Henry Savile lamenting the existing state
of English historical literature, to advocate, in a tract called Hyper-
critica, the production of a complete Corpus Rerum Anglicarum
1 He believed himself to have endangered the peace of mind of no less august and
devout a personage than Anne of Denmark,


## p. 206 (#222) ############################################

206
Historical and Political Writings
6
-'a felicity wanting to our Nation, now when even the name
thereof is as it were at an end. ' And we know how Milton contem-
plated on his own account a history of Britain from the origins, of
which he only executed a fragment". On the other hand, Thomas
May, secretary of the Long parliament, obeyed its authoritative
behest by publishing, in 1647, the history of the great assembly
which had begun its labours seven years earlier, together with
'a short and necessary view of some precedent years. ' May, who
was a writer of considerable versatility? , had produced, besides a
translation in rimed couplets of Lucan's stirring epic on the second
civil war of Rome, two moderately inspiring English poems on
the reigns of Edward III and Henry II, in which ‘Philip and all
her beauteous train' and Fair Rosamond do not fail to appear;
but his History of the Parliament of England, which began
3 November 1640, in conformity with the claim advanced, in
the title as well as in the motto of the book, that its distinctive
quality was veracity, exhibits both straightforwardness of manner
and dignity of tone. A succinct introduction dwells specially on
the relations with Rome, with whom James I is described as having
'temporised,' but holds the balance fairly between the personal
virtues of Charles I and his errors as a ruler. Strafford's trial and
death, we are told, did at last as much harm to the kingdom as
had resulted from his action while he was in power. The work,
in which some important speeches and documents are inserted
verbatim, ends with November 1643.
By way of contrast with the official historian of the Long
parliament may be mentioned a faithful, though by no means
uncomplaining, follower of Charles I and Charles II, to whom,
indeed, he successively acted as a kind of historiographer in the
campaigns of 1644, 1645 and 1650.
1644, 1645 and 1650. Sir Edward Walker, garter
king at arms, held the posts of secretary at war and secretary
extraordinary to the privy council both before and during the
siege of Oxford, and was allowed to assist Charles I in the illfated
negotiations at Newport; he afterwards accompanied Charles II
to Scotland in 1650 and formed part of his court in exile till the
1 See, as to Milton's History of England, and his History of Moscovia, ante, chap. v.
Milton's Reflections on the Civil War in England, etc. , which inveighs against
decay of religion during the civil wars and the period of uncertainty which ensued,
is rptd in Maseres's Select Tracts, etc. , part 11. For a review of Milton's historical
work, see Firth, C. H. , Milton as a Historian, Publications of the British Academy,
1909 (x).
2 See, as to his tragedies and comedies, of which the earliest is dated 1622, ante,
vol. vi, p. 235. He also wrote & Latin play, Julius Caesar, which remained in
manuscript.


## p. 207 (#223) ############################################

Peter Heylyn
207
restoration. Thereafter, he held sway at the Heralds' college for
the rest of his days. He had many grievances to urge, and many
controversies to conduct; so that there was much to include in
the Historical Discourses upon several Occasions, published
posthumously in 1705.
A word should, perhaps, be added as to Secret Observations on
the Life and Death of Charles King of England, by William Lilly,
'student of Astrology,' which forms part II of a larger tract entitled
Monarchy, or no Monarchy in England (1651). In part I, various
prophecies are in good faith treated as fulfilled—especially Ambrose
Merlin's famous prophecy of the white king, dating nine hundred
years back. Part II is a historical account of the life and death
of Charles I from his childhood to his death, which is fair to
certain sides of his character, though the animus of the whole is
anti-episcopalian and anti-royalist. As a matter of course, no
important occasion is allowed to go by without a horoscope.
One historian of note remains to be mentioned, before we pass
from England to Scotland and Ireland. Peter Heylyn loved learn-
ing from his youth ; but his belief in the value of discipline can
hardly have exceeded his craving for publicity. He began his
career as a historical writer in 1621 with the publication of his
Geography, a subject on which, as connected with history, he had
lectured at Oxford in his eighteenth year, and which, with the aid
of some experience of travel, he afterwards developed into that
of his Cosmography. He had been king's chaplain for many
years, as well as a prebendary of Westminster, when his personal
troubles began with the downfall of Laud, whose ecclesiastical
policy he had supported; and he was brought up before the
Commons as having helped to get up the case against the author
of Histriomastix. After the civil war broke out, he was com-
missioned to keep a record of public occurrences in Mercurius
Aulicus; but he speedily lost his benefice (Alresford) with his
house and library; nor was it till 1656 that he could again venture
to come to the front. In 1659, he published his Examen Criticum,
the first part of which adversely criticised Fuller's Church History,
but the pair managed to make friends. His next controversy was
with Baxter.
When the restoration came, Heylyn returned into residence
at Westminster, and the brief remainder of his life was spent in
tranquillity. His pen continued active to the end. In 1661 he
brought out his chief work, Ecclesia Restaurata, or The History
of the Reformation, which passed through several editions. This


## p. 208 (#224) ############################################

208
Historical and Political Writings
6
book, which carries on the history of the church of England from
the accession of Edward VI to the Elizabethan settlement (1566),
is notable as an attempt to view the changes effected by the
reformation with as much of impartiality as was to be expected
from a prelatist opposed to reunion with Rome. Among Heylyn'
writings published posthumously are Cyprianus Anglicus, or The
History of the Life and Death of Archbishop Laud (1668),
defending him against Prynne's elaborate invective, and described
by Creighton as the chief authority for Laud's personal character
and private life’; and Aerius Redivivus, or The History of
Presbyterianism (1670), which traces back to Calvin the origin of
puritanism, here described as the source of England's internal
troubles. This remarkable man was no bigot, and was capable
of looking on things as a historian rather than as a professional
apologist ; but controversy was irresistible to him, and apt to ex-
pand and multiply in his hands like a river plant in its favourite
waters.
Of the two kingdoms whose destinies were interwoven with
those of England, the one was not brought into personal union
with her till near the beginning of the period treated in this
chapter ; whereas the other, for centuries, had been riveted to the
side of her dominant partner by conquest and reconquest, and was
perpetually striving to burst her bonds asunder. Though Scottish
history had to tell of a long series of conflicts with the neighbour-
ing kingdom, and of periods of subjection as well as of revolt and
war, yet it ran its own course in both church and state, and the
ecclesiastical history of Scotland in particular, the interest in
which outweighed that of all other kinds of history, north of the
Tweed, covers a field of its own. The earliest record of the Scottish
reformed church is The Booke of the Universal Kirk of Scotland,
of which a most important portion was consumed at the fire of the
two houses of parliament in 1834. But what remains is an in-
valuable document for much of the national history, and, so far as
the history of the church is concerned, testifies at once to the
conservative spirit of the Scottish reformers and to their firm
adherence to the presbyterian form of church government set up by
them from the first. One prelatical and one anti-prelatical history
of importance belonging to this period deal with the material
at the command of the writers. Of archbishop Spottiswoode's
History of the Church of Scotland, beginning A. D. 203, and con-
tinued to the reign of king James IV, the first edition was printed
in 1665; but the book had advanced gradually in its author's


## p. 209 (#225) ############################################

Calderwood.
209
Spenser's Veue
>
hands, and the earliest MS of it extends only to the year 1602.
The work was written in tranquil times by a calm-minded man,
who was singularly free from a spirit of ecclesiastical bitterness.
On the other hand, David Calderwood's Historie of the Kirk of
Scotland, beginning at Patrik Hamilton and ending at the death
of James the Sixt, is the work of an indefatigable adversary of
prelacy, whose opinions, on this head, caused his expulsion from
presbytery and assembly in 1608, and, nine years later, though ex-
pressed with moderation, led James to denounce him to his face as
'a very knave. ' After undergoing both imprisonment and exile,
he returned to Scotland in 16251, and, in 1641, was allowed to sit
in the general assembly, though without the rights of a member.
Two years before his death, he was granted a handsome pension in
order to complete his History, which is a methodised and corrected
revision in three volumes of the larger work—the latter being
regarded by him rather as a commonplace book of facts and docu-
ments than as a finished history. Yet, to students, the complete
work is the most valuable, as containing the actual language
of Knox and the other reformers, which, in the revised edition,
Calderwood more or less assimilated to his own.
In the works dealing with Irish history from the Elizabethan
age to the time of the Cromwellian settlement, it is, of course,
difficult to separate the historical and political elements from each
other; or, rather, the former are dominated by the latter. Of
these works, the most celebrated has been reserved for a notice
in this place. Spenser's Veue of the Present State of Ireland
possesses a great biographical interest; while it supplements, or
illustrates one of the books of The Faerie Queene—the Vth,
containing the legend of Artegall, or Justice—which seeks to
immortalise the poet's patron as the incarnation of the policy
advocated by the poet himself as the only cure for ‘Ierne's ills'2.
In 1598 broke out the rebellion which, by October in that year,
had placed all Munster in the hands of the insurgents, and which
put an end to Spenser's sojourn in Ireland. It had amounted
altogether to fourteen years, more or less, and had for ever
associated the land of his adoption with his epical masterpiece
as well as with one of the noblest of English lyrics (Epi-
i Calderwood's Recantation (1623) is a forgery.
See the striking argument that there is an extraordinarily close parallel between
the Veue and the two cantos of Mutabilitie, the chief burden of the former being the
need for consistency in the policy to be pursued by the crown in Ireland, in C. Litton
Falkiner's interesting essay, 'Spenser in Ireland,' in Essays relating to Ireland (1909),
pp. 26, 27.
E. L. VII.
14
>
CH. IX.


## p. 210 (#226) ############################################

210
Historical and Political Writings
6
thalamion). That the rebellion, which cruelly blighted Spenser's
personal prospects, left him, in dean Church's words, 'a ruined
and broken-hearted man,' is, in all probability, an exaggerated
statement’; but there can be no question that A Veue of the Present
State of Irelund was composed under the influence of profoundly
moved personal feeling. It was certainly composed in 1596, during
the visit of Spenser (Irenaeus) to England, which lasted from 1595
till (probably) 1597.
Spenser's historico-political essay opens with a lengthy review
of the evils existing in the state of Ireland, which are described
as being of three kinds the first in the Lawes, the second in
Customes and the third in Religion. ' Parts of this demonstration,
hackneyed though it may have seemed even to the public to which
it was addressed, were very forcibly put—especially the clear
illustrations as to the evil effect of laws bad in themselves, and
the bold assertion that the most of the Irish are soe farre from
understanding of the popish religion as they are of the protestants
profession. ' There are, too, some pregnant passages, such as the
opening sentences of Irenaeus, suggesting, as a possible explanation
of the apparent hopelessness of the condition of Ireland, that,
peradventure, God 'reserveth her in this unquiett state still for
some secrett scourdge, which shall by her come to England'; and
the proposal, which strikes at the root of the barbarism over-
shadowing ‘Ierne,' that a schoolmaster shall be maintained in
every parish of the land. Though some of the historical and philo-
logical information may be questionable, the essay furnishes con-
stant proof, not only of a careful study of the people itself, but,
also, of a genuine interest in the associations which have always
meant so much for its life-conveyed in ballads and legends and
folklore of all sorts. The description of the influence of the bards
or Irish chroniclers, as radically tainted by inveracity, is curious ;
and there is a double edge in the denunciation of the folly of the
Irish in deriving their origin from the Spaniards- of all nations
under heaven (I suppose) the most mingled, most uncertayne, and
most bastardly. The Anglo-Irish—ipsis Hibernis Hiberniores-
the dialogue declares to be ‘more malicious to the English than
the very Irish themselves. '
As to the moral of the whole treatise—the supposed necessity of
a firm and vigorous policy of repression, and of doing away with
native customs of all sorts and the establishment of a strong rule,
represented by numerous garrisons throughout the country-
1 Spenser, English Men of Letters (1879), p. 177.
6
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## p. 211 (#227) ############################################

Pacata Hibernia.
2 II
Davies
nothing further need be said here. Lord Grey de Wilton, as
whose private secretary Spenser came to Ireland in 1580, tried
this system for two years, and was recalled ; and it has been tried
since, for longer periods, with no more success. It has been, rather
cynically, said that the readers of Spenser's Veue and other
writings of his expressing similar sentiments should 'forget that
he was a poet and remember that he was trying to improve
forfeited lands. ' But there is nothing more unsatisfactory to the
highest conception of a great writer than this sort of analytical
separation of functions.