The recovery of the
important
town of
rians, in B.
rians, in B.
William Smith - 1844 - Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities - c
de Caes.
xxviii.
; Zosim.
i.
23)
Maison carrée and the amphitheatre, is a matter of or by his own soldiers (Aur. Vict. Epit. xxviii. ;
pure conjecture. (Gruter, p. dcxxiii. 5. ) (P. S. ) Eutrop. ix. 3); and althongh it does not appear that
PHILIPPUS, AURE’LIUS, the teacher of he had rendered himself odious by any tyrannical
Alexander Severus, afterwards wrote the life of abuse of power, yet the recollection of the foul arts
this emperor. (Lamprid. Aler. Ser. 3. )
by which he had accomplished the ruin of his much
PHILIPPUS (PATTOS), son of HEROD the loved predecessor, caused his downfal to be hailed
Great, king of Judaea, by his wife Cleopatra, was with delight. If we can trust the Alexandrian
appointed by his father's will tetrarch of the dis- chronicle, he was only forty-five years old at the
tricts of Gaulonitis, Trachonitis, and Batanaea, the period of his death.
sovereignty of which was confirmed to him by the The great domestic event of the reign was the
decision of Augustus. He continued to reign over exhibition of the secular games, which were cele
the dominions thus entrusted to his charge for the brated with even more than the ordinary degree of
space of thirty-seven years (8. c. 4 – A. D. 34), a enthusiasm and splendour, since the imperial city
period of uniform tranquillity, during wliich his had now, according to the received tradition, at-
mild and equitable rule made him universally be tained the thousandth year of her existence. The
loved by his subjects. He founded the city of disputes and mistakes of chronologers with regard
Caesareia, surnamed Paneas, but more commonly to the epoch in question can, in the present in-
known as Caesareia Philippi, near the sources of stance, be satisfactorily decided and corrected by
the Jordan, which he named in honour of Au- the unquestionable testimony of medals, from which
gustus, while he bestowed the name of Julias upon we learn that the festival was held in the third
the town of Bethsaida, which he had greatly consulship of Philippus, that is, in the year a. D.
enlarged and embellished. Among other edifices 248 ; but unless we conld ascertain the month, it is
he erected there a magnificent monument, in which impossible to determine whether the solemnities
his remains were deposited after his death. As he were performed while the tenth century was set
left no children, his dominions were after his de- current or after it was fully completed.
cease annexed to the Roman province of Syria. Many writers have maintained that Philippus
(Joseph. Ant. xvii. 8. § 1, xvii. 2. § 1, 4. $ 6, was a Christian ; a position which has given rise
B. J. i. 33. & 8, ii. 6. $ 3. ) This Philip must not to an animated controversy. It is evident from
be confounded with Herod surnamed Philip, who several passages in Eusebiiis, that such an opinion
was the son of Herod the Great by Mariamne was prevalent in his day, but the bishop of Caesa-
[Herodes PhilipPUS).
(E. H. B. ) reia abstains from expressing his own sentiments
PHILIPPUS I. , M. JU'LIUS, Roman em- with regard to its truth, except in so far as he re-
peror A. D. 244—249, was an Arabian by birth, a marks that the persecution of Decius arose from
native of Trachonitis, according to Victor ; of the the hatred entertained by that prince towards his
colony of Bostra, according to Zonaras. Of his predecessor, and makes mention of certain letters
early history we know nothing, except that he is addressed by Origen to Philippus and the empress,
said to have been the son of a celebrated robber without calling in question their authenticity.
captain, and we are equally ignorant of the various Hieronymus again broadly asserts the fact, as do
steps in his military career. Upon the death of Vincentius Lirinensis and Orosius, who are fol-
the excellent Misitheus [Misitarus ; GORDIANUS | lowed by many later authorities. It is certain,
III. ), during the Persian campaign of the third moreover, that a report gained general credit in the
Gordian, Philippus was at once promoted to the following century, that this emperor was not only
vacant office of praetorian praefect. The treach- a true believer, but actually performed a public
erous arts by which he procured the ruin of the penance, imposed, as has been inferred from a pas-
young prince his master, and his own elevation to sage in St. Chrysostom, by St. Babylas, bishop of
the throne, are detailed elsewhere (GORDIANUS Antioch. On the other hand, we are reminded that
111. ). The senate having ratified the choice of the he bestowed the title of dirus upon Gordian, that,
troops, the new sovereign proclaimed his son Caesar, far from making any attempt to repress the rites of
concluded a disgraceful peace with Sapor, founded pagan worship, he took an active part in all the
the city of Philippopolis, and then returned to Rome. superstitious observances of the secular games, that
These events took place in the early part of A. D. he bestowed no marks of favour or encouragement,
244. The annals of this period, which are sin | beyond simple toleration, on the professors of the
## p. 273 (#289) ############################################
PHILIPPUS.
273
PHILIPPUS.
1
R
PP
209 208
స0000000
WI
USAK
Deco
true faith, and that a multitude of ancient writers PHILIPPUS I. (LANTOS), king of Mace-
unite in declaring that Constantine was the first DONIA, son of Argaeus, was the sixth king, if we
Christian sovereign of Rome. The student will follow the lists of Dexippus and Eusebius, but the
find all the arguments stated with great candour third, according to Herodotus and Thucydides, who,
and all the authorities arranged with great precision not reckoning ČARANUs and his two immediate suc-
in Tillemont, and we have nothing to add, except cessors (Coenus and Thurimas or Turimmas), look
that the inquiry is a mere matter of curiosity, for it upon Perdiccas I. as the founder of the monarchy.
is agreed on all hands that this conversion, if real, Eusebius assigns to Philip I. a reign of 38 years,
exercised no influence on the condition of the Dexippus one of 35. Neither statement appears to
Church, which certainly could have had little reason rest on any positive testimony; and Justin tells us
to be proud of such a bloodstained and compro- that his death was an untimely one. He left a son,
mising proselyte. (Aur. Vict. de Caes. xxviii. named Aëropus, who succeeded him. (Herod. viii.
Epit. xxviii. , Eutrop. ix. 3 ; Zosim. i. 23, iii. 32; 137—139 ; Thuc. ii. 100; Just. vii. 2; Clint.
Zonar. xii. 19; Eckhel, vol. vii. p. 323 ; Euseb. F. H. vol. ii. p. 221. )
(E. F. ]
H. E. vi. 34, 39, 41, vii. 10 ; Hieron. de Viris II. PHILIPPUS II. (PALATOS), the 18th king
c. 54 ; Chrysost. in Gent. vol. i. p. 658 ; Tillemont, of MACEDONIA, if we count from Caranus, was
Notes sur l'Empereur Philippe, in his Histoire des the youngest son of Amyntas II. and Eurydice,
Empereurs, vol. iii. p. 494. ) [W. R. ) and was born in B. c. 382. According to one ac-
count, which Suidas mentions (s. v. Kápavos), but
for which there is no foundation, he and his two
elder brothers, Alexander II. and Perdiccas III. ,
were supposititious children, imposed by Eurydice
on Amyntas. The fact of Philip's early residence
at Thebes is too well supported to admit of doubt,
though the circumstances which led to his being
placed there are differently related. In Diodorus
(xvi. 2), we read that Amyntas, being overcome
in war by the Illyrians, delivered Philip to them
as a hostage for the payment of some stipulated
COIN OP PHILIPPUS L. , ROXAN EMPEROR.
tribute, and that by them he was sent to Thebes,
PHILIPPUS II. , M. JU'LIUS, son of the where he sojourned in the house of the father of
foregoing, was a boy of seven at the accession in the Pythagorean discipline. The same author,
Epaminondas, and was educated with the latter
(1. D. 244) of his father, by whom he was forth. however, tells us, in another passage (xv. 67),
with proclaimed Caesar, and three years afterwards that he was one of those whom Pelopidas brought
(247) chosen consul, being at the same time ad-
mitted to share the purple with the title of Augus- away with him as hostages for the continuance of
tus. His second consulship (248) corresponds with thither to mediate between Alexander II. and
tranquillity in Macedonia, when he had gone
the celebration of the secular solemnities, and in
the autumn of 249 he was slain, according to Zo" Ptolemy of Alorus, in B. C. 368, and with this
simus, at the battle of Verona, or murdered, accord- Justin says (vii. 5), that Alexander, Philip's bro-
statement Plutarch agrees (Pelop. 26); while
ing to Victor, at Rome by the praetorians, when ther, gave him as a hostage, first to the Illyrians,
intelligence arrived of the defeat and death of the and again a second time to the Thebans. Of these
emperor. Nothing has been recorded with regard accounts, the last-mentioned looks like an awk-
to this youth, who perished at the age of twelve, ward attempt to combine conflicting stories ; while
except that he was of a singularly serious and stern none of them are easily reconcileable with the
temperament, so that from early childhood he could
never be induced to smile, and on perceiving his statement of Aeschines (de Fals. Leg. pp. 31, 32;
father indulging in hearty merriment, called forth comp. Nep, Iph. 3), that
, shortly after the death
by some buffoonery at the games, he turned away together with his elder brother Perdiccas, was
of Alexander II. , Philip was in Macedonia, and,
his head with a marked expression of disgust.
His names and titles were the same with those move his pity and obtain his protection against
presented by Eurydice to Iphicrates, in order to
of the elder Philip, with the addition of Severus, the pretender Pausanias. On the whole, the sup-
found upon some Pamphylian coins, and derived,
it would seem, from his mother Otacilia Severa position of Thirlwall is far from improbable (Greece,
The appellation C. Julius Suturninus, assigned to vol. v, p. 163), viz. that when Pelopidas, subse-
him by Victor, rests upon no other authority, and is quently to the visit of Iphicrates to Macedonia,
not confirmed by medals or inscriptions. " (Aur
. marched a second time into the country, and com-
Vict. de Caes. xxviii. Epit
. xxvii. ; Zosim. i. 22. ) pelled Ptolemy of Alorus to enter into an engage-
[W. R. ]
ment to keep the throne for the younger sons of
Amyntas, he carried Pbilip back with him to
Thebes, as thinking him hardly safe with his
mother and her paramour. As for that part of
the account of Diodorus, which represents
Philip
as pursuing his studies in company with Epami-
nondas, it is sufficiently refuted by chronology (see
Wesseling, ad Diod. xvi. 2); nor would it seem
that his attention at Thebes was directed to spe-
culative philosophy so much as to those more
SCOOP
practical points, the knowledge of which he after-
COIN OF PHILITPUS II. , ROMAN EMPEROR,
wards found so useful for his purposes, -military
tactics, the language and politics of Greece, and
VOL. III
T
coco
PIA
Oooc
dec
A)
向
ore
CATA
## p. 274 (#290) ############################################
27+
PHILIPPUS.
PHILIPPUS.
the characters of its people. He was still at be satisfied with mere security, and henceforth his
Thebes, according to Diodorus, when his brother views were directed, not to defence, but to aggran-
Perdiccas III. was slain in battle against the Illy- disement.
The recovery of the important town of
rians, in B. C. 360 ; and, on hearing of that event, Amphipolis, which he could never have meant se-
he made his escape and returned to Macedonia. riously to abandon, was his first step in this direc-
But this statement is contradicted by the evidence tion, and the way in which he accomplished it
of Speusippus (ap. Ath. xi. p. 506, f. ), from whom (B. c. 358) is one of the most striking specimens
we learn that Plato, conveying the recommendation of his consummate craft. Having found pretexts
through Euphraeus of Oreus, had induced Perdiccas for war with the Amphipolitans, his policy was to
to invest Philip with a principality, which he was prevent interference with his proceedings on the
in possession of when his brother's death placed part of Athens and of Olynthus (both of which
him in the supreme government of the kingdom. states had an interest in resisting his attempt),
On this he appears to have entered at first merels and, at any rate, to keep them from uniting against
as regent and guardian to his infant nephew him. Accordingly, in a secret negotiation with
Amyntas (AMYNTAS, No. 3. ) ; but after no long the Athenians, he led them to believe that he was
time, probably in B. C. 359, he was enabled to set willing to restore Amphipolis to them when he
aside the claims of the young prince, and to as had taken it, and would do so on condition of
sume for himself the title of king, - aided doubt their making hiin master of Pydna (CHARIDEMUS,
less by the dangers which thickened round Mace No. 2). When therefore the Olynthians sent au
donia at that crisis, and which obviously demanded embassy to Athelie to propose an alliance for the
a vigorous hand to deal with them. The Illyrians, defence of Amphipolis, their orertures were re-
flushed with their recent victory over Perdiccas, jected (Dem. Olynth ii. p. 19), and while their ardour
threatened the Macedonian territory on the west, for the contest would be thus damped by the prog-
— the Paeonians were ravaging it on the north, - pect of engaging in it single banded, Philip still
while PAUSANIAS and ARGABUS took advantage more effectually secured their forbearance by sur-
of the crisis to put forward their pretensions to the rendering to them the town of Anthemus (Dem.
throne. Philip was fully equal to the emergency. Phil. ii. p. 70). He then pressed the siege of
By his tact and eloquence he sustained the failing Amphipolis, in the course of which an embassy,
spirits of the Macedonians, while at the same time under llierax and Stratocles, was sent by the
he introduced among them a stricter military dis- Amphipolitans to Athens, to ask for aid ; but Phi-
cipline, and organized their army on the plan of lip rendered the application fruitless by a letter to
the phalanx ; and he purchased by bribes and the Athenians, in which he repeated his former
promises the forbearance of the Paeonians, as well assurances that he would place the city in their
as of Cotys, the king of Thrace, and the chief ally hands. Freed thus from the opposition of the
of Pausanias. But the claims of Argaeus to the only two parties whom he had to dread, he gained
crown were favoured by a more formidable power, possession of Amphipolis, either by force, as Dio-
- the Athenians, who, with the view of recovering dorus tells us, or by treachery from within, accord-
Amphipolis as the price of their aid, sent a force ing to the statement of Demosthenes. He then
under Mantias to support him. Under these cir- proceeded at once to Pydna, which seems to have
cumstances, according to Diodorus, Philip withdrew yielded to him without a struggle, and the acqui-
his garrison from Amphipolis, and declared the sition of which, by his own armis, and not through
town independent,-a measure, which, if he really the Athenians, gave him a pretext for declining to
resorted to it, may account for the lukewarmness stand by his secret engagement with them. (Dem.
of the Athenians in the cause of Argaeus. Soon Olynth. p. 11, de Haionn. p. 83, c. Aristocr. p. 659,
after he defeated the pretender, and having made c. Lept. p. 476 ; Diod. xvi. 8. ) The hostile feeling
prisoners of some Athenian citizens in the battle, which such conduct necessarily excited against
he not only released them, but supplied with va- him at Athens, made it of course still more im-
Juable presents the losses which each had sus- portant for him to pursue his policy of dividing
tained ; and this conciliatory step was followed by those whose union might be formidable, and of
an embassy offering to renew the alliance which detaching Olynthus from the Athenians. Accord.
had existed between Macedonia and Athens in ingly, we find him next engaged in the siege of
the time of his father. The politic generosity Potidaea, together with the Olynthians, to whom
thus displayed by Philip, produced a most favour- he delivered up the town on its capture, while at
able impression on the Athenians, and peace was the same time he took care to treat the Athenian
concluded between the parties after midsummer of garrison with the most conciliatory kindness, and
B. C. 359, no express mention, as far as appears, sent them home in safety. According to Plutarch
being made of Amphipolis in the treaty. Being (Alex. 3), Philip had just taken Potidaea when
thus delivered from his most powerful enemy, tidings of three prosperous erents reached him at
Philip turned his arms against the Paeonians, once ; - these were, a victory in a horse-race at the
taking advantage of the death of their king, Agis, Olympic games, the defeat by Parmenion of the
just at this juncture, and reduced them to subjec-Illyrians, who were leagued with the Paeonians
tion. He then attacked the Illyrians with a large and Thracians against the Macedonian power,
army, and having defeated them in a decisive and the birth of Alexander ; and, if we combine
battle, he granted them peace on condition of their Plutarch's statement with the chronology of Dio.
accepting the lake of Lychnus as their eastern dorus (xvi. 22), we must place the capture of
boundary towards Macedonia. [BardyLis. ] Potidaea in B. C. 356. Soon after this success,
Thus in the short period of one year, and at the whenever it may have occurred, he attacked and
age of four-and-eventy, had Philip delivered him took a settlement of the Thasians, called Crenides
self from his dangerous and embarrassing position, from the springs (kpîval) with which it abounded,
and provided for the security of his kingdom. But and, having introduced into the place a number of
energy and talents such as his could not, of course, I new colonists, he named it Philippi after himself.
## p. 275 (#291) ############################################
PHILIPPU'S.
273
PHILIPPUS.
No. 4. )
One great advantage of this acquisition was, that force of 7000 men, but he was defeated and driven
it put him in possession of the gold mines of the out of Thessaly by Philip, who followed up this
district, the mode of working which he so im- success with the capture of Pagasae, the port of
proved as to derive from them, so Diodorus tells Pherae. Soon, however, Philip was himself obliged
us, a revenue of 1000 talents, or 243,7501. to retreat into Macedonia, after two battles with
sum, however, which doubtless falls far short of Onomarchus, who had marched into Thessaly
what they yielded annually on the whole. (Diod. against him with a more numerous army ; but his
xvi. 8; conip. Strab. vii. p. 323 ; Dem. Olynth. i. retreat was only a preliminary to a more vigorous
p. 11, Philipp. i. p. 50. )
effort. He shortly returned with augmented forces,
From this point there is for some time a pause ostentatiously assuming the character of champion
in the active operations of Philip. He employed of the Delphic god and avenger of sacrilege, and
in no doubt, in carefully watching events, the making his soldiers wear crowns of laurel. One
course of which, as for instance the Social war battle, in which the Phocians were defeated and
(B. c. 357–355), was of itself tending towards the Onomarchus himself was slain, gave Philip the as-
accomplishment of his ambitious designs. And so cendancy in Thessaly. He established at Pherae
well had he disguised these, that although exas- what he wished the Greeks to consider a free go-
peration against him had been excited at Athens, vernment, but he took and garrisoned Magnesia,
no suspicion of them, no apprehension of real and then advanced south ward to Thermopylac.
danger appears to have been felt there; and even The pass, however, he found guarded by a strong
Demosthenes, in his speech against war with Per- | Athenian force, and he was compelled, or at least
sia (nepi ouupop. ws), delivered in B. C. 354, as thought it expedient to retire, a step by which in-
also in that for the Megalopolitans (B. C. 353), deed he had nothing to lose and much to gain, since
makes no mention at all of the Macedonian power the Greek states were unconsciously playing into his
or projects (comp. Dem. Philipp. iii. p. 117; Clint. hands by a war in which they were weakening
F. H. vol. ii. sub annis 353, 311. ) In B. c. 354, one another, and he had other plans to prosecute in
the application made to Philip by Callias, the the North. But while he withdrew his army from
Chalcidian, for aid against Plutarchus, tyrant Greece, he took care that the Athenians should
of Eretria, gave him an opportunity, which he suffer annoyance from his fleet. With this Lemnos
did not neglect, of interposing in the affairs of and Imbros were attacked, and some of the inha-
Euboea, and quietly laying the foundation of a bitants were carried off as prisoners, several Athe-
strong Macedonian party in the island. (Callias, nian ships with valuable cargoes were taken near
Geraestus, and the Paralus was captured in the bay
But there was another and a nearer object to of Marathon. These events are mentioned by
which the views of Philip were directed, — viz. Demosthenes, in his first Philippic (p. 49, ad fin. ),
ascendancy in Thrace, and especially the mastery delivered in B. C. 352, but are referred to the period
of the Chersonesus, which had been ceded to the immediately following the fall of Olynthus, B. C.
Athenians by CERSOBLEPTEs, and the possession 347, by those who consider the latter portion of
of which would be of the utmost importance to the the speech in question as a distinct oration of later
Macedonian king in his struggle with Athens, date [DEMOSTHENES). It was to the affairs of
even if we doubt whether he had yet looked be- Thrace that Philip now directed his operations. As
yond to a wider field of conquest in Asia. It was the ally of Amadocus against Cersobleptes (Theo
then perhaps in B. C. 353, that he marched as far pomp. ap. Harpocr. s. v. 'Auádokos), he marched
westward as Maronein, where Cersobleptes opened into the country, established his ascendancy there,
a negotiation with him for a joint invasion of the and brought away one of the sons of the Thracian
Chersonesus,-a design which was stopped only by king as a hostage (see Vol. I. p. 674). Meanwhile,
the refusal of Amadocus to allow Philip a passage bis movements in Thessaly had opened the eyes of
through his territory. No attempt was made to Demosthenes to the real danger of Athens and
force one ; and, if we are right in the conjectural Greece, and his first Philippic (delivered, as we
date assigned to the event, Philip would naturally have remarked, about this time) was his earliest
be unwilling to waste time in such a contest, when attempt to rouse his countrymen to energetic efforts
the circumstances of the Sacred War promised to against their enemy. But the half-century, which
afford hiin an opportunity of gaining a sure and had elapsed since the Peloponnesian war, had
permanent footing in the very heart of Greece. worked a sad change in the Athenians, and energy
(Dem. c. Arist. p. 681. )
was no longer their characteristic. Reports of
The capture of Methone, however, was a neces Philip's illness and death in Thrace amused and
sary preliminary to any movement towards the soothed the people, and furnished them with a wel.
south, lying as it did between him and the Thes- come excuse for inaction ; and, though the intelli-
salian border, and serving as a shelter to his gence of his having attacked Heraeum on the Pro-
enemies, and as a station from which they could pontis excited their alarm and a momentary show
annoy him. He did not take it till after a length of vigour, still nothing effectual was done, and
ened siege, in the course of which he himself lost throughout the greater part of B. c. 351 feebleness
an eye. The inhabitants were permitted to depart and irresolution prevailed. At some period in the
with one garment, but the town was utterly' de course of the two following years Philip would
stroyed and the land apportioned to Macedonian seem to have interposed in the affairs of Epeirus,
colonists. (Diod. xvi. 31, 31; Dem. Olynth. i. p. 12, dethroning Arym bas (if we may depend on the
Philipp. i. p. 41, iii. p. 117 ; Plut. Pur. 8 ; Luc. statement of Justin, which is in some measure ·
de Serib. llist. 38. ) He was now able to take ad-borne out by Demosthenes), and transferring the
vantage of the invitation of the Aleuadae to aid crown to Alexander, the brother of Olympias (Just.
them against Lycophron, the tyrant of Pherae, and vii. 6, viii. 6 ; Dem. Olynth. i. p. 13; comp. Dind.
advanced into Thessaly, B. C. 352. To support xvi. 72 ; Wess, ad loc. ). About the same time
Lycophron, the Phocians sent Phayllus, with a l also he showed at least one symptom of his designs
## p. 276 (#292) ############################################
276
PHILIPPUS.
PHILIPPUS.
against the Persian king, by receiving and shelter- cation of the treaty, in which the Athenians might
ing the rebels, Artabazus and Memnon. In B. c. have insisted on a guarantee for its safety. Accord-
349 he commenced his attacks on the Chalcidian ingly, when the second embassy, consisting probably
cities. Olynthus, in alarm, applied to Athens for of the same members as the former one, arrived in
aid, and Demosthenes, in his three Olynthiac Macedonia to receive the king's oath to the con
orations, roused the people to efforts against the pact of alliance, they found that he was absent in
common enemy, not very vigorous at first and fruit- Thrace, nor did he return to give them an audience
less in the end. But it was not from Athens only till he had entirely conquered Cersobleptes. Even
that Philip might expect opposition. The Thessa- then he delayed taking the oath, unwilling clearly
lians had for some time been murmuring at his re that the Athenian ambassadors should retum home
tention of Pagasae and Magnesin, and his diversion before he was quite prepared for the invasion of
to his own purposes of the revenues of the country Phocis.
Maison carrée and the amphitheatre, is a matter of or by his own soldiers (Aur. Vict. Epit. xxviii. ;
pure conjecture. (Gruter, p. dcxxiii. 5. ) (P. S. ) Eutrop. ix. 3); and althongh it does not appear that
PHILIPPUS, AURE’LIUS, the teacher of he had rendered himself odious by any tyrannical
Alexander Severus, afterwards wrote the life of abuse of power, yet the recollection of the foul arts
this emperor. (Lamprid. Aler. Ser. 3. )
by which he had accomplished the ruin of his much
PHILIPPUS (PATTOS), son of HEROD the loved predecessor, caused his downfal to be hailed
Great, king of Judaea, by his wife Cleopatra, was with delight. If we can trust the Alexandrian
appointed by his father's will tetrarch of the dis- chronicle, he was only forty-five years old at the
tricts of Gaulonitis, Trachonitis, and Batanaea, the period of his death.
sovereignty of which was confirmed to him by the The great domestic event of the reign was the
decision of Augustus. He continued to reign over exhibition of the secular games, which were cele
the dominions thus entrusted to his charge for the brated with even more than the ordinary degree of
space of thirty-seven years (8. c. 4 – A. D. 34), a enthusiasm and splendour, since the imperial city
period of uniform tranquillity, during wliich his had now, according to the received tradition, at-
mild and equitable rule made him universally be tained the thousandth year of her existence. The
loved by his subjects. He founded the city of disputes and mistakes of chronologers with regard
Caesareia, surnamed Paneas, but more commonly to the epoch in question can, in the present in-
known as Caesareia Philippi, near the sources of stance, be satisfactorily decided and corrected by
the Jordan, which he named in honour of Au- the unquestionable testimony of medals, from which
gustus, while he bestowed the name of Julias upon we learn that the festival was held in the third
the town of Bethsaida, which he had greatly consulship of Philippus, that is, in the year a. D.
enlarged and embellished. Among other edifices 248 ; but unless we conld ascertain the month, it is
he erected there a magnificent monument, in which impossible to determine whether the solemnities
his remains were deposited after his death. As he were performed while the tenth century was set
left no children, his dominions were after his de- current or after it was fully completed.
cease annexed to the Roman province of Syria. Many writers have maintained that Philippus
(Joseph. Ant. xvii. 8. § 1, xvii. 2. § 1, 4. $ 6, was a Christian ; a position which has given rise
B. J. i. 33. & 8, ii. 6. $ 3. ) This Philip must not to an animated controversy. It is evident from
be confounded with Herod surnamed Philip, who several passages in Eusebiiis, that such an opinion
was the son of Herod the Great by Mariamne was prevalent in his day, but the bishop of Caesa-
[Herodes PhilipPUS).
(E. H. B. ) reia abstains from expressing his own sentiments
PHILIPPUS I. , M. JU'LIUS, Roman em- with regard to its truth, except in so far as he re-
peror A. D. 244—249, was an Arabian by birth, a marks that the persecution of Decius arose from
native of Trachonitis, according to Victor ; of the the hatred entertained by that prince towards his
colony of Bostra, according to Zonaras. Of his predecessor, and makes mention of certain letters
early history we know nothing, except that he is addressed by Origen to Philippus and the empress,
said to have been the son of a celebrated robber without calling in question their authenticity.
captain, and we are equally ignorant of the various Hieronymus again broadly asserts the fact, as do
steps in his military career. Upon the death of Vincentius Lirinensis and Orosius, who are fol-
the excellent Misitheus [Misitarus ; GORDIANUS | lowed by many later authorities. It is certain,
III. ), during the Persian campaign of the third moreover, that a report gained general credit in the
Gordian, Philippus was at once promoted to the following century, that this emperor was not only
vacant office of praetorian praefect. The treach- a true believer, but actually performed a public
erous arts by which he procured the ruin of the penance, imposed, as has been inferred from a pas-
young prince his master, and his own elevation to sage in St. Chrysostom, by St. Babylas, bishop of
the throne, are detailed elsewhere (GORDIANUS Antioch. On the other hand, we are reminded that
111. ). The senate having ratified the choice of the he bestowed the title of dirus upon Gordian, that,
troops, the new sovereign proclaimed his son Caesar, far from making any attempt to repress the rites of
concluded a disgraceful peace with Sapor, founded pagan worship, he took an active part in all the
the city of Philippopolis, and then returned to Rome. superstitious observances of the secular games, that
These events took place in the early part of A. D. he bestowed no marks of favour or encouragement,
244. The annals of this period, which are sin | beyond simple toleration, on the professors of the
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PHILIPPUS.
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PHILIPPUS.
1
R
PP
209 208
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WI
USAK
Deco
true faith, and that a multitude of ancient writers PHILIPPUS I. (LANTOS), king of Mace-
unite in declaring that Constantine was the first DONIA, son of Argaeus, was the sixth king, if we
Christian sovereign of Rome. The student will follow the lists of Dexippus and Eusebius, but the
find all the arguments stated with great candour third, according to Herodotus and Thucydides, who,
and all the authorities arranged with great precision not reckoning ČARANUs and his two immediate suc-
in Tillemont, and we have nothing to add, except cessors (Coenus and Thurimas or Turimmas), look
that the inquiry is a mere matter of curiosity, for it upon Perdiccas I. as the founder of the monarchy.
is agreed on all hands that this conversion, if real, Eusebius assigns to Philip I. a reign of 38 years,
exercised no influence on the condition of the Dexippus one of 35. Neither statement appears to
Church, which certainly could have had little reason rest on any positive testimony; and Justin tells us
to be proud of such a bloodstained and compro- that his death was an untimely one. He left a son,
mising proselyte. (Aur. Vict. de Caes. xxviii. named Aëropus, who succeeded him. (Herod. viii.
Epit. xxviii. , Eutrop. ix. 3 ; Zosim. i. 23, iii. 32; 137—139 ; Thuc. ii. 100; Just. vii. 2; Clint.
Zonar. xii. 19; Eckhel, vol. vii. p. 323 ; Euseb. F. H. vol. ii. p. 221. )
(E. F. ]
H. E. vi. 34, 39, 41, vii. 10 ; Hieron. de Viris II. PHILIPPUS II. (PALATOS), the 18th king
c. 54 ; Chrysost. in Gent. vol. i. p. 658 ; Tillemont, of MACEDONIA, if we count from Caranus, was
Notes sur l'Empereur Philippe, in his Histoire des the youngest son of Amyntas II. and Eurydice,
Empereurs, vol. iii. p. 494. ) [W. R. ) and was born in B. c. 382. According to one ac-
count, which Suidas mentions (s. v. Kápavos), but
for which there is no foundation, he and his two
elder brothers, Alexander II. and Perdiccas III. ,
were supposititious children, imposed by Eurydice
on Amyntas. The fact of Philip's early residence
at Thebes is too well supported to admit of doubt,
though the circumstances which led to his being
placed there are differently related. In Diodorus
(xvi. 2), we read that Amyntas, being overcome
in war by the Illyrians, delivered Philip to them
as a hostage for the payment of some stipulated
COIN OP PHILIPPUS L. , ROXAN EMPEROR.
tribute, and that by them he was sent to Thebes,
PHILIPPUS II. , M. JU'LIUS, son of the where he sojourned in the house of the father of
foregoing, was a boy of seven at the accession in the Pythagorean discipline. The same author,
Epaminondas, and was educated with the latter
(1. D. 244) of his father, by whom he was forth. however, tells us, in another passage (xv. 67),
with proclaimed Caesar, and three years afterwards that he was one of those whom Pelopidas brought
(247) chosen consul, being at the same time ad-
mitted to share the purple with the title of Augus- away with him as hostages for the continuance of
tus. His second consulship (248) corresponds with thither to mediate between Alexander II. and
tranquillity in Macedonia, when he had gone
the celebration of the secular solemnities, and in
the autumn of 249 he was slain, according to Zo" Ptolemy of Alorus, in B. C. 368, and with this
simus, at the battle of Verona, or murdered, accord- Justin says (vii. 5), that Alexander, Philip's bro-
statement Plutarch agrees (Pelop. 26); while
ing to Victor, at Rome by the praetorians, when ther, gave him as a hostage, first to the Illyrians,
intelligence arrived of the defeat and death of the and again a second time to the Thebans. Of these
emperor. Nothing has been recorded with regard accounts, the last-mentioned looks like an awk-
to this youth, who perished at the age of twelve, ward attempt to combine conflicting stories ; while
except that he was of a singularly serious and stern none of them are easily reconcileable with the
temperament, so that from early childhood he could
never be induced to smile, and on perceiving his statement of Aeschines (de Fals. Leg. pp. 31, 32;
father indulging in hearty merriment, called forth comp. Nep, Iph. 3), that
, shortly after the death
by some buffoonery at the games, he turned away together with his elder brother Perdiccas, was
of Alexander II. , Philip was in Macedonia, and,
his head with a marked expression of disgust.
His names and titles were the same with those move his pity and obtain his protection against
presented by Eurydice to Iphicrates, in order to
of the elder Philip, with the addition of Severus, the pretender Pausanias. On the whole, the sup-
found upon some Pamphylian coins, and derived,
it would seem, from his mother Otacilia Severa position of Thirlwall is far from improbable (Greece,
The appellation C. Julius Suturninus, assigned to vol. v, p. 163), viz. that when Pelopidas, subse-
him by Victor, rests upon no other authority, and is quently to the visit of Iphicrates to Macedonia,
not confirmed by medals or inscriptions. " (Aur
. marched a second time into the country, and com-
Vict. de Caes. xxviii. Epit
. xxvii. ; Zosim. i. 22. ) pelled Ptolemy of Alorus to enter into an engage-
[W. R. ]
ment to keep the throne for the younger sons of
Amyntas, he carried Pbilip back with him to
Thebes, as thinking him hardly safe with his
mother and her paramour. As for that part of
the account of Diodorus, which represents
Philip
as pursuing his studies in company with Epami-
nondas, it is sufficiently refuted by chronology (see
Wesseling, ad Diod. xvi. 2); nor would it seem
that his attention at Thebes was directed to spe-
culative philosophy so much as to those more
SCOOP
practical points, the knowledge of which he after-
COIN OF PHILITPUS II. , ROMAN EMPEROR,
wards found so useful for his purposes, -military
tactics, the language and politics of Greece, and
VOL. III
T
coco
PIA
Oooc
dec
A)
向
ore
CATA
## p. 274 (#290) ############################################
27+
PHILIPPUS.
PHILIPPUS.
the characters of its people. He was still at be satisfied with mere security, and henceforth his
Thebes, according to Diodorus, when his brother views were directed, not to defence, but to aggran-
Perdiccas III. was slain in battle against the Illy- disement.
The recovery of the important town of
rians, in B. C. 360 ; and, on hearing of that event, Amphipolis, which he could never have meant se-
he made his escape and returned to Macedonia. riously to abandon, was his first step in this direc-
But this statement is contradicted by the evidence tion, and the way in which he accomplished it
of Speusippus (ap. Ath. xi. p. 506, f. ), from whom (B. c. 358) is one of the most striking specimens
we learn that Plato, conveying the recommendation of his consummate craft. Having found pretexts
through Euphraeus of Oreus, had induced Perdiccas for war with the Amphipolitans, his policy was to
to invest Philip with a principality, which he was prevent interference with his proceedings on the
in possession of when his brother's death placed part of Athens and of Olynthus (both of which
him in the supreme government of the kingdom. states had an interest in resisting his attempt),
On this he appears to have entered at first merels and, at any rate, to keep them from uniting against
as regent and guardian to his infant nephew him. Accordingly, in a secret negotiation with
Amyntas (AMYNTAS, No. 3. ) ; but after no long the Athenians, he led them to believe that he was
time, probably in B. C. 359, he was enabled to set willing to restore Amphipolis to them when he
aside the claims of the young prince, and to as had taken it, and would do so on condition of
sume for himself the title of king, - aided doubt their making hiin master of Pydna (CHARIDEMUS,
less by the dangers which thickened round Mace No. 2). When therefore the Olynthians sent au
donia at that crisis, and which obviously demanded embassy to Athelie to propose an alliance for the
a vigorous hand to deal with them. The Illyrians, defence of Amphipolis, their orertures were re-
flushed with their recent victory over Perdiccas, jected (Dem. Olynth ii. p. 19), and while their ardour
threatened the Macedonian territory on the west, for the contest would be thus damped by the prog-
— the Paeonians were ravaging it on the north, - pect of engaging in it single banded, Philip still
while PAUSANIAS and ARGABUS took advantage more effectually secured their forbearance by sur-
of the crisis to put forward their pretensions to the rendering to them the town of Anthemus (Dem.
throne. Philip was fully equal to the emergency. Phil. ii. p. 70). He then pressed the siege of
By his tact and eloquence he sustained the failing Amphipolis, in the course of which an embassy,
spirits of the Macedonians, while at the same time under llierax and Stratocles, was sent by the
he introduced among them a stricter military dis- Amphipolitans to Athens, to ask for aid ; but Phi-
cipline, and organized their army on the plan of lip rendered the application fruitless by a letter to
the phalanx ; and he purchased by bribes and the Athenians, in which he repeated his former
promises the forbearance of the Paeonians, as well assurances that he would place the city in their
as of Cotys, the king of Thrace, and the chief ally hands. Freed thus from the opposition of the
of Pausanias. But the claims of Argaeus to the only two parties whom he had to dread, he gained
crown were favoured by a more formidable power, possession of Amphipolis, either by force, as Dio-
- the Athenians, who, with the view of recovering dorus tells us, or by treachery from within, accord-
Amphipolis as the price of their aid, sent a force ing to the statement of Demosthenes. He then
under Mantias to support him. Under these cir- proceeded at once to Pydna, which seems to have
cumstances, according to Diodorus, Philip withdrew yielded to him without a struggle, and the acqui-
his garrison from Amphipolis, and declared the sition of which, by his own armis, and not through
town independent,-a measure, which, if he really the Athenians, gave him a pretext for declining to
resorted to it, may account for the lukewarmness stand by his secret engagement with them. (Dem.
of the Athenians in the cause of Argaeus. Soon Olynth. p. 11, de Haionn. p. 83, c. Aristocr. p. 659,
after he defeated the pretender, and having made c. Lept. p. 476 ; Diod. xvi. 8. ) The hostile feeling
prisoners of some Athenian citizens in the battle, which such conduct necessarily excited against
he not only released them, but supplied with va- him at Athens, made it of course still more im-
Juable presents the losses which each had sus- portant for him to pursue his policy of dividing
tained ; and this conciliatory step was followed by those whose union might be formidable, and of
an embassy offering to renew the alliance which detaching Olynthus from the Athenians. Accord.
had existed between Macedonia and Athens in ingly, we find him next engaged in the siege of
the time of his father. The politic generosity Potidaea, together with the Olynthians, to whom
thus displayed by Philip, produced a most favour- he delivered up the town on its capture, while at
able impression on the Athenians, and peace was the same time he took care to treat the Athenian
concluded between the parties after midsummer of garrison with the most conciliatory kindness, and
B. C. 359, no express mention, as far as appears, sent them home in safety. According to Plutarch
being made of Amphipolis in the treaty. Being (Alex. 3), Philip had just taken Potidaea when
thus delivered from his most powerful enemy, tidings of three prosperous erents reached him at
Philip turned his arms against the Paeonians, once ; - these were, a victory in a horse-race at the
taking advantage of the death of their king, Agis, Olympic games, the defeat by Parmenion of the
just at this juncture, and reduced them to subjec-Illyrians, who were leagued with the Paeonians
tion. He then attacked the Illyrians with a large and Thracians against the Macedonian power,
army, and having defeated them in a decisive and the birth of Alexander ; and, if we combine
battle, he granted them peace on condition of their Plutarch's statement with the chronology of Dio.
accepting the lake of Lychnus as their eastern dorus (xvi. 22), we must place the capture of
boundary towards Macedonia. [BardyLis. ] Potidaea in B. C. 356. Soon after this success,
Thus in the short period of one year, and at the whenever it may have occurred, he attacked and
age of four-and-eventy, had Philip delivered him took a settlement of the Thasians, called Crenides
self from his dangerous and embarrassing position, from the springs (kpîval) with which it abounded,
and provided for the security of his kingdom. But and, having introduced into the place a number of
energy and talents such as his could not, of course, I new colonists, he named it Philippi after himself.
## p. 275 (#291) ############################################
PHILIPPU'S.
273
PHILIPPUS.
No. 4. )
One great advantage of this acquisition was, that force of 7000 men, but he was defeated and driven
it put him in possession of the gold mines of the out of Thessaly by Philip, who followed up this
district, the mode of working which he so im- success with the capture of Pagasae, the port of
proved as to derive from them, so Diodorus tells Pherae. Soon, however, Philip was himself obliged
us, a revenue of 1000 talents, or 243,7501. to retreat into Macedonia, after two battles with
sum, however, which doubtless falls far short of Onomarchus, who had marched into Thessaly
what they yielded annually on the whole. (Diod. against him with a more numerous army ; but his
xvi. 8; conip. Strab. vii. p. 323 ; Dem. Olynth. i. retreat was only a preliminary to a more vigorous
p. 11, Philipp. i. p. 50. )
effort. He shortly returned with augmented forces,
From this point there is for some time a pause ostentatiously assuming the character of champion
in the active operations of Philip. He employed of the Delphic god and avenger of sacrilege, and
in no doubt, in carefully watching events, the making his soldiers wear crowns of laurel. One
course of which, as for instance the Social war battle, in which the Phocians were defeated and
(B. c. 357–355), was of itself tending towards the Onomarchus himself was slain, gave Philip the as-
accomplishment of his ambitious designs. And so cendancy in Thessaly. He established at Pherae
well had he disguised these, that although exas- what he wished the Greeks to consider a free go-
peration against him had been excited at Athens, vernment, but he took and garrisoned Magnesia,
no suspicion of them, no apprehension of real and then advanced south ward to Thermopylac.
danger appears to have been felt there; and even The pass, however, he found guarded by a strong
Demosthenes, in his speech against war with Per- | Athenian force, and he was compelled, or at least
sia (nepi ouupop. ws), delivered in B. C. 354, as thought it expedient to retire, a step by which in-
also in that for the Megalopolitans (B. C. 353), deed he had nothing to lose and much to gain, since
makes no mention at all of the Macedonian power the Greek states were unconsciously playing into his
or projects (comp. Dem. Philipp. iii. p. 117; Clint. hands by a war in which they were weakening
F. H. vol. ii. sub annis 353, 311. ) In B. c. 354, one another, and he had other plans to prosecute in
the application made to Philip by Callias, the the North. But while he withdrew his army from
Chalcidian, for aid against Plutarchus, tyrant Greece, he took care that the Athenians should
of Eretria, gave him an opportunity, which he suffer annoyance from his fleet. With this Lemnos
did not neglect, of interposing in the affairs of and Imbros were attacked, and some of the inha-
Euboea, and quietly laying the foundation of a bitants were carried off as prisoners, several Athe-
strong Macedonian party in the island. (Callias, nian ships with valuable cargoes were taken near
Geraestus, and the Paralus was captured in the bay
But there was another and a nearer object to of Marathon. These events are mentioned by
which the views of Philip were directed, — viz. Demosthenes, in his first Philippic (p. 49, ad fin. ),
ascendancy in Thrace, and especially the mastery delivered in B. C. 352, but are referred to the period
of the Chersonesus, which had been ceded to the immediately following the fall of Olynthus, B. C.
Athenians by CERSOBLEPTEs, and the possession 347, by those who consider the latter portion of
of which would be of the utmost importance to the the speech in question as a distinct oration of later
Macedonian king in his struggle with Athens, date [DEMOSTHENES). It was to the affairs of
even if we doubt whether he had yet looked be- Thrace that Philip now directed his operations. As
yond to a wider field of conquest in Asia. It was the ally of Amadocus against Cersobleptes (Theo
then perhaps in B. C. 353, that he marched as far pomp. ap. Harpocr. s. v. 'Auádokos), he marched
westward as Maronein, where Cersobleptes opened into the country, established his ascendancy there,
a negotiation with him for a joint invasion of the and brought away one of the sons of the Thracian
Chersonesus,-a design which was stopped only by king as a hostage (see Vol. I. p. 674). Meanwhile,
the refusal of Amadocus to allow Philip a passage bis movements in Thessaly had opened the eyes of
through his territory. No attempt was made to Demosthenes to the real danger of Athens and
force one ; and, if we are right in the conjectural Greece, and his first Philippic (delivered, as we
date assigned to the event, Philip would naturally have remarked, about this time) was his earliest
be unwilling to waste time in such a contest, when attempt to rouse his countrymen to energetic efforts
the circumstances of the Sacred War promised to against their enemy. But the half-century, which
afford hiin an opportunity of gaining a sure and had elapsed since the Peloponnesian war, had
permanent footing in the very heart of Greece. worked a sad change in the Athenians, and energy
(Dem. c. Arist. p. 681. )
was no longer their characteristic. Reports of
The capture of Methone, however, was a neces Philip's illness and death in Thrace amused and
sary preliminary to any movement towards the soothed the people, and furnished them with a wel.
south, lying as it did between him and the Thes- come excuse for inaction ; and, though the intelli-
salian border, and serving as a shelter to his gence of his having attacked Heraeum on the Pro-
enemies, and as a station from which they could pontis excited their alarm and a momentary show
annoy him. He did not take it till after a length of vigour, still nothing effectual was done, and
ened siege, in the course of which he himself lost throughout the greater part of B. c. 351 feebleness
an eye. The inhabitants were permitted to depart and irresolution prevailed. At some period in the
with one garment, but the town was utterly' de course of the two following years Philip would
stroyed and the land apportioned to Macedonian seem to have interposed in the affairs of Epeirus,
colonists. (Diod. xvi. 31, 31; Dem. Olynth. i. p. 12, dethroning Arym bas (if we may depend on the
Philipp. i. p. 41, iii. p. 117 ; Plut. Pur. 8 ; Luc. statement of Justin, which is in some measure ·
de Serib. llist. 38. ) He was now able to take ad-borne out by Demosthenes), and transferring the
vantage of the invitation of the Aleuadae to aid crown to Alexander, the brother of Olympias (Just.
them against Lycophron, the tyrant of Pherae, and vii. 6, viii. 6 ; Dem. Olynth. i. p. 13; comp. Dind.
advanced into Thessaly, B. C. 352. To support xvi. 72 ; Wess, ad loc. ). About the same time
Lycophron, the Phocians sent Phayllus, with a l also he showed at least one symptom of his designs
## p. 276 (#292) ############################################
276
PHILIPPUS.
PHILIPPUS.
against the Persian king, by receiving and shelter- cation of the treaty, in which the Athenians might
ing the rebels, Artabazus and Memnon. In B. c. have insisted on a guarantee for its safety. Accord-
349 he commenced his attacks on the Chalcidian ingly, when the second embassy, consisting probably
cities. Olynthus, in alarm, applied to Athens for of the same members as the former one, arrived in
aid, and Demosthenes, in his three Olynthiac Macedonia to receive the king's oath to the con
orations, roused the people to efforts against the pact of alliance, they found that he was absent in
common enemy, not very vigorous at first and fruit- Thrace, nor did he return to give them an audience
less in the end. But it was not from Athens only till he had entirely conquered Cersobleptes. Even
that Philip might expect opposition. The Thessa- then he delayed taking the oath, unwilling clearly
lians had for some time been murmuring at his re that the Athenian ambassadors should retum home
tention of Pagasae and Magnesin, and his diversion before he was quite prepared for the invasion of
to his own purposes of the revenues of the country Phocis.
