No More Learning

The Roman fear of the gods accordingly exercised powerful influence over the minds of the multi tude; but it was by no means that sense of awe in the presence of an all-controlling nature or of an almighty God, that lies at the foundation of the views of pantheism and monotheism respectively ; on the contrary, it was of a very earthly character, and scarcely different in any material respect from the trembling with which the Roman debtor approached his just, but very strict and very powerful creditor. It is plain that such a religion was fitted rather to stifle than to foster artistic and speculative views. When the Greek had clothed the simple thoughts of primitive times with human flesh and blood, the ideas of the gods so formed not only became the elements of plastic and poetic art, but acquired also that universality and elasticity which are the profoundest characteristics of human nature and for this very reason are essential to all religions that aspire to rule the world. Through such means the simple view of nature became expanded into the conception of a cos mogony, the homely moral notion became enlarged into a principle of universal humanity; and for a long period the Greek religion was enabled to embrace within it the physical and metaphysical views—the whole ideal development of the nation—and to expand in depth and breadth with the increase of its contents, until imagination and speculation rent asunder the vessel which had nursed them. But in Latium the embodiment of the conceptions of deity con tinued so wholly transparent that it afforded no opportunity for the training either of artist or poet, and the Latin religion always held a distant and even hostile attitude towards art. As the god was not and could not be aught
else than the spiritualization of an earthly phenomenon,
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this same earthly counterpart naturally formed his place of abode (templum) and his image; walls and efligies made by the hands of men seemed only to obscure and to em barrass the spiritual conception. Accordingly the original Roman worship had no images of the gods or houses set apart for them; and although the god was at an early period worshipped in Latium, probably in imitation of the Greeks, by means of an image, and had a little chapel (aedicula) built for him, such a figurative representation was reckoned contrary to the laws of Numa and was generally regarded as an impure and foreign innovation. The Roman religion could exhibit no image of a god peculiar to with the exception, perhaps, of the double headed Ianus; and Varro even in his time derided the desire of the multitude for puppets and efligies. The utter want of productive power in the Roman religion was likewise the ultimate cause of the thorough poverty which always marked Roman poetry and still more Roman speculation.
The same distinctive character was manifest, moreover, in the domain of its practical use. The practical gain which accrued to the Roman community from their religion was code of moral law gradually developed by the priests, and the ponhfias in particular, which on the one hand supplied the place of police regulations at time when the state was still far from providing any direct police-guardian ship for its citizens, and on the other hand brought to the bar of the gods and visited with divine penalties the breach of moral obligations. To the regulations of the former class belonged the religious inculcation of due observance of holidays and of cultivation of the fields and vineyards according to the rules of good husbandry—which we shall have occasion to notice more fully in the sequel~—as well as the worship of the hearth or of the Lares which was connected with considerations of sanitary police (p. 21 3),
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and above all the practice of burning the bodies of the dead, adopted among the Romans at a singularly early period, far earlier than among the Greeks—a practice implying a rational conception of life and of death, which was foreign to primitive times and is even foreign to our selves at the present day. It must be reckoned no small achievement that the national religion of the Latins was able to carry out these and similar improvements. But the civilizing effect of this law was still more important. If a husband sold his wife, or a father sold his married son; if a child struck his father, or a daughter-in-law her father-in law ; if a patron violated his obligation to keep faith with his guest or dependent; if an unjust neighbour displaced a boundary-stone, or the thief laid hands by night on the grain entrusted to the common good faith; the burden of
the curse of the gods lay thenceforth on the head of the offender. Not that the person thus accursed (sacer) was outlawed; such an outlawry, inconsistent in its nature with all civil order, was only an exceptional occurrence-an aggravation of the religious curse in Rome at the time of the quarrels between the orders. It was not the province of the individual burgess, or even of the wholly powerless priest, to carry into effect such a divine curse. Primarily the person thus accursed became liable to the divine penal judgment, not to human caprice ; and the pious popular faith, on which that curse was based, must have had power even over natures frivolous and wicked. But the banning was not confined to this; the king was in reality entitled and bound to carry the ban into execution, and, after the fact, on which the law set its curse, had been according to his conscientious conviction established, to slay the person under ban, as it were, as a victim offered up to the injured deity (supplzh'um), and thus to purify the community from
the crime of the individual. If the crime was of a minor nature, for the slaying of the guilty there was substituted a
can. x11 RELIGION
:27
ransom through the presenting of a sacrificial victim or of similar gifts. Thus the whole criminal law rested as to its ultimate basis on the religious idea of expiation.
But religion performed no higher service in Latium than the furtherance of civil order and morality by such means as these. In this field Hellas had an unspeakable advan tage over Latium ; it owed to its religion not merely its whole intellectual development, but also its national union, so far as such an union was attained at all; the oracles and festivals of the gods, Delphi and Olympia, and the Muses, daughters of faith, were the centres round which revolved all that was great in Hellenic-life and all in it that was the common heritage of the nation. And yet even here Latium had, as compared with Hellas, its own advantages. The Latin religion, reduced as it was to the level of ordinary perception, was completely intelligible to every one
and accessible in common to all; and therefore the Roman community preserved the equality of its citizens, while Hellas, where religion rose to the level of the highest
had from the earliest times to endure all the blessing and curse of an aristocracy of intellect. The Latin religion like every other had its origin in the effort of faith to fathom the infinite; it is only to a superficial view, which is deceived as to the depth of the stream because it is clear,
that its transparent spirit-world can appear to be shallow. This fervid faith disappeared with the progress of time as necessarily as the dew of morning disappears before the rising sun, and thus the Latin religion came subsequently to wither; but the Latins preserved their simplicity of belief longer than most peoples and longer especially than the Greeks. As colours are effects of light and at the same time dim so art and science are not merely the creations but also the destroyers of faith and, much as this process at once of development and of destruction swayed by necessity, by the same law of nature certain results have
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been reserved to the epoch of early simplicity-results which subsequent epochs make vain endeavours to attain. The mighty intellectual development of the Hellenes, which created their religious and literary unity (ever imperfect as that unity was), was the very thing that made it impossible for them to attain to a genuine political union; they sacrificed thereby the simplicity, the flexibility, the self devotion, the power of amalgamation, which constitute the conditions of any such union. It is time therefore to desist from that childish view of history which believes that it can commend the Greeks only at the expense of the Romans, or the Romans only at the expense of the Greeks ; and, as we allow the oak to hold its own beside the rose, so should we abstain from praising or censuring the two noblest organizations which antiquity has produced, and comprehend the truth that their distinctive excellences have a necessary connection with their respective defects. The deepest and ultimate reason of the diversity between the two nations lay beyond doubt in the fact that Latium did not, and that Hellas did, during the season of growth come into contact with the East. No people on earth was great enough by its own efforts to create either the marvel of Hellenic or at a later period the marvel of Christian culture; history has produced these most brilliant results only where the ideas of Aramaic religion have sunk into an Indo-Gerrnanic soil. But if for this reason Hellas is the prototype of purely human, Latium is not less for all time the prototype of national, development; and it is the duty of us their successors to honour both and to learn from both.
Such was the nature and such the influence of the Roman religion in its pure, unhampered, and thoroughly national development. Its national character was not infringed by the fact that, from the earliest times, modes and systems of worship were introduced from abroad; no more than the bestowal of the rights of citizenship on
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individual foreigners denationalized the Roman state. An exchange of gods as well as of goods with the Latins in older time must have been a matter of course; the trans plantation to Rome of gods and worships belonging to less cognate races is more remarkable. Of the distinctive Sabine worship maintained by the Tities we have already spoken (p. 215). Whether any conceptions of the gods were borrowed from Etruria is more doubtful: for the Lases, the older designation of the genii (from lumbas), and Minerva the goddess of memory (mem', marten/are), which it is customary to describe as originally Etruscan, were on the contrary, judging from philological grounds, indigenous to Latium. It is at any rate certain, and in keeping with all that we otherwise know of Roman inter course, that the Greek worship received earlier and more extensive attention in Rome than any other of foreign origin. The Greek oracles furnished the earliestioccasion of its introduction. The language of the Roman gods was on the whole confined to Yea and Nay or at the most to the making their will known by the method of casting lots, which appears in its origin Italian ,1 while from very ancient times-although not apparently until the impulse was received from the East-the more talkative gods of the Greeks imparted actual utterances of prophecy. The Romans made efforts, even at an early period, to treasure up such counsels, and copies of the leaves of the sooth saying priestess of Apollo, the Cumaean Sibyl, were accordingly a highly valued gift on the part of their Greek guest-friends from Campania. For the reading and inter pretation of the fortune~telling book a special college, inferior in rank only to the augurs and pontifices, was insti tuted in early times, consisting of two men of lore (duovirz'
l 801rs from serere, to place in row. The rorles were probably small wooden tablets arranged upon a string, which when thrown formed figures of various kinds; an arrangement which puts one in mind of the Runic characters.
23o
RELIGION BOOK I
. raorisfaa'undz'r), who were furnished at the expense of the state with two slaves acquainted with the Greek language. To these custodiers of oracles the people resorted in cases of doubt, when an act of worship was needed in order to avoid some impending evil and they did not know to which of the gods or with what rites it was to be performed. But Romans in search of advice early betook themselves also to the Delphic Apollo himself. Besides the legends relating to such an intercourse already mentioned 180),
attested partly by the reception of the word thesaurus so closely connected with the Delphic oracle into all the Italian languages with which we are acquainted, and partly by the oldest Roman form of the name of Apollo, Aperta, the "opener,” an etymologizing alteration of the Doric Apellon, the antiquity of which betrayed by its very barbarism. The Greek Herakles was naturalized in Italy as Herclus, Hercoles, Hercules, at an early period and under peculiar conception of his character, apparently in the first instance as the god of gains of adventure and of any extraordinary increase of wealth; for which reason the general was wont to present the tenth of the spoil which he had procured, and the merchant the tenth of the substance which he had obtained, to Hercules at the chief altar (are maxima) in the cattle-market. Accordingly he became the god of mercantile covenants generally, which in early times were frequently concluded at this altar and confirmed by oath, and in so far was identified with the old Latin god of good faith (deas fidius). The worship of Hercules was from an early date among the most widely diffused; he was, to use the words of an ancient author, adored in every hamlet of Italy, and altars were everywhere erected to him in the streets of the cities and along the country roads. The gods also of the mariner, Castor and Poly deukes or, in Roman form, Pollux, the god of traflie Hermes-the Roman Mercurius-and the god of healing,
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Asklapios or Aesculapius, became early known to the Romans, although their public worship only began at a later period. The name of the festival of the “good goddess” (60na dea) damium, corresponding to the Greek Sdpwv or 811mm’, may likewise reach back as far as this epoch. It must be the result also of ancient borrowing, that the old Lz'éerpater of the Romans was afterwards con~ ceived as “father deliverer” and identified with the wine god of the Greeks, the “releaser” (Lyaeas), and that the Roman god of the lower regions was called the “dispenser of riches ” (Pluto-—Dis pater), while his spouse Persephone became converted at once by change of the‘ initial sound and by transference of the idea into the Roman Proserpina, that “germinatrix. ” Even the goddess of the Romano
Latin league, Diana of the Aventine, seems to have been copied from the federal goddess of the Ionians of Asia Minor, the Ephesian Artemis; at least her carved image in the Roman temple was formed after the Ephesian type (p. 142). It was in this way alone, through the myths of Apollo,
Dionysus, Pluto, Herakles, and Artemis, which were early pervaded by Oriental ideas, that the Aramaic religion exercised at this period remote and indirect influence on Italy. We clearly perceive from these facts that the intro duction of the Greek religion was especially due to com mercial intercourse, and that was traders and mariners who primarily brought the Greek gods to Italy.
These individual cases however of derivation from abroad were but of secondary moment, while the remains of the natural symbolism of primeval times, of which the legend of the oxen of Cacus may perhaps be specimen (p. 22), had virtually disappeared. In all its leading features the Roman religion was an organic creation of the people among whom we find it.
The Sabellian and Umbrian worship, judging from the little we know of rested upon quite the same fundamental
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views as the Latin with local variations of colour and form. That it was different from the Latin is very distinctly apparent from the founding of a special college at Rome for the preservation of the Sabine rites (p. 55); but that very fact affords an instructive illustration of the nature of the difference. Observation of the flight of birds was with both stocks the regular mode of consulting the gods; but the Tities observed different birds from the Ramnian augurs. Similar relations present themselves, wherever we have opportunity of comparing them. Both stocks in common regarded the gods as abstractions of the earthly and as of an impersonal nature; they differed in expression and ritual. It was natural that these diversities should appear of importance to the worshippers of those days; we are no longer able to apprehend what was the characteristic dis tinction, if any really existed.
But the remains of the sacred ritual of the Etruscans that have reached us are marked by a different spirit. Their prevailing characteristics are a gloomy and withal tiresome mysticism, ringing the changes on numbers, sooth saying, and that solemn enthroning of pure absurdity which
at all times finds its own circle of devotees. We are far from knowing the Etruscan worship in such completeness and purity as we know the Latin; and it is not improbable —indeed it cannot well be doubted-that several of its features were only imported into it by the minute subtlety of a later period, and that the gloomy and fantastic principles, which were most alien to the Latin worship, are those that have been especially handed down to us by tradition. But enough still remains to show that the mysticism and barbarism of this worship had their foundation in the essential character of the Etruscan people.
With our very unsatisfactory knowledge we cannot grasp the intrinsic contrast subsisting between the Etruscan conceptions of deity and the Italian; but it is clear that
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RELIGION 300K 1
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the most prominent among the Etruscan gods were the malignant and the mischievous; as indeed their worship was cruel, and included in particular the sacrifice of their captives; thus at Caere they slaughtered the Phocaean, and at Traquinii the Roman, prisoners. Instead of a tranquil world of departed “good spirits” ruling peacefully in the realms beneath, such as the Latins had conceived, the Etruscan religion presented a veritable hell, in which the poor souls were doomed to be tortured by mallets and serpents, and to which they were conveyed by the con ductor of the dead, a savage semi-brutal figure of an old man with wings and a large hammer-a figure which after wards served in the gladiatorial games at Rome as a model for the costume of the man who removed the corpses of the slain from the arena. So fixed was the association of torture with this condition of the shades, that there was even provided a redemption from which after certain mysterious offerings transferred the poor soul to the society of the gods above. It remarkable that, in order to
their lower world, the Etruscans early borrowed from the Greeks their gloomiest notions, such as the doctrine of Acheron and Charon, which play an important part in the Etruscan discipline.
But the Etruscan occupied himself above all in the interpretation of signs and portents. The Romans heard the voice of the gods in nature but their bird-seer under stood only the signs in their simplicity, and knew only in
whether the occurrence boded good or ill. Disturbances of the ordinary course of nature were regarded by him as boding evil, and put stop to the business in hand, as when for example storm of thunder and lightning dispersed the comitia; and he probably sought to get rid of them, as, for example, in the case of monstrous births, which were put to death as speedily as possible. But beyond the Tiber matters were carried much further. The
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Etruscan read off to the believer his future fortunes in detail from the lightning and from the entrails of animals offered in sacrifice; and the more singular the language of the gods, the more startling the portent or
the more confidently did he declare what they foretold and the means by which it was possible to avert the mischief. Thus arose the lore of lightning, the art of inspecting entrails, the interpretation of prodigies-all of them, and the science of lightning especially, devised with the hair-splitting subtlety which characterizes the mind in pursuit of absurdities. A dwarf called Tages with the figure of a child but with gray hairs, who had been ploughed up by a peasant in a field near Tarquinii—we might almost fancy that practices at once so childish and so drivelling had sought to present in this figure a caricature of themselves —betrayed the secret of this lore to the Etruscans, and then straightway died. His disciples and successors taught what gods were in the habit of hurling the lightning; how the lightning of each god might be recognized by its colour and the quarter of the heavens whence it came; whether the lightning boded a permanent state of things or a single event; and in the latter case whether the event was one unalterably fixed, or whether it could be up to a certain limit artificially postponed: how they might convey the lightning away when it struck, or compel the threatening lightning to strike, and various marvellous arts of the like kind, with which there was incidentally conjoined no small desire of pocketing fees. How deeply repugnant this jugglery was to the Roman character is shown by the fact that, even when people came at a later period to employ the Etruscan lore in Rome, no attempt was made to naturalize it ; during our present period the Romans were probably still content with their own, and with the Greek oracles.
The Etruscan religion occupied a higher level than the
234
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prodigy,
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Roman, in so far as it developed at least the rudiments of what was wholly wanting among the Romans-a speculation veiled under religious forms. Over the world and its gods there ruled the veiled gods (Dii inwluti), consulted by the Etruscan Jupiter himself; that world moreover was finite, and, as it had come into being, so was it again to pass away after the expiry of a definite period of time, whose sections were the saecula. Respecting the intellectual value which may once have belonged to this Etruscan cosmogony and philosophy, it is difficult to form a judgment; they appear however to have been from the very first character ized by a dull fatalism and an insipid play upon numbers
uncu
CHAPTER XIII AGRICULTURE, TRADE, AND coMMsncl
AGRICULTURE and commerce are so intimately bound up with the constitution and the external history of states, that the former must frequently be noticed in the course of describing the latter. We shall here endeavour to supple ment the detached notices which we have already given, by exhibiting a summary view of Italian and particularly of Roman economics.
It has been already observed (p. 24) that the transition from a pastoral to an agricultural economy preceded the immigration of the Italians into the peninsula. Agriculture continued to be the main support of all the communities in Italy, of the Sabellians and Etruscans no less than of the Latins. There were no purely pastoral tribes in Italy during historical times, although of course the various races everywhere combined pastoral husbandry, to a greater or less extent according to the nature of the locality, with the cultivation of the soil. The beautiful custom of commencing the formation of new cities by tracing a furrow with the plough along the line of the future ring-wall shows how deeply rooted was the feeling that every commonwealth is dependent on agriculture. In the case of Rome in particular -and it is only in its case that we can speak of agrarian relations with any sort of certainty-the Servian reform shows very clearly not only that the agricultural class
ljfi AGRICULTURE, TRADE, AND COMMERCE 800! 1
cr-rAP. xrrr AGRICULTURE, TRADE, AND COMMERCE
originally preponderated in the state, but also that an effort was made permanently to maintain the collective body of
freeholders as the pith and marrow of the
When in the course of time a large portion of the landed
in Rome had passed into the hands of non burgesses and thus the rights and duties of burgesses were no longer bound up with freehold property, the reformed constitution obviated this incongruous state of things, and the perils which it threatened, not merely temporarily but permanently, by treating the members of the community without reference to their political position once for all according to their freeholding, and imposing the common burden of war-service on the freeholders—a step which in the natural course of things could not but be followed by the concession of public rights. The whole policy of Roman war and conquest rested, like the constitution itself, on the basis of the freehold system ; as the freeholder alone was of value in the state, the aim of war was to increase the number of its freehold members. The vanquished com munity was either compelled to merge entirely into the yeomanry of Rome, or, if not reduced to this extremity, it was required, not to pay a war-contribution or a fixed tribute, but to cede a portion, usually a third part, of its domain, which was thereupon regularly occupied by Roman farms. Many nations have gained victories and made conquests as the Romans did; but none has equalled the Roman in thus making the ground he had won his own by the sweat of his brow, and in securing by the ploughshare what had been gained by the lance. That which is gained by war may be wrested from the grasp by war again, but it is not so with the conquests made by the plough ; while the Romans lost many battles, they scarcely ever on making
property
community.
237
ceded Roman soil, and for this result they were indebted to the tenacity with which the farmers clung to their fields and homesteads. The strength of man and of
peace
System of ioint culti vatiou.
the state lies in their dominion over the soil ; the greatness of Rome was built on the most extensive and immediate mastery of her citizens over her soil, and on the compact unity of the body which thus acquired so firm a hold.
We have already indicated (pp. 46, 85) that in the earliest times the arable land was cultivated in common, probably by the several clans; each clan tilled its own land, and thereafter distributed the produce among the several house holds belonging to There exists indeed an intimate connection between the system of joint tillage and the clan form of society, and even subsequently in Rome joint residence and joint management were of very frequent occurrence in the case of co-proprietors. 1 Even the tradi
tions of Roman law furnish the information that wealth consisted at first in cattle and the usufruct of the soil, and that was not till later that land came to be distributed among the burgesses as their own special property. a Better evidence that such was the case afforded by the earliest designation of wealth as “ cattle-stock ” or “ slave-and-cattle stock” (petum'a, familia peouniaque), and of the separate possessions of the children of the household and of slaves as "small cattle” (peculium); also by the earliest form of acquiring property through laying hold of with the
The system which we meet with in the ease of the Germanic joint tillage, combining a partition of the land in property among the clansmen with its joint cultivation by the clan, can hardly ever have existed in Italy. Had each clansman been regarded in Italy, as among the Germans, in the light of proprietor of a particular spot in each portion of the collective domain that was marked oil‘ for tillage. the separate husbandry of later times would probably have set out from a minute subdivision of hides. But the very opposite was the case; the individual names of the Roman hides (fundus Carnelianur) show clearly that the Roman proprietor owned from the beginning possession not broken up but united.
Cicero (dc Rep. ii. 9, 14, comp. Plutarch, Rm. 15) states: an (in the time of Romulus) era! res in pzzore cl lomrrml prmzrrzbnibm, ex qua pecuniori at 10mphf“ uocabanlur-(Numa) primum agror, quas bella Romulur ceferar, divirit viritim ciuibur. In like manner Dionysius represents Romulus as dividing the land into thirty curial districts, and Numa as establishing boundary-stones and introducing the festival of the Terminnlia 7. ii. 74; and thence Plutarch, Nanna, r6).
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hand (mana'jmtio), which was only appropriate to the case of moveable articles (p. 195) ; and above all by the earliest measure of “land of one’s own” (heredium, from berm lord), consisting of two jugera (about an acre and a quarter), which can only have applied to garden-ground, and not to the hide. 1 When and how the distribution of the arable
1 Since this assertion still continues to be disputed, we shall let the numbers speak for themselvs. The Roman writers on agriculture of the later republic and the imperial period reckon on an average five modii of wheat as suflicient to sow ajugemm, and the produce as fivefold. The produce of a heredium accordingly (even when, without taking into view the space occupied by the dwelling-house and farm-yard, we regard it as entirely arable land, and make no account of years of fallow) amounts to fifty, or deducting the seed forty, modii. For an adult hard-working slave Cato 56) reckons fifty-one modii of wheat as the annual consump tion. These data enable any one to answer for himself the question whether a Roman family could or could not subsist on the produce of a heredium. The attempted proof to the contrary based on the ground that the slave of later times subsisted more exclusively on corn than the free farmer of the earlier epoch, and that the assumption of a. fivefold return one too low for this earlier epoch both assumptions are probably correct, but for both there a limit. Doubtless the subsidiary produce yielded by the arable land itself and by the common pasture, such as figs, vegetables, milk, flesh (especially as derived from the old and zealously pursued rearing of swine), and the like, are specially to be taken into account for the older period; but the older Roman pastoral husbandry, though not unimportant, was withal of subordinate importance, and the chief subsistence of the people was always notoriously grain. We may, moreover, on account of the thoroughness of the earlier cultivation obtain a. very considerable increase, especially of the gross produce-and beyond doubt the farmers of this period drew larger produce from their lands than the great landholders of the later republic and the empire obtained (p. 44); but moderation must be exercised in forming such estimates, because we have to deal with a question of averages and with a mode of husbandry conducted neither methodically nor with large capital. The assumption of a tenfold instead of a fivefold return will be the utmost limit, and yet far from suflicing. In no case can the enormous deficit, which left even according to those estimates between the produce of the beredium and the requirements of the household, be covered by mere superiority of cultivation. In fact the counter-proof can only be regarded as successful, when shall have produced a methodical calculation based on rural economics, according to which among a population chiefly subsisting on vegetables the produce of a piece of land of an acre and a quarter proves sufficient on an average for the subsistence of family.
It indeed asserted that instances occur even in historical times of colonies founded with allotments of two jugera; but the only instance of
the kind (Liv. iv. 47) that of the colony of Labici in the year 336-an 418. instance, which will certainly not be reckoned (by such scholars as are worth the arguing with) to belong to the class of traditions that are trust worthy in their historical details, and which beset by other very serious
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AGRICULTURE, TRADE, AND COMMERCE BOOK 1
land took place, can no longer be ascertained. This much only is certain, that the oldest form of the constitution was based not on freehold settlement, but on clanship as a substitute for whereas the Servian constitution pre. supposes the distribution of the land. It evident from the same constitution that the great bulk of the landed property consisted of middle-sized farms, which provided work and subsistence for family and admitted of the keeping of cattle for tillage as well as of the application of the plough. The ordinary extent of such Roman full hide has not been ascertained with precision, but can
scarcely, as has already been shown 122), be estimated at less than twenty jugera acres nearly).
Their husbandry was mainly occupied with the culture of the cereals. The usual grain was spelt (far);1 but
difiiculties (see book ch. 5, note). no doubt true that in the non colonial assignation of land to the burgesses collectively (adrzlgnata'o m'riiana) sometimes only a few jugera were granted (as Lg. Liv. viii. II,
In these cases however was the intention not to create new farms with the allotments, but rather, as rule, to add to the existing farms new parcels from the conquered lands (comp. C. L. p. 88). At any rate. any supposition better than a hypothesis which requires us to believe as were in miraculous multiplication of the food of the Roman house hold. The Roman farmers were far less modest in their requirements than their historiographers; they themselves conceived that they could not subsist even on allotments of seven jugera or produce of one hundred and forty modii.
Perhaps the latest, although probably not the last, attempt to prove that a Latin farmer's family might have subsisted on two jugera of land, finds its chief support in the argument that Varro (dc 19. 19. 44. reckons the seed requisite for the jugerum at five modii of wheat but ten modii of spelt, and estimates the produce as corresponding to this, whence
inferred that the cultivation of spelt yielded a produce, not double, at least considerably higher than that of wheat. But the converse more correct, and the nominally higher quantity sown and reaped simply to be explained by the fact that the Romans garnered and sowed the wheat already shelled, but the spelt still in the husk (Pliny, H. N. xviii. 7, 61), which in this case was not separated from the fruit by threshing. For the same reason spelt at the present day sown twice as thickly as wheat, and gives a produce twice as great by measure, but less after deduction of the husks. According to Wiirtemberg estimates furnished to me by G. Hanssen, the average produce of the Wflrtemberg Morgen reckoned in the case of wheat (with sowing of to schefiel) at . rc/ufil of the medium weight of 275 lbs. (=825 lbs. ) in the case of spelt (with sowing of to sc/zefel) at last . rrlzqfil of the medium
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clumxm AGRICULTURE, TRADE, AND COMMERCE
different kinds of pulse, roots, and vegetables were also diligently cultivated.
That the culture of the vine was not introduced for the Culture oi first time into Italy by Greek settlers (p. 24), is shown by the mm‘ the list of the festivals of the Roman community which
reaches back to a time preceding the Greeks, and which
presents three wine~festivals to be celebrated in honour of
“father Jovis,” not in honour of the wine-god of more
recent times who was borrowed from the Greeks, the
“ father deliverer. ” The very ancient legend which represents Mezentius king of Caere as levying a wine-tax
from the Latins or the Rutuli, and the various versions of
the widely-spread Italian story which afi'irms that the Celts
were induced to cross the Alps in consequence of their
coming to the knowledge of the noble fruits of Italy, especially of the grape and of wine, are indications of the
pride of the Latins in their glorious vine, the envy of all
their neighbours. A careful system of vine-husbandry was
early and generally inculcated by the Latin priests. In
Rome the vintage did not begin until the supreme priest
of the community, the flamen of Jupiter, had granted
for it and had himself made a beginning; in like manner a Tusculan ordinance forbade the sale of new
weight of 150 lbs. (=1o5o lbs. ), which are reduced by shelling to about
Thus spelt compared with wheat yields in the gross more than double, with equally good soil perhaps triple the crop, but-by specific weight-before the shelling not much above, after shelling (as " kernel”) less than, the half. It was not by mistake, as has been asserted, but because it was fitting in computations of this sort to start from estimates of a like nature handed down to us, that the calculation instituted above was based on wheat; it may stand, because, when transferred to spelt. it does not essentially differ and the produce rather falls than rises. Spelt is less nice as to soil and climate, and exposed to fewer risks than wheat; but the latter yields on the whole, especially when we take into account the not inconsiderable expenses of shelling, a higher net produce (on an average of fifty years in the district of Frankenthal in Rhenish Bavaria the mailer of wheat stands at I1 g‘ulden 3 krsz, the malter of spelt at 4 g‘ulden 3o krz. ), and, as in South Germany, where the soil admits, the growing of wheat is preferred and generally with the progress of cultivation comes to supersede that of spelt, so the analogous transition of Italian agriculture from the culture of spelt to that of wheat was undeniably a progress.
VOL. I 16
permission
4 rcbefiél.
241
Culture of the olive.
wine, until the priest had proclaimed the festival of opening the casks. The early prevalence of the culture of the vine is likewise attested not only by the general adoption of wine-libations in the sacrificial ritual, but also by the precept of the Roman priests promulgated as a law of king Numa, that men should present in libation to the gods no wine obtained from uncut grapes ; just as, to introduce the beneficial practice of drying the grain, they prohibited the Offering of grain undried.
The culture of the olive was of later introduction, and. certainly was first brought to Italy by the Greeks. 1 The olive is said to have been first planted on the shores of the western Mediterranean towards the close of the second century of the city; and this view accords with the fact that the olive-branch and the olive occupy in the Roman ritual a place very subordinate to the juice of the vine. The esteem in which both noble trees were held by the Romans is shown by the vine and the olive-tree which were planted in the middle of the Forum, not far from the Curtian lake.
The principal fruit-tree planted was the nutritious fig, which was probably a native of Italy. The legend of the origin of Rome wove its threads most closely around the old fig-trees, several of which stood near to and in the Roman Forum!
It was the farmer and his sons who guided the plough, and performed generally the labours of husbandry: it is not probable that slaves or free day-labourers were regularly employed in the work of the ordinary farm. The plough was drawn by the ox or by the cow; horses, asses, and
1 Oleum and oli'ua are derived from Qatar, {Mum and amurca (oil
lees) from djtépyn.
‘ But there is no proper authority for the statement that the fig-tree
The fig.
Manage ment of the farm.
242
AGRICULTURE, TRADE, AND COMMERCE BOOK 1
‘94. which stood in front of the temple of Saturn was cut down in the year 260 (Plin. H. 1V. xv. 18, 77); the date CCLX. is wanting in all good manuscripts, and has been interpolated, probably with reference to Liv. 2:.
ii.
CHAP- xrrr AGRICULTURE, TRADE, AND COMMERCE
mules served as beasts of burden. The rearing of cattle for the sake of meat or of milk did not exist at all as a distinct branch of husbandry, or was prosecuted only to a very limited extent, at least on the land which remained the property of the clan; but, in addition to the smaller cattle which were driven out together to the common pasture, swine and poultry, particularly geese, were kept at the farm-yard. As a general rule, there was no end of ploughing and re-ploughing: a field was reckoned im perfectly tilled, in which the furrows were not drawn so close that harrowing could be dispensed with, but the management was more earnest than intelligent, and no improvement took place in the defective plough or in the imperfect processes of reaping and of threshing. This result is probably attributable rather to the scanty develop ment of rational mechanics than to the obstinate clinging of the farmers to use and wont; for mere kindly attach ment to the system of tillage transmitted with the patri monial soil was far from influencing the practical Italian, and obvious improvements in agriculture, such as the cultivation of fodder-plants and the irrigation of meadows, may have been early adopted from neighbouring peoples or independently developed-Roman literature itself in fact began with the discussion of the theory of agriculture. Welcome rest followed diligent and judicious labour; and here too religion asserted her right to soothe the toils of life even to the humble by pauses for recreation and for freer human movement and intercourse. Every eighth day (nonae), and therefore on an average four times a month, the farmer went to town to buy and sell and transact his
other business. But rest from labour, in the strict sense, took place only on the several festival days, and especially in the holiday-month after the completion of the winter sowing (firz'ae sementivae): during these set times the plough rested by command of the gods, and not the farmer
243
244
AGRICULTURE, TRADE, AND COMMERCE BOOK 1
only, but also his slave and his ox, reposed in holiday idleness.
Such, probably, was the way in which the ordinary Roman farm was cultivated in the earliest times. The next heirs had no protection against bad management except the right of having the spendthrift who squandered his inherited estate placed under wardship as if he were a lunatic 194). Women moreover were in substance divested of their personal right of disposal, and, they married, member of the same clan was ordinarily assigned
as husband, in order to retain the estate within the clan. The law sought to check the overburdening of landed property with debt partly by ordaining, in the case of a debt secured over the land, the provisional transference of the ownership of the object pledged from the debtor to the creditor, partly, in the case of simple loan, by the rigour of the proceedings in execution which speedily led to actual bankruptcy; the latter means however, as the sequel will show, attained its object but very imperfectly. No restric tion was imposed law on the free divisibility of property.
Desirable as might be that co-heirs should remain in the undivided possession of their heritage, even the oldest law was careful to keep the power of dissolving such partner ship open at any time to any partner; was good that brethren should dwell together in peace, but to compel them to do so was foreign to the liberal spirit of Roman law. The Servian constitution moreover shows that even in the regal period of Rome there were not
wanting cottagers and garden-proprietors, with whom the mattock
took the place of the plough. was left to custom and the sound sense of the population to prevent excessive subdivision of the soil; and that their confidence in this respect was not misplaced and the landed estates ordinarily remained entire, proved by the universal Roman custom
of designating them by permanent individual names.
The
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community exercised only an indirect influence in the matter by the sending forth of colonies, which regularly led to the establishment of a. number of new full hides, and frequently doubtless also to the suppression of a number of cottage holdings, the small landholders being sent forth as colonists.
It is far more diflicult to perceive how matters stood with landed property on a larger scale. The fact that such larger properties existed to no inconsiderable extent, cannot be doubted from the early development of the equites, and may be easily explained partly by the distribution of the clan-lands, which of itself could not but call into existence a class of larger landowners in consequence of the necessary inequality in the numbers of the persons belonging to the several clans and participating in the distribution, and partly by the abundant influx of mercantile capital to Rome. But farming on a large scale in the proper sense, implying a considerable establishment of slaves, such as we afterwards meet with at Rome, cannot be supposed to have existed during this period. On the contrary, to this period we must refer the ancient definition, which represents the senators as called fathers from the fields which they parcelled out among the common people as a father among his children; and originally the landowner must have distributed that portion of his land which he was unable to farm in person, or even his whole estate, into little parcels among his de pendents to be cultivated by them, as is the general practice in Italy at the present day. The recipient might be the house-child or slave of the granter; if he was a free man, his position was that which subsequently went by the name of “occupancy on sufferance ” (prmzrium). The recipient retained his occupancy during the pleasure of the granter, and had no legal means of protecting himself in possession against him; on the contrary, the granter could eject him at any time when he pleased. The relation did not
245
Landed proprie tOl‘S.
246
AGRICULTURE, TRADE, AND COMMERCE BOOK 1
necessarily involve any payment on the part of the person who had the usufruct of the soil to its proprietor ; but such a payment beyond doubt frequently took place and may, as a rule, have consisted in the delivery of a portion of the produce. The relation in this case approximated to the lease of subsequent times, but remained always distinguished from it partly by the absence of a fixed term for its expiry, partly by its non-actionable character on either side and the legal protection of the claim for rent depending entirely on the lessor’s right of ejection. It is plain that it was essentially a relation based on mutual fidelity, which could not subsist without the help of the powerful sanction of custom consecrated by religion ; and this was not wanting. The institution of clientship, altogether of a moral-religious nature, beyond doubt rested fundamentally on this assigna tion of the profits of the soil. Nor was the introduction of such an assignation dependent on the abolition of the system of common tillage ; for, just as after this abolition the indi
vidual, so previous to it the clan might grant to depend ents a joint use of its lands; and beyond doubt with this very state of things was connected the fact that the Roman clientship was not personal, but that from the outset the client along with his clan entrusted himself for protection and fealty to the patron and his clan. This earliest form of Roman landholding serves to explain how there sprang from the great landlords in Rome a landed, and not an urban, nobility. As the pernicious institution of middlemen re mained foreign to the Romans, the Roman landlord found himself not much less chained to his land than was the tenant and the farmer; he inspected and took part in every thing himself, and the wealthy Roman esteemed it his highest praise to be reckoned a good landlord. His house was in the country; in the city he had only a lodging for the purpose of attending to his business there, and perhaps
of breathing the purer air that prevailed there during the
CHAP- XIII AGRICULTURE, TRADE, AND COMMERCE
hot season. Above all, however, these arrangements fur nished a moral basis for the relation between the upper class and the common people, and so materially lessened its dangers. The free tenants-on-sufferance, sprung from families of decayed farmers, dependents, and freedmen, formed the great bulk of the proletariate (p. r 13), and were not much more dependent on the landlord than the petty leaseholder inevitably is with reference to the great pro prietor. The slaves tilling the fields for a master were beyond doubt far less numerous than the free tenants. In all cases where an immigrant nation has not at once reduced to slavery a population en masse, slaves seem to have existed at first only to a very limited amount, and consequently free labourers seem to have played a very different part in the state from that in which they subse quently appear. In Greece “day-labourers” (051:9) in various instances during the earlier period occupy the place of the slaves of a later age, and in some communities, among the Locrians for instance, there was no slavery down to historical times. Even the slave, moreover, was ordinarily of Italian descent; the Volscian, Sabine, or Etruscan war-captive must have stood in a different re lation towards his master from the Syrian and the Celt of later times. Besides as a tenant he had in fact, though not in law, land and cattle, wife and child, as the landlord had, and after manumission was introduced 198) there was possibility, not remote, of working out his freedom.
If such then was the footing on which landholding on large scale stood in the earliest times, was far from being an open sore in the commonwealth; on the contrary, was of most material service to it. Not only did subsistence, although scantier upon the whole, for as many families in proportion as the intermediate and smaller properties; but the landlords moreover, occupying comparatively elevated and free position, supplied the
247
provide
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Pastoral husbandry.
community with its natural leaders and rulers, while the agricultural and unpropertied tenants-on-sufferance furnished the genuine material for the Roman policy of colonization, without which it never would have succeeded ; for while the state may furnish land to him who has none, it cannot impart to one who knows nothing of agriculture the spirit and the energy to wield the plough.
Ground under pasture was not affected by the distribu tion of the land. The state, and not the clanship, was regarded as the owner of the common pastures. It made use of them in part for its own flocks and herds, which
were intended for sacrifice and other purposes and were always kept up by means of the cattle-fines; and it gave to the possessors of cattle the privilege of driving them out upon the common pasture for a moderate payment
The right of pasturage on the public domains may have originally borne some relation de fade to the possession of land, but no connection de jure can ever have subsisted in Rome between the particular hides of land and a definite proportional use of the common pasture; because property could be acquired even by the metoikos, but the right to use the common pasture was only granted excep tionally to the metoikos by the royal favour. At this period, however, the public land seems to have held but a sub ordinate place in the national economy generally, for the original common pasturage was not perhaps very extensive, and the conquered territory was probably for the most part distributed immediately as arable land among the clans or
at a later period among individuals.
While agriculture was the chief and most extensively
prosecuted occupation in Rome, other branches of industry did not fail to accompany as might be expected from the early development of urban life in that emporium of the Latins. In fact eight guilds of craftsmen were numbered among the institutions of king Numa, that among the
Handi
348
AGRICULTURE, TRADE, AND COMMERCE BOOK I
(scrz'jtura).
is,
it,
can. xrrr AGRICULTURE, TRADE, AND COMMERCE 249
institutions that had existed in Rome from time immemorial. These were the flute-blowers, the goldsmiths, the copper smiths, the carpenters, the fullers, the dyers, the potters, and the shoemakers—a list which would substantially exhaust the class of tradesmen working to order on account of others in the very early times, when the baking of bread and the professional art of healing were not yet known and wool was spun into clothing by the women of the household themselves. It is remarkable that there appears no special guild of workers in iron. This affords a fresh confirmation of the fact that the manufacture of iron was of comparatively late introduction in Latium ; and on this account in matters of ritual down to the latest times copper alone might be used, ag. for the sacred plough and the shear-knife of the priests. These bodies of craftsmen must have been of great importance in early times for the urban life of Rome and for its position towards the Latin land—an importance not to be measured by the depressed condition of Roman handicraft in later times, when it was injuriously affected by the multitude of artisan-slaves working for their master or on his account, and by the increased import of articles of luxury. The oldest lays of Rome celebrated not only the mighty war-god Mamers, but also the skilled armourer Mamurius, who understood the art of forging for his fellow burgesses shields similar to the divine model shield that had fallen from heaven; Volcanus the god of fire and of the forge already appears in the primitive list of Roman festivals (p. 209). Thus in the earliest Rome, as every where, the arts of forging and of wielding the ploughshare and the sword went hand in hand, and there was nothing of that arrogant contempt for handicrafts which we afterwards meet with there. After the Servian organization, how ever, imposed the duty of serving in the army exclusively on the freeholders, the industrial classes were excluded not by any law, but practically in consequence of their
Inland commerce of the Italians.
general want of a freehold qualification, from the privilege of bearing arms, except in the case of special subdivisions chosen from the carpenters, coppersmiths, and certain classes of musicians and attached with a military organization to the army; and this may perhaps have been the origin of the subsequent habit of depreciating the manual arts and of the position of political inferiority assigned to them. The institution of guilds doubtless had the same object as the colleges of priests that resembled them in name; the men of skill associated themselves in order more permanently and securely to preserve the tradition of their art. That there was some mode of excluding unskilled persons is probable ; but no traces are to be met with either of monopolizing tendencies or of protective steps against inferior manufactures. There is no aspect, however, of the life of the Roman people respecting which our information is so scanty as that of the Roman trades.
Italian commerce must, it is obvious, have been limited in the earliest epoch to the mutual dealings of the Italians themselves. Fairs (men'atus), which must be distinguished from the usual weekly markets (mmdinae) were of great antiquity in Latium. Probably they were at first associated with international gatherings and festivals, and so perhaps were connected in Rome with the festival at the federal temple on the Aventine; the Latins, who came for this purpose to Rome every year on the 13th August, may have embraced at the same time the opportunity of transacting their business in Rome and of purchasing what they needed there. A similar and perhaps still greater importance belonged in the case of Etruria to the annual general assembly at the temple of Voltumna (perhaps near Monte fiascone) in the territory of Volsinii ; it served at the same time as a fair and was regularly frequented by Roman traders. But the most important of all the Italian fairs was that which was held at Soracte in the grove of Feronia,
l ‘‘
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AGRICULTURE, TRADE, AND COMMERCE 800K!
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can. xm AGRICULTURE, TRADE, AND COMMERCE
a situation than which none could be found more favour able for the exchange of commodities among the three great nations. That high isolated mountain, which appears to have been set down by nature herself in the midst of the plain of the Tiber as a goal for the traveller, lay on the boundary which separated the Etruscan and Sabine lands (to the latter of which it appears mostly to have belonged), and it was likewise easily accessible from Latium and Umbria. Roman merchants regularly made their appear ance there, and the wrongs of which they complained gave rise to many a quarrel with the Sabines.
Beyond doubt dealings of barter and traflic were carried on at these fairs long before the first Greek or Phoenician vessel entered the western sea. When bad harvests had occurred, different districts supplied each other at these fairs with grain ; there, too, they exchanged cattle, slaves, metals, and whatever other articles were deemed needful or desirable in those primitive times. Oxen and sheep formed the oldest medium of exchange, ten sheep being reckoned
to one ox. The recognition of these objects as universal legal representatives of value or in other words as money, as well as the scale of proportion between the large and smaller cattle, may be traced back-as the recurrence of both especially among the Germans shows-not merely to the Graeco-Italian period, but beyond this even to the epoch of a purely pastoral economy. 1 In Italy, where metal in considerable quantity was everywhere required especially for agricultural purposes and for armour, but few of its provinces themselves produced the requisite metals,
1 The comparative legal value of sheep and oxen, as is well known, is proved by the fact that, when the cattle-fines were converted into money fines. the sheep was rated at ten, and the ox at a hundred arses (Festus, v. peculatur, p. 237, comp. pp. 34, 144 ; Gell. xi. I ; Plutarch, Paplicola, II). By a similar adjustment the Icelandic law makes twelve rams equivalent to a cow; only in this as in other instances the Germanic law has sub stituted the duodecimal for the older decimal system.
It is well known that the term denoting cattle was transferred to denote money both among the Latins (pecunia) and among theGermans (English fee).
251
equivalent
Trans marine traffic
of the Italian.
traces of this earliest international intercourse of the Italian peoples while they still had the peninsula to themselves.
We have already indicated generally the nature of the influence exercised by transmarine commerce on the Italians who continued independent. The Sabellian stocks re mained almost wholly unaffected by it. They were in possession of but small and inhospitable belt of coast, and received whatever reached them from foreign nations —the alphabet for instance-only through the medium of the Tuscans or Latins; circumstance which accounts for their want of urban development. The intercourse of Tarentum with the Apulians and Messapians appears to have been at this epoch still unimportant. It was other wise along the west coast. In Campania the Greeks and Italians dwelt peacefully side by side, and in Latium, and still more in Etruria, an extensive and regular exchange of commodities took place. What were the earliest articles of import, may be inferred partly from the objects found in the primitive tombs, particularly those at Caere, partly from indications preserved in the language and institutions of the Romans, partly and chiefly from the stimulus given to Italian industry; for of course they bought foreign manufactures for considerable time before they began to imitate them. We cannot determine how far the develop ment of handicrafts had advanced before the separation of the stocks, or what progress thereafter made while Italy remained left to its own resources; uncertain how far
252
AGRICULTURE, TRADE, AND COMMERCE BOOK!
copper (aes) very early made its appearance alongside of cattle as a second medium of exchange; and so the Latins, who were poor in copper, designated valuation itself as “coppering ” (aestimatio). This establishment of copper as a general equivalent recognized throughout the whole peninsula, as well as the simplest numeral signs of Italian invention to be mentioned more particularly below
264) and the Italian duodecimal system, may be regarded as
it is
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the Italian fullers, dyers, tanners, and potters received their impulse from Greece or Phoenicia or had their own inde pendent development. But certainly the trade of the goldsmiths, which existed in Rome from time immemorial, can only have arisen after transmarine commerce had begun and ornaments of gold had to some extent found sale
among the inhabitants of the peninsula. We find, ac cordingly, in the oldest sepulchral chambers of Caere and Vulci in Etruria and of Praeneste in Latium, plates of gold with winged lions stamped upon them, and similar orna ments of Babylonian manufacture. It may be a question in reference to the particular object found, whether it has been introduced from abroad_ or is a native imitation; but
on the whole it admits of no doubt that all the west coast of Italy in early times imported metallic wares from the East. It will be shown still more clearly in the sequel, when we come to speak of the exercise of art, that archi tecture and modelling in clay and metal received a powerful stimulus in very early times through Greek influence, or, in other words, that the oldest tools and the oldest models came from Greece. In the sepulchral chambers just mentioned, besides the gold ornaments, there were deposited vessels of bluish enamel or greenish clay, which, judging from the materials and style as well as from the hiero— glyphics impressed upon them, were of Egyptian origin ,1
of Oriental alabaster, several of them in the form of Isis; ostrich-eggs with painted or carved sphinxes and griffins ; beads of glass and amber. These last may have come by the land-route from the north ; but the other objects prove the import of perfumes and articles of orna ment of all sorts from the East. Thence came linen and purple, ivory and frankincense, as is proved by the early
1 There has lately been found at Praeneste a silver mixing-jug, with a Phoenician and a hieroglyphic inscription (Mon. dell’ Inst. x. plate 32), which directly proves that such Egyptian wares as come to light in Italy have found their way thither through the medium of the Phoenicians.
253
perfume-vases
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AGRICULTURE, TRADE, AND COMMERCE 300K i
use of linen fillets, of the purple dress and ivory sceptre for the king, and of frankincense in sacrifice, as well as by the very ancient borrowed names for them ()tt'vov, linum; 1rop¢1ipa, purpura ,' o-xfir'rpov, o-ximnv, safio; perhaps also e’ltidxzs, ebur; 9150;, thus). Of similar significance is the derivation of a number of words relating to articles used in eating and drinking, particularly the names of oil (comp. p. 242), of jugs (tilltbopfljs, amp(l1)0ra, ampulla; Kpqnjp,
of feasting (xwpéfw, mmissari), of a dainty dish
:ratera),
of dough (Fife, massa), and various names of cakes (7kvxoiis, lucuns; 1r)tm<ofig,plaanta; wpo5g, turunda) ; while conversely the Latin names for dishes and for lard_ (arz/ina, (ipflt’Vfl) have found admission into Sicilian Greek. The later custom of placing in the tomb beside the dead Attic, Corcyrean, and Campanian vases proves, what these testimonies from
language likewise show, the early market for Greek pottery in Italy. That Greek leather-work made its way into Latium at least in the shape of armour is apparent from the application of the Greek word for leather (o-m’i-ros) to signify among the Latins a shield (scutum; like lorim, from lorum). Finally, we deduce a similar inference from the numerous nautical terms borrowed from the Greek
(dupa'wwv, opsom'um),
(patina, vra'l'a'y'q)
it is remarkable that the chief technical ex pressions in navigation—the terms for the sail, mast, and yard-are pure Latin forms);1 and from the recurrence
1 Velum is certainly of Latin origin; so is malur, especially as that term denotes not merely the mast, but the tree in general: antenna like wise may come from dud. (anlulare, antertari), and tender: = rupertenra. Of Greek origin, on the other hand, are gubernare, to steer (xufiepm'iv) ; ancora, anchor (d-yxupa); prvra, ship's bow (1rpd3pa); aplurtre, ship‘s stern (d¢)\(l0'1‘0I/)I anquina, the rope fastening the yards (dryxowa) ; naurea, sea-sickness (much).
The four chief winds of the ancients-aquilo, the "eagle-wind," the north-easterly Tramontana; vnllumus (of uncertain derivation, perhaps the "vulture-wind"), the south-easterly; aurter the “scorching" south west wind, the Sirocco; fawniur, the "favourable" north-west wind blowing from the Tyrrhene sea—have indigenous names bearing no reference to navigation; but all the other Latin names for winds are Greek
(although
CHAP- xrrr AGRICULTURE, TRADE, AND COMMERCE
in Latin of the Greek designations for a letter s’fl'ro-'roAfi, epistula), a token (fessera, from réo-aapal), a balance (era-nip,
. rt‘atera), and earnest-money (dppaflév, arraéa, arm) ; and conversely from the adoption of Italian law-terms in Sicilian Greek 201), as well as from the exchange of the proportions and names of coins, weights, and measures, which we shall notice in the sequel. The character of barbarism which all these borrowed terms obviously present, and especially the characteristic formation of the nominative from the accusative (placenta rrAaxoiivra. ampora oiprpopéa; statera = o-m-n'jpa), constitute the clearest evidence of their great antiquity. The worship of the god of traffic
also appears to have been from the first influenced by Greek conceptions; and his annual festival seems even to have been fixed on the ides of May, because the Hellenic poets celebrated him as the son of the beautiful Maia.
thus appears that Italy in very ancient times derived its articles of luxury, just as imperial Rome did, from the East, before attempted to manufacture for itself after the models which imported. In exchange had nothing to offer except its raw produce, consisting especially of its copper, silver, and iron, but including also slaves and timber for shipbuilding, amber from the Baltic, and, in the event of bad harvests occurring abroad, its grain.
From this state of things as to the commodities in demand and the equivalents to be offered in return, we
(such as eurur, natur). or translations from the Greek (ag. solanur = drrvfiua'rms, Africu: =
This meant in the first instance the tokens used in the service of the camp, the fuhfirprcr xa. rd. ¢vhalrhv flpaxéa. -rehéws é'xov-ra. xapam'fipa. (Polyb. vi. 35, the four w'gilirze of the night-service gave name to the tokens generally. The fourfold division of the night for the service of watching
Greek as well as Roman; the military science of the Greeks may well have exercised an influence-—possibly through Pyrrhus (Liv. xxxv. r4)—in the organization of the measures for security in the Roman camp. The employment of the non-Doric form speaks for the comparatively late date at which the word was taken over.
(Mn'urius)
255
Commerce, in Latium passive, in Etruria active.
is
1
It
7) ;
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AGRICULTURE, TRADE, AND COMMERCE BOOK r
have already explained why Italian traflic assumed in Latium a form so differing from that which it presented in Etruria. The Latins, who were deficient in all the chief articles of export, could carry on only a passive traflic, and were obliged even in the earliest times to procure the copper of which they had need from the Etruscans in exchange for cattle or slaves-—we have already mentioned the very ancient practice of selling the latter on the right bank of the Tiber
:56
On the other hand the Tuscan balance of trade must have been necessarily favourable in Caere as in
(p. 131).
in Capua as in Spina. Hence the rapid development of prosperity in these regions and their power ful commercial position; whereas Latium remained pre
an agricultural country. The same contrast recurs in all their individual relations. The oldest tombs constructed and furnished in the Greek fashion, but with an extravagance to which the Greeks were strangers, are to be found at Caere, while—with the exception of Praeneste, which appears to have occupied a peculiar position and to have been very intimately connected with Falerii and southern Etruria—the Latin land exhibits only slight ornaments for the dead of foreign origin, and not a single tomb of luxury proper belonging to the earlier times; there as among the Sabellians a simple turf ordinarily sufliced as a covering for the dead. The most ancient coins, of a
time not much later than those of Magna Graecia, belong to Etruria, and to Populonia in particular: during the whole regal period Latium had to be content with copper by weight, and had not even introduced foreign coins, for the instances are extremely rare in which such coins (eg. one of Posidonia) have been found there. In architecture, plastic art, and embossing, the same stimulants acted on Etruria and on Latium, but it was only in the case of the former that capital was everywhere brought to bear on them and led to their being pursued extensively and with growing
Populonia,
eminently
can. xm AGRICULTURE, TRADE, AND COMMERCE
technical skill. The commodities were upon the whole the same, which were bought, sold, and manufactured in Latium and in Etruria; but the southern land was far inferior to its northern neighbours in the energy with which its commerce was plied. The contrast between them in this respect is shown in the fact that the articles of luxury manufactured after Greek models in Etruria found a market in Latium, particularly at Praeneste, and even in Greece itself, while Latium hardly ever exported anything of the kind.
A distinction not less remarkable between the commerce of the Latins and that of the Etruscans appears in their respective routes or lines of traffic. As to the earliest commerce of the Etruscans in the Adriatic we can hardly do more than express the conjecture that it was directed from Spina and Atria chiefly to Corcyra. We have already mentioned 182) that the western Etruscans ventured boldly into the eastern seas, and trafficked not merely with
Sicily, but also with Greece proper. An ancient intercourse with Attica indicated the Attic clay vases, which are so numerous in the more recent Etruscan tombs, and had been perhaps even at this time introduced for other purposes than the already-mentioned decoration of tombs, while conversely Tyrrhenian bronze candlesticks and gold cups were articles early in request in Attica. Still more definitely
such an intercourse indicated by the coins. The silver pieces of Populonia were struck after the pattern of very old silver piece stamped on one side with the Gorgoneion, on the other merely presenting an incuse square, which has been found at Athens and on the old amber-route in the district of Posen, and which was in all probability the very coin struck order of Solon in Athens. We have mentioned already that the Etruscans had also dealings, and perhaps after the development of the Etrusco Carthaginian maritime alliance their principal dealings, with
vor. .