No More Learning

Ibrahim and Iskandar defeated on their way to Kanauj a small
force of Akbar's troops and Khan Zaman and Bahadur besieged
Majnun Khan in Manikpur. Asaf Khan, whom he summoned to
his aid from Chauragarh, relieved the pressure of the siege but their
combined forces were not strong enough to attack the rebels.
When Akbar received reports of the situation he at once despatched
Mun'im Khan, with such troops as were ready for the field, to Kanauj
, and on 24 May left Agra, with a large force, to join him, marching
by night owing to the heat of the weather.
Ten days were spent at Kanauj in preparations for the passage
of the Ganges but Akbar, on hearing that Iskandar was preparing
to make a stand at Lucknow, crossed the river and, covering the
70 miles between Kanauj and Lucknow in two nights and a day,
surprised Iskandar and forced him to flee. The horses of the cavalry


## p. 92 (#124) #############################################

92
AKBAR, 1556-1573
were so spent that pursuit was impossible and Iskandar was thus able
to join Khan Zaman before Manikpur, but he, learning that Akbar
had occupied Lucknow, raised the siege, retreated with all speed
across the Ganges and took refuge in the rough and broken country
to the north-east of the Gumti.
Akbar halted at Lucknow until the remainder of his army came up
and then advanced, by easy stages, towards Jaunpur, which he reached
on 13 July, having been joined on the way by Majnun Khan and Asaf
Khan from Manikpur. The latter took this opportunity of presenting
Akbar some of the spoils of Chauragarh, and of making his peace.
The rebels now retired to the neighbourhood of Hajipur, whence
they sent envoys to seek aid of Sulaiman Kararani, the king of Ben-
gal. An emissary sent by Akbar to deter Sulaiman from assisting them
was intercepted and was detained in arrest in the rebel camp on his
refusing to act as an intermediary between Khan Zaman and Akbar,
The mission to Sulaiman having thus miscarried, Akbar sent a second,
to Mukund Deo, Raja of Orissa, requesting him to attack Sulaiman
in the event of the latter's taking any steps to support the rebels.
Mukund Deo promised to perform this service, and the envoys
eventually returned to court after Akbar's return to Nagarchain,
bringing with them several elephants and other valuable gifts.
Asaf Khan, though he had made his peace with Akbar, had not
propitiated Muzaffar Khan, the revenue minister, who accordingly
reminded him that the spoils of Chauragarh had not been accounted
for and that an investigation might be necessary. If his object was
to obtain his fee he was disappointed, for the suggestion so alarmed
Asaf Khan that he fled, on 17 September, to his governorship, evading
pursuit.
Khan Zaman was encamped at Narhan, on the Gogra, and Akbar's
field force was on the south bank of the river watching him. To create
a diversion he sent Bahadur Khan and Iskandar Khan into the country
north of the Gogra, the present Bahraich and Gonda districts, but
Akbar detached a second field force under Mir Mu'izz-ul-Mulk the
Sayyid to the Khairabad district to hold the Uzbegs in check and
marched to Allahabad to await the result of the operations.
Khan Zaman, much disappointed by perceiving that Akbar's
arrangements were in no way disturbed by the movements of
Bahadur and Iskandar, sent a message to Mun'im Khan, who was
favourably disposed towards him, opening negotiations for submission
and a pardon. Akbar had little confidence in the genuineness of the
rebel's repentance and not much more in the zeal and loyalty of
Mun'im Khan, but sent Khvaia Jahan, in whom Khan Zaman had
confidence, to arrange terms. It was agreed that Khan Zaman should
send his mother and his uncle Ibrahim to court and that they should
be followed, after he had been formally pardoned, by Baha lur and
Iskandar. Mun‘im Khan accompanied Khan Zaman's mother and


## p. 93 (#125) #############################################

UZBEGS DEFEATED AND PARDONED
93
Ibrahim Khan to court, and Khan Zaman was pardoned on con-
dition that he refrained from crossing the Gogra while the imperial
troops were in the field.
Mir Mu'izz-ul-Mulk had been joined in the Khairabad district
by Raja Todar Mal, and though both, as well as the two Uzbeg chiefs
opposed to them, were well aware of the progress of negotiations for
Knan Zaman's submission they ignored them and with the double
object of frustrating Mun'im Khan's efforts and of distinguishing
themselves in the field, deliberately provoked Bahadur and Iskandar
to hostilities. The armies met and the imperial troops suffered a
severe defeat and were forced to retreat on Kanauj, whence they
reported the disaster.
Akbar well knew where to place the blame, for the battle of Khaira-
bad was not allowed to affect the terms of the general pardon granted
to the rebels, and Mu'izz-ul-Mulk and Todar Mal were reprimanded
and for some time were not admitted to the imperial presence.
Akbar, who had returned to Jaunpur, marched in January, 1566,
to Benares, inspecting on his way the fortress of Chunar, which he
had not yet seen. His suspicions of Khan Zaman were soon justified,
for the rebel violated the terms of his pardon by crossing the Gogra
to Muhammadabad and sent detachments to Jaunpur and Goazipur.
Akbar reproached Mun'im Khan with his advocacy of a traitor so
perfidious and marched to attack him, ordering Ashraf Khan to
imprison his mother at Jaunpur. Khan Zaman fled across the Gogra
and Akbar captured his tents and baggage and sent a force in pursuit
of him, but it was ascertained that he had fled into the Himalaya
and the pursuers returned. Akbar then learnt that Bahadur Khan
had descended on Jaunpur, released his mother and imprisoned
Ashraf Khan, laid waste the district, and marched on to Benares,
which town and district also he plundered. He marched to Jaunpur
and punished the sloth and incompetence of the officers who had
permitted Bahadur to raid the town by declaring that it should be
his capital until the rebels were captured, and the threat was taken
so seriously that some began to build themselves houses. Khan
Zaman, on learning Akbar's decision, once more approached Mun'im
Khan with a view to a reconciliation, but Mun'im Khan dared not
again broach the subject to the emperor and other intermediaries
were employed. At their intercession Akbar, with an alacrity which
showed that he was weary of the campaign and was desirous of peace
at any price, pardoned the rebels and reinstated them in their posi-
tions. He reached Agra on 29 March and enjoyed some well-earned
leisure at Nagarchain.
Mahdi Qasim Khan was sent into Gondwana to seize the deserter
Asaf Khan, but the latter fled, and with his younger brother, Vazir
Khan, took refuge with Khan Zaman at Jaunpur.
Mahdi Qasim Khan, disgusted with the wild and unsettled country


## p. 94 (#126) #############################################

94
AKBAR, 1556-1573
7
which had fallen so easily into his hands, fled into the Deccan and
thence travelled to Mecca without permission and it became neces-
sary to send other officers to Gondwana to restore order in the
administration.
Asaf Khan and his brother soon had cause to repent having placed
themselves under the protection of Khan Zaman, who employed the
former on arduous duties and detained the latter in prison as a hostage
for his brother. With considerable difficulty, and not without having
recourse to arms, they succeeded in effecting their escape and fled
to Kara, where they were received by Majnun Khan. From Kara,
Vazir Khan went to court, to seek the emperor's forgiveness for his
brother. Akbar was now at Lahore, where Vazir Khan made his
submission and was graciously received. Asaf Khan was instructed
to remain with Majnun Khan at Manikpur or Kara and was informed
that he would be received when the court returned to Agra.
Akbar's leisure at Nagarchain had been interrupted and he had
been summoned northwards by the news that his brother, Muham-
mad Hakim, had invaded the Punjab and was besieging Lahore.
Muhammad Hakim's invasion of the Punjab, a poor return for
the assistance which Akbar had recently given him against Mirza
Sulaiman of Badakhshan, who had invaded his territories, was insti-
gated by some malcontents and mischief-makers at Kabul and
encouraged by messages from the Uzbeg rebels, who had been in
secret communication with him. Believing that the assignees in the
Punjab would espouse his cause, he marched on Lahore by way of
Bhera, on the Jhelum, but "the foster-father cohort”, Khan Kalan,
Qutb-ud-din Khan and Sharif Khan, had assembled their troops and
repaired the fortifications and Muhammad Hakim, encamped in the
gardens of Mahdi Qasim Khan, kept at a respectful distance by the
guns of the fortress.
Akbar set out from Agra on 16 November, 1566, reaching Delhi
ten days later, and Muhammad Hakim, on receiving this news, beat
a hasty retreat. Akbar did not hear of his flight until he reached
the Sutlej and from that river continued his march to Lahore, which
he reached at the end of January, 1567. A force sent in pursuit of
the prince returned on learning that he had crossed the Indus.
At Lahore Akbar was again disturbed, this time by news of the
rebellion of the princes known as "the Mirzas”, who were his distant
relations, being descended from 'Umar Shaikh Mirza, the second
son of Timur, while Akbar himself was descended from Jalal-ud-din
Miran Shah, the third. There were six brothers : (1) Ulugh Mirza,
(2) Shah Mirza, (3) Ibrahim Husain Mirza, (4) Muhammad Husain
Mirza, (5) Mas'ud Husain Mirza, and (6) 'Aqil Husain Mirza, of
whom the last four rebelled, together with two sons of the eldest,
Sikandar, also known as Ulugh Mirza, and Mahmud Sultan, also
known as Shah Mirza. They had been provided with assignments


## p. 95 (#127) #############################################

AKBAR'S SPORT
25
in the Sambhal and A'zampur districts and the nature of their
grievance is not recorded. They may have considered that the pro-
vision made for them was insufficient for princes of the house of
Timur but, if so, they were hardly reasonable, for the degree of their
relationship to Akbar was that of sixth cousins. They rose and occu-
pied some crown lands not included in their estates; Mun‘im Khan
marched against them and they fled into Malwa.
News yet more disquieting necessitated Akbar's return to his
capital. The Uzbegs of Jaunpur were again in open rebellion, had
proclaimed Muhammad Hakim, had caused the khutba to be recited
in his name at Jaunpur, and had invited him to make another
attempt to oust his brother.
Before leaving Lahore Akbar organised an enormous battue of big
game in the neighbourhood. Beaters, including the army, encircled
an area of over 60 by 60 miles and, contracting the circle day by
day, drove all living creatures towards the centre. About 15,000
wild animals of various kinds were counted, and the nobles, an
afterwards the people generally, were permitted to join in this
"sport”. Akbar himself was employed for five consecutive days in
slaughtering animals with sword, spear, musket and arrows. It may
be conceived that the recollection of this slaughter troubled his con-
science in later years, when he had adopted the Jain principle of the
sanctity of animal life.
On returning from the hunt to Lahore he swam his horse across
the Ravi, and of the courtiers who followed him two were drowned.
He left Lahore on 23 March and at Thanesar enjoyed a spectacle
even more exciting than his battue near Lahore, and equally repug-
nant to the opinions which he afterwards developed. Near the town
is Kurukshetra, the legendary site of the great battle between the
Pandavas and the Kauravas, and here were assembled two bands
of devotees, Sanyasis and Jogis, who, it appears, were wont to cele-
brate the anniversary of the battle by a mock combat. On this
occasion they had arranged that the combat should be fought in
earnest, for there was a quarrel due to one band having occupied
the site claimed by the other. Akbar sanctioned the proposal and
ordered or permitted some of his own infantry to reinforce the
Sanyasis, who could oppose only 300 men to the 500 mustered by
the Jogis. The miserable fanatics laid on and after a fierce contest
in which, to Akbar's delight and amusement, many lives were lost,
the Sanyasis were victorious.
When Akbar reached Agra, Khan Zaman was besieging Mirza
Yusuf Khan in Shergarh, near Kanauj, and Bahadur Khan was
besieging Majnun Khan and Asaf Khan in Manikpur. Qiya Khan
Gung was sent to the relief of Shergarh and Akbar followed him on
6 May. Khan Zaman, on learning that Akbar was marching in person
1 29° N. , 78° 10'E.


## p. 96 (#128) #############################################

96
AKBAR, 1556-1573
on Shergarh, raised the siege and marched to join Bahadur Khan
before Manikpur. Akbar accordingly detached a force to deal with
Iskandar Khan in Oudh.
He now had trouble with his own troops, who had in the previous
year carried on a tedious and laborious but fruitless campaign against
the Uzbegs, and had since marched to Lahore and back. There was
much sympathy with the rebels, and the troops disapproved of Akbar's
restless activity and preferred a more leisurely system of warfare,
but Akbar knew how to deal with discontent in his own army and
was resolved on this occasion to finish with the Uzbegs. He marched
from Rae Bareli on 7 June and, learning that the rebels had bridged
and crossed the Ganges at Singraur, sent the main body of his army
under Raja Bhagwan Das and Khvaja Jahan to cross the river at
Kara while he himself crossed it at Manikpur, when it was already
So swollen by the melting of the snows on the hills that only 1000
or 1500 men succeeded in crossing with him.
The rebels, meanwhile, were advancing towards Kara, between
which place and them lay only the troops commanded by Majnun
Khan Qaqshal and Asaf Khan. They did not know that Akbar had
reached the Ganges and did not believe that he could venture to
cross it. A scout's report that he had crossed was regarded as a trick
of Asaf Khan and Majnun Khan, and they spent the night in drinking
and debauchery while Akbar was halted on the south-western bank
of the Ganges within two miles of their camp. He marched to the
camp at sunrise on 9 June, and finding that they had already moved
towards Kara, sent his right wing under Majnun Khan to cut them
off, following him with his main body.
The imperial troops came up with the rebels at Fathpur Parsaki,
seven miles south-east of Kara, and the battle was fiercely contested
for some time, but Bahadur Khan's horse reared and threw him and
he was captured. The defeat of the rebels was completed by an attack
of the imperial elephants on Khan Zaman's contingent, and they
fied in confusion, one body of them being put to death by villagers
into whose hands it fell. Khan Zaman was trampled to death in
the elephant charge and his head was severed from his body and
laid before Akbar. Bahadur Khan was taken alive and execute!
on the spot, in spite of the intercession of many of the nobles, and
1 This identifcation is not absolutely certain, but I believe it to be correct.
Abu-'l-Fazl gives the name of the village as Sakraval while Badauni and Nizam-
ud-din Ahmad have Mangarwal. Dr Vincent Smith (Akbar, the Great Mogul,
p. 80, n. 1) identifies it with Mankuwar, “about ten miles south-south-west of
Allahabad”, but this cannot be accepted, for Akbar did not cross the Jamuna
and the battle was certainly fought in the lower Duab, not far from Kara. It
may be admitted that Parsaki does not much resemble either Sakraval or
Mangarwal, but they do not much resemble one another and all agree that the
village received the name of Fathpur. The site of Parsaki exactly fits the des-
cription of the movements of the two forces, and it is the only village in the
neighbourhood bearing the name of Fathpur.


## p. 97 (#129) #############################################

EXPEDITION AGAINST THE RANA OF CHITOR
97
Mirza Mirak Rizavi, who had attached himself to the Uzbegs, was
tortured by means of an elephant for five successive days, but his
life was spared in consideration of his being a Sayyid, and he after-
wards received the command of 900 horse and the title of Rizavi
Khan, and held lucrative appointments.
The final suppression of this rebellion relieved Akbar's mind of a
load of care. For the reasons already given the Uzbegs were com-
pletely alienated from him and irreconcilably disaffected. A party
at court sympathised with them and they apparently never abandoned
the hope of being able one day to overthrow Akbar and to establish
a rúler more in sympathy with them. It is not impossible that Khan
Zaman's descent from Shaiban of the Golden Horde, Khan of the
Kirghiz Steppes, suggested to him his own fitness for empire.
Mun'im Khan received the assignments of the Uzbegs, which he
ill deserved, and Akbar, after witnessing the execution of large
numbers of rebels, returned to Agra on 18 July.
On 31 August Akbar left Agra for Dholpur and Gwalior, having
two objects in view. The first was the suppression of the Mirzas, who
were still in Malwa, where they had occupied some important towns
and districts. He had no intention of compromising his dignity by
marching against them in person but on reaching Gagraun seni
Shihab-ud-din Ahmad Khan against them. They retired without
fighting from Ujjain to Mandu and fled thence to Gujarat, leaving
Shihab-ud-din Ahmad free to restore order in Malwa.
Akbar's second object was the humbling of the pride of the Rana
of Chitor, the acknowledged chief of the great Rajput confederacy.
Bihari Mal of Amber had courted Akbar's favour and by offering
him a daughter had made the most complete surrender possible to
a Rajput. Uday Singh had stood aloof in sullen pride and it was
known that he regarded Bihari Mal as one who had disgraced his
race. Akbar's own pride could not brook this attitude and he resolves
to force the Rana into submission.
While he was at Gagraun, completing his plans for the subjugation
of Uday Singh, Shaikh Faizi the poet, elder brother of Abu-'l-Fazl,
made his first appearance before him, having been summoned to court
owing to rumours of his learning which had reached the emperor.
Having completed his plans Akbar marched for Chitor and arrived,
on 23 October, within sight of the fortress, with his first view of which
he was deeply affected, as all must be who are sensible of the com-
bined effects of nature, art and historical associations.
The fortress stands on a solitary hill three miles and a quarter long
and about 1200 yards wide in the centre, rising to a height of 1889
feet above sea-level, but no more than four or five hundred above
the plain. Chitor presents to the modern eye the appearance of a
vast ironclad in a sea which is represented by the plain from which
the fortified hill rises.
7


## p. 98 (#130) #############################################

98
AKBAR, 1556-1573
1
.
The fortress had already been twice taken and sacked by Muslim
kings-by 'Ala-ud-din Khalji of Delhi in 1303 and by Bahadur Shah
of Gujarat in 1534—but never before had the race of Kusa been
disgraced by an Uday Singh, who, to his eternal shame, abandoned
his capital, leaving its defence to Jai Mal, who had defended Merta
against Sharaf-ud-din Husain, and sought safety at Kumbhalgarh in
the Aravalli hills.
Akbar at once reconnoitred the fortress and assigned to each
division of the army its sector of the lines of investment, so that each
as it came up occupied without confusion the ground assigned to it,
and the investment was complete and all batteries were constructed
within a month of his arrival.
Husain Quli Khan was sent in pursuit of the Rana, and sacked
Udaipur, slaying many of its inhabitants. Many isolated bands
wandering in the hills were destroyed, but he failed to come up with
the object of his search and returned to the imperial camp.
The siege promised to be protracted and laborious. Three batteries
were constructed, the principal one being opposite the Lakhola gate
on the north, on which side mining operations were conducted.
Owing to the difficulty of dragging guns up the hill Akbar caused
to be cast in his presence a large mortar capable of throwing a ball
forty pounds in weight.
The imperial troops having suffered losses at the rate of about
200 daily, in direct assaults, Akbar resolved to rely chiefly upon mines
and upon covered ways for the approaches. On 17 December two
mines were fired, but the storming party rushed into the breach
before the second exploded and lost 200 in killed, 100 of whom were
officers. The garrison had lost no more than forty men and, as they
repaired the breach, mocked the discomfiture of their assailants.
On the night of 23 February, 1568, while a body of the defenders
was making a sortie a leader was observed at a loophole directing the
operation. A marksman stationed in the covered way fired at him
and as he appeared no more it was concluded that the shot had taken
fatal effect. The marksman is said to have been Akbar, with his
favourite musket "Sangram", but the identity of his victim was not
at once discovered. During the night, however, flames broke out at
various places in the fortress, and it was observed that the defences
were deserted. Raja Bhagwan Das informed Akbar that the rite
of jauhar was being performed and when day broke it was discovered
that he was not mistaken. Akbar's victim had been Jai Mal, whose
death had so discouraged the garrison that they resolved to perform
the rite with which the Rajput, despairing of success, ends his life.
One of the principal heroes of the siege was the young Sesodia
Patta Singh of Kailwa, on whom the command devolved. He donned
the yellow robe and with his wife and his mother was overpowered
and slain by the victorious Mughuls.


## p. 99 (#131) #############################################

MASSACRE AT CHITOR
99
The imperial troops entered the fortress immediately after dawn,
and Akbar sullied his success by a ghastly massacre. The 8000
Rajputs who formed the garrison had received much assistance from
the peasants, numbering 40,000, and a general massacre of both was
ordered. Some, indeed, were spared and made prisoners, but the
tale of the slain amounted to 30,000. Akbar's wrath was specially
kindled against the musketeers of Kalpi, 1000 in number, who had
done much execution among his troops, and it would have gone ill
with them had they not escaped by a clever stratagem. Placing their
wives and families in their midst they marched boldly from the
fortress in the light of day, passing themselves off as a body of im-
perial troops escorting prisoners.
The massacre of Chitor, which has made the place unclean and
accursed to its old royal house, has left an indelible blot on Akbar's
name. No such horrors were perpetrated by the brutal 'Ala-ud-din,
and Abu-'l-Fazl is at some pains to excuse the contrast by explaining
that the civil population, which had been most active during Akbar's
siege, had taken no part in the defence in 'Ala-ud-din's siege, but
"the sin of the slaughter of Chitor" will ever sully the memory of
Akbar. His commemoration of the heroism of Jai Mal and Patta by
placing statues of them, mounted on elephants, at the gate of his
imperial palace at Agra was probably intended as a compliment, but
it was open to misconstruction.
On 28 February Asaf Khan was appointed governor of Mewar,
the Rana's state, and Akbar set out on his return to Agra.
While the emperor was engaged in the siege of Chitor Mun'im
Khan paid a visit to Sulaiman Kararani at Patna. Sulaiman was
the younger brother and successor of Taj Khan Kararani, who had
risen to power on the ruins of the Sur dynasty. The results of this
interview were most satisfactory. Some outstanding frontier disputes
were settled and Sulaiman caused the khutba to be recited and money
coined in Akbar's name, but Mun'im Khan ran considerable risk.
Some of the more adventurous spirits among Sulaiman's Afghan
officers were in favour of arresting and detaining the imperial gov-
ernor, but the news of the fall of Chitor brought these short-sighted
politicians to their senses and Mun'im Khan returned in safety to
Jaunpur.
Akbar reached Agra on 13 April, after a pilgrimage to Ajmer, and
sent an expedition to besiege Ranthambhor, which Raja Surjan Rai
held as a vassal of the Rana, but before the force reached its destina-
tion news was received that the Mirzas had invaded Malwa and were
besieging Ujjain. The design of besieging Ranthambhor was there-
fore abandoned for the time and the troops destined thither were
reinforced and ordered to march into Malwa and attack the Mirzas.
The latter, on hearing of their approach, raised the siege of Ujjain
1 The coins are not known with certainty.


## p. 100 (#132) ############################################

100
AKBAR, 1556-1573
and fled towards Mandu, pursued by the forces of the local assignees.
They were unable to make any stand and crossed the Narbada, after
losing many of their followers. Having thus placed themselves beyond
the reach of the imperial troops they heard of the assassination of
Chingiz Khan in Gujarat by Jhajar Khan the African and, foreseeing
rich opportunities in the disturbed condition of that state, returned
thither without delay. Their anticipations were realised and for the
next two years they were fully, and not unprofitably, employed in
Gujarat. The expeditionary force which had been sent against them
returned to Agra, where its leaders were, for a time, under a cloud
on suspicion of their having been lukewarm in the pursuit of the
Nirzas.
“The foster-father cohort" had hitherto all held assignments in
the Punjab under their chief, Khan Kalan, who was governor of the
province. Akbar now decided to transfer them to other places, far
removed from one another. They had bitterly resented the murder
of Atga Khan and had been baulked of their vengeance by Akbar's
decision to proceed against none but the actual murderer, but their
loyalty was above suspicion and there seems to have been no reason
for the measure beyond the observance of the general principles,
sound in such an empire as that of the Mughuls, that nobles who were
nearly related should be distributed in different provinces and that
no great noble should be allowed to retain indefinitely the govern-
ment of one particular province. It was the failure to observe these
principles that eventually led to the dismemberment of the empire.
The family arrived at Agra in September, and after a short stay
received new assignments, far distant from one another. Khan Kalan
was sent to Sambhal, his youngest brother, Qutb-ud-din Muhammad
Khan, to Malwa, and Sharif Khan, the other surviving brother, to
Kanauj. 'Aziz Kuka, the son of Khan Kalan, who bore the title of
Khan A'zam, was permitted to retain his assignment at Dipalpur
in the Punjab. Husain Quli Khan, afterwards entitled Khan Jahan,
was promoted from the minor government of Nagaur to that of the
Punjab, but did not proceed to his new post until Ranthambhor had
fallen, and Shihab-ud-din Ahmad Khan was recalled from Malwa,
where Qutb-ud-din was to relieve him, and was placed in charge
of the crown lands, the management of which was too heavy a burden
for Muzaffar Khan, the revenue minister. He introduced some
reforms in the direction of economy, but was hampered by the
venality of subordinate officials.
Preparations for the reduction of Ranthambhor, which had been
postponed by the activities of the Mirzas in Malwa, were now
resumed, and Akbar, having decided to direct the siege in person,
arrived before the fortress on 8 February, 1569, and at once opened
the siege.
A covered way was constructed and enormous mortars,
similar to that used at Chitor, were dragged up to the eminence
!


## p. 101 (#133) ############################################

CAPTURE OF RANTHAMBHOR AND KALINJAR
101
opposite to the Ran gate, where Akbar's own post was. The artillery
of the fortress did some execution on the besiegers, but Akbar's mortar
battery inflicted terrible damage on the buildings in the fort and
caused much loss of life, and the fortress was surrendered on 18 March,
According to a Rajput legend preserved by Tod, Bhagwan Das
entered the fortress under a safe-conduct to induce Surjan Rai to
surrender and Akbar attended him, disguised as one of his compa-
nions and, having been recognised, conducted the negotiations in
person, granting Surjan Rai concessions and privileges most flattering
to his pride of race.
Dr Vincent Smith is inclined to accept this story, which is men-
tioned by no Muhammadan historian, considering that the Muslim
annals do not sufficiently explain the surrender and are not incon-
sistent with the Hindu story, but the legend must, we think, be dis-
carded. Akbar's visit to Surjan Rai, if it had ever been made, would
have provided a panegyrist with a wonderful opportunity for extolling
his courage, resource, romantic love of adventure and tenderness of
human life, and we cannot conceive Abu-'l-Fazl missing such an
opportunity. On the other hand the surrender is sufficiently explained
by Badauni who, after relating the execution done by Akbar's
mortars, adds, "Rai Surjan, the governor of the fortress, when he
contemplated the insufficiency of the fortress of Chitor and the
misery which fell on its inhabitants, seemed to be contemplating his
own fate, and sent his sons Danda and Bhoj, by the mediation of some
fief-holders [assignees], to wait on the emperor, and begged for
quarter".
Anis-ud-din Mihtar Khan, who had been Humayun's treasurer
during his flight to Persia, was appointed to the command of the
fortress and the government of the district and Akbar left Rantham-
bhor on his annual pilgrimage to Ajmer, returning to Agra on 20 May.
Before the siege began news was received that the Mirzas had
again invaded Malwa from Gujarat, but Akbar did not on this occa-
sion permit their movements to affect his settled plans.
Meanwhile the gradual consolidation of the empire proceeded, and
in August Majnun Khan Qaqshal captured the fortress of Kalinjar,
where Sher Shah had lost his life and where his son Islam Shah
had been enthroned. It was in the possession of Ram Chand, Raja
of Bhath, or Rewah, who, having heard of the fate of Chitor and
Ranthambhor, made no very strenuous resistance. Majnun Khan's
success was rewarded by the inclusion of Kalinjar and the district
of which it was the centre in the government of the lower Duab,
which he already held.
Akbar, though well provided with wives, had no children. Twin
sons who had been born to him had died very shortly after their
birth, and he had long been used to pray at the shrine of Shaikh
Mu'in-ud-din Chishti at Ajmer and at those of saints at Delhi for
1


## p. 102 (#134) ############################################

102
AKBAR, 1556-1573
-
the blessing of a son. There lived at Sikri, 23 miles to the west of
Agra, another Chishti, Shaikh Salim, to whom Akbar had had
recourse, and who had promised him that his prayers would be
answered. Shaikh Salim, though described by Father Monserrate
as "being stained with all the wickedness and disgraceful conduct
of the Muslims"-a phrase of sinister import—had a great reputation
for sanctity among his co-religionists, and when Akbar learnt, early
in 1569, that his earliest Hindu consort, the daughter of Raja Bihari
Mal of Amber, was with child she was sent to the Shaikh's hospice at
Sikri, where, on 30 August, was born the prince who afterwards,
under the title of Jahangir, succeeded his father. He received the
name Salim in honour of the saint. In November a daughter, Khanum
Sultan, known as Shahzada Khanum, was born to Akbar, and on 7
July of the following year Salima Begam gave birth to Sultan Murad.
A third son, Daniyal, was born at Ajmer on 10 September, 1572, in
the house of Shaikh Daniyal, one of the holy men whose prayers
Akbar had sought. Two other children, both daughters, were born
after Daniyal, Shukr-un-Nisa Begam, who was married to Shahrukh
Mirza, her fourth cousin, and Aram Banu Begam.
On 20 January, 1570, Akbar fulfilled a vow made by him on the
occasion of the birth of Salim by performing a pilgrimage on foot
to Ajmer, where he reformed some abuses which had crept into the
administration of the saint's shrine, and returned to Delhi, where
he inspected the splendid tomb of his father. He reached Agra on
2 May.
On 23 September he again set out on his annual pilgrimage to
Ajmer, halting for twelve days at Fathpur Sikri, where he had
resolved to found a city. On reaching Ajmer he improved and
extended the fortifications of the city and had palaces built for him-
self and his leading courtiers, granting to others villages in the Ajmer
district, the revenues of which would enable them to build themselves
houses in the city. He left Ajmer on 3 November and on 5 November
reached Nagaur. Here he cleaned out and repaired one of the three
great reservoirs on which the town had depended for its former
prosperity and constructed a fountain with seventeen jets, which is
still in existence.
At Nagaur he received the submission of Chandra Sen, son of
Maldeo, Raja of Jodhpur, and of Rai Kalyan Mal, Raja of Bikaner,
and his son Rai Singh, and married a relation of Kalyan Mal and
also the daughter of Rawal Har Rai of Jaisalmer, who was conducted
to his camp by Bhagwan Das. Here also he received the tardy sub-
mission of Baz Bahadur, who had abandoned all hope of recovering
his kingdom of Malwa and was fain to accept the nominal command
of 1000 horse in the imperial service.
From Nagaur Akbar made a pilgrimage to the shrine of Shaikh
Farid Shakarganj at Ajudhan, now known as Pak Pattan, amusing


## p. 103 (#135) ############################################

INVASION OF GUJARAT
103
himself on the way by hunting the wild ass in the desert, of which
rare quarry he shot thirteen head.
From Pak Pattan he marched by way of Dipalpur to Lahore, and
returned by way of Hissar to Ajmer, which he reached on 24 July.
On 9 August he reached Fathpur Sikri, where he seriously prosecuted
his design of building a city. His reasons for this step are thus recorded
by Abu-'l-Fazl: "Inasmuch as his exalted sons [Salim and Murad]
had been born at Sikri, and the God-knowing spirit of Shaikh Salim
had taken possession thereof, his holy heart desired to give outward
splendour to this spot which possessed spiritual grandeur. Now that
his standards had arrived at this place his former design was pressed
forward and an order was issued that the superintendents of affairs
should erect lofty buildings for the use of the emperor. "
Akbar had been kept regularly informed of events in Gujarat, the
condition of which kingdom was now deplorable. Its recent history
had been the record of a series of bloody struggles for supremacy
between ambitious and self-seeking nobles, and it was this state of
affairs which had proved so attractive to the Mirzas.
Muzaffar III,
the nominal king, whose claim to royal birth was extremely doubt-
ful, was powerless to maintain even a semblance of order and was
never more than a tool in the hands of others.
For the invasion of Gujarat, on which he now decided, Akbar had
a better excuse than for most of his attacks on his neighbours. A civil
war was in progress, and one party, headed by I'timad Khan, invited
his intervention. The country lay on the way to Mecca and all
Muslims were interested in its tranquillity and good government. Its
weakness invited the aggression of the Portuguese both on its coasts
and on pilgrim ships sailing from its ports, and the emperor was
powerless to punish their aggression while the independent king-
doms of Gujarat and the Deccan separated their settlements from
his dominions.
Before leaving Sikri he was obliged to make arrangements for
dealing with a minor rebellion. Jay Chand, Raja of Nagarkot (Kan-
gra), had visited his court, had offended him and had been imprisoned,
and his son Bidai Chand, hearing of his father's imprisonment, con-
cluded that he had been murdered and rebelled at Nagarkot. Husain
Quli Khan, governor of the Punjab, was ordered to capture Nagarkot
and to hand it over, as a fief, to Raja Birbal.
Having sent reinforcements to the Punjab lest Muhammad Hakim
should take advantage of his preoccupation in Gujarat to invade
India, Akbar marched for Ajmer, whence, on 12 August, he sent
forward 10,000 horse under Khan Kalan as an advance guard and
on 1 September followed with the main body of his army. Near Bagor,
1 Dr Vincent Smith (Akbar, p. 110) has “Nagaur", following the printed
text of the Akbar-nama. A glance at the map will show that Nagaur is an
impossible reading. Akbar marching from Ajmer to Gujarat, would not have


## p. 104 (#136) ############################################

AKBAR, 1556-1573
104
where the court halted, he received news of the birth of his son Daniyal
at Ajmer.
At the next stage he was informed of a mishap to Khan Kalan,
who had been stabbed by a treacherous envoy at Sirohi. The wound
was not serious and healed in a fortnight, and the Hindu who inflicted
it was slain. It was probably to avenge his death that a number
of desperate fanatics opposed Akbar when he entered Sirohi with his
army. Eighty of these were slain in a temple and seventy in the
raja's palace.
Rai Singh of Bikaner was sent to Jodhpur to watch the Rana and
keep the road open and Akbar marched to Patan (Anhilwara) send-
ing Raja Man Singh in pursuit of the sons of Sher Khan Fuladi,
who had fled from that town towards Junagarh. He returned with-
out the fugitive, but with much booty taken from them, and on
13 November Akbar left Patan for Ahmadabad, where Sher Khan
Fuladi, who had gained possession of the person of Muzaffar III,
was besieging I'timad Khan. He raised the siege and fled on hearing
of Akbar's approach, and Muzaffar, who had escaped from custody,
was found lurking in a cornfield at Jotana, two stages from Patan,
and on 15 November was brought into Akbar's camp. On the fol-
lowing day I'timad Khan and the leading members of his faction
appeared in the camp and surrendered the keys of Ahmadabad.
Akbar appointed Khan A'zam governor of Gujarat to the north-
west of the river Mahi and wisely confided the government of the
rest of the province, where the Mirzas had established themselves,
to I'timad Khan and his party, who were hostile to the Mirzas.
He arrived at Ahmadabad on 20 November, and the khutba was
recited in his name. He had reason to be satisfied with his conquest.
Ahmadabad was one of the richest and greatest cities in India, and
though it is not necessary to take too literally Abu-'l-Fazl's statement
that it contained 380 quarters, each of which might be deemed a
city, its commercial importance may be estimated from the fact that
it was the emporium of the greater part of the Persian and of a very
large part of the European trade.
At Ahmadabad Akbar discovered that it would be necessary for
him personally to undertake the expulsion of the Mirzas from the
southern provinces of the kingdom, and, leaving Ahmadabad on
8 December he reached Cambay four days later. Here he enjoyed
his first sight of the sea and received the merchants of Turkey, Syria,
Persia, Transoxiana and Portugal. He left Cambay after a week's
halt and arrived on 22 December at Baroda.
been likely to march nearly 80 miles in a north-westerly direction when his
obiective lay directly to the south-west. The correct reading must be Bagor
(25° 22' N. , 74° 23' E. ) which is obtained by changing the pos tion of one dot.
That this is so is proved by the text of the Akbar-nama, where it is stated that
Akbar's next stage was "the neighbourhood of Amet". The distance from Bagor
to Amet is about 28 miles and that from Nagaur to Amet about 140.


## p. 105 (#137) ############################################

Calar
OUM
iste
a ha
the
Fë 8 WA.
12
li
OPERATIONS AGAINST THE MIRZAS
105
The Mirzas had possessed themselves of the richest districts of
southern Gujarat. Ibrahim Husain Mirza had occupied Baroda,
Muhammad Husain Mirza Surat, and Shah Mirza Champaner. A
large force under Sayyid Mahmud Khan Barha was detached to
reduce Surat, and another, under Shahbaz Khan, to reduce Cham-
paner, but had not reached their destinations when Akbar heard that
Ibrahim Husain Mirza was about to leave Baroda with his troops and
retire to some other district of Gujarat. Akbar resolved to intercept
him and set out at night with a small picked force. After marching
the rest of the night and the whole of the following day he reached
the Mahi river at sunset and discovered that Ibrahim Husain Mirza
was at Sarnal on the opposite bank, with a large force. Those with
him advised postponing the attack until night had fallen but Akbar
at once crossed the river with no more than 200 horse.
Ibrahim Husain marched forth from the town and drew up his
force while Akbar, having crossed the river, entered it by the river
gate, after overcoming some slight resistance. He marched through
the town and his small force deployed as it emerged from the streets.
Ibrahim Husain attacked it and drove in the advance guard, and
Akbar was in a position of great danger. He was attacked by three
horsemen, one of whom was slain by Bhagwan Das while he himself
drove off the other two. His small force then charged the enemy and
Ibrahim Husain turned and fled, followed by Akbar and his men
until darkness ended the pursuit, when the Mirza succeeded in
escaping by way of Ahmadnagar to Sirohi and Patan,
The young Muzaffar Husain Mirza was carried off by his mother
from Surat, on the approach of the imperial forces, to the Deccan,
and the defence of the fort was left to Hamzaban, who had been
page to Humayun, but had thrown in his lot with the Mirzas. Akbar
arrived before Surat on 11 January, 1573, and Hamzaban, after endur-
ing a six weeks' siege, offered to surrender conditionally. Akbar
granted him easy terms and the fortress was surrendered on 26 Feb-
ruary. Hamzaban, "who was a foul-mouthed fellow", must have been
guilty of insolence after the surrender, for his tongue was cut out.
The garrison had invited a force of Portuguese to assist in the
defence of the town, but when they arrived and saw how matters
stood they assumed the character of envoys, and offered gifts to
Akbar, who questioned them about Portugal and the affairs of
Europe. The fulsome Abu-'l-Fazl adds: "Although it is well known
that the holy heart of the Lord of the World is the repository of all
knowledge, bcth spiritual and worldly, his exemplary mind designed
to make these inquiries a means of showing kindness to that crew of
savages. ” This is a fair sample of Abu-'l-Fazl's style. The "crew of
savages" could have told and probably did tell Akbar many things
of which he had never even dreamed. For one think they could tell
him where Portugal was, and the names of the states of Europe.


## p. 106 (#138) ############################################

106
AKBAR, 1556-1573
The emperor, who was still an orthodox Muslim, had an interest
in assuring the safety of the voyage to Mecca and was therefore
dependent on the good will of the Portuguese. He sent an envoy
to the viceroy, Dom Antonio de Noronha, who, after receiving him,
sent back with him Antonio Cabral, who established a friendly
understanding.
Mirza Sharaf-ud-din Husain, one of the members of the conspiracy
which had compassed the death of Atga Khan, had fled from court
in 1562 to his assignment at Nagaur and thence to Gujarat, where
he had joined the Mirzas. After their discomfiture he had gone
towards the Deccan but had been captured by the Raja of Baglan,
who was now called upon to surrender him. He complied and
Akbar's envoys brought the fugitive, on 4 March, to the camp before
Surat. They were accompanied by Raja 'Ali Khan, brother of
Muhammad II of Khandesh, who had been sent to do homage to
Akbar, Sharaf-ud-din Husain was intimidated by being thrown
before the feet of a harmless elephant, and was then imprisoned.
Muhammad Husain Mirza, Shah Mirza and Sher Khan Fuladi now
besieged Sayyid Ahmad Barha in Patan, and Khan A'zam and the
army of Malwa marched to his relief and defeated and dispersed the
besiegers, Sher Khan fleeing to Junagarh and the two Mirzas to
the Deccan.
Ibrahim Husain Mirza, after his escape from the field of Sarnal,
fled first towards Patan and then towards Agra, but Shaham Khan
was ordered to raise the siege of Champaner, which then engaged
him, and intercept the fugitive, and the Mirza directed his flight
towards the Punjab.
Akbar returned to Ahmadabad on 2 April and, having confirmed
Khan A'zam as governor of the new province of the empire, allotted
various grants to the leading officers who had accompanied him, and
appointed Muzaffar Khan Turbati to the government of Malwa in
the place of Qutb-ud-din Muhammad Khan, who had not shown
sufficient promptitude in obeying his bidding to assist in establishing
peace and order in Gujarat. He left Ahmadabad on 13 April, and
at Sirohi learnt that Husain Quli Khan, governor of the Punjab,
had captured both Ibrahim Husain Mirza and his brother Mas'ud
Husain Mirza. He arrived at Ajmer on 13 May, and, after performing
his usual pilgrimage, continued his journey to Fathpur Sikri, which
he reached on 3 June. Shaikh Mubarak, the father of Faizi and
Abu-'l-Fazl, appeared before him on this occasion and welcomed him
in a speech in which he congratulated him on his victories. In this
speech he expressed the hope that the emperor might become the
spiritual as well as the temporal head of his people. We may be sure
that no such hope would have been expressed unless there had been
some reason for supposing that it would be welcome, and the heterodox
orator, a man who in religion was "everything by turns and nothing
!


## p. 107 (#139) ############################################

11
AKBAR'S RELIGIOUS MISGIVINGS
107
long", had probably heard that Akbar, while besieging Surat, had
listened attentively to the famous mubid of Zoroastrian theologian
Dastur Mahyarji Rana of Navsari. It was not until nine years later
that he promulgated his new religion, the Divine Faith, but he had
always been given to religious discussions and it was certainly in
1573 that he began to feel misgivings as to the sufficiency of orthodox
Islam. Henceforth he sought a more perfect way, but his spiritual
pride misled him.
He was not left in peace to pursue his religious meditations, and
in the course of his busy life he oscillated between various creeds
before he collected his stock-in-trade as a prophet.


## p. 108 (#140) ############################################

CHAPTER V
AKBAR, MYSTIC AND PROPHET
HUSAIN QULI KHAN had been obliged by the flight of the
two Mirzas into the Punjab to raise the siege of Nagarkot, but had
first exacted from Bidai Chand complete submission to Akbar.
Having defeated the Mirzas he carried his prisoners, 300 in number,
to Fathpur Sikri where the head of Ibrahim Husain was laid before
the thrcne, and Mas'ud Husain, with his eyes sewn up, was delivered
to Akbar, who, having caused the stitches to be cut, imprisoned the
rebel in Gwalior. The other prisoners, clad in the skins of cows, asses,
hogs and dogs, formed a grotesque pageant, after which some were
released, others imprisoned, and others put to death with fantastic
tortures. Husain Quli Khan received the title of Khan Jahan.
Sulaiman Kararani, king of Bengal, had died during Akbar's expe-
dition to Gujarat, and Akbar, on his return, was preparing for the
conquest of Bengal when news arrived that Gujarat was in revolt.
Muhammad Husain Mirza, who had fled to Daulatabad, had returned
to Gujarat and joined a confederacy which the rebellious nobles of the
old dynasty had formed with the Raja of Idar. They besieged Khan
A'zam in Ahmadabad, and, on learning of the rebellion, Akbar left
Fathpur Sikri on 23 August, and on 2 September arrived within four
miles of Ahmadabad, having performed the march from Fathpur Sikri
in eleven days.
Khan A'zam was apprised of Akbar's arrival, and the imperial
troops, numbering no more than 3000, halted on the banks of the
Sabarmati. Akbar was advised to fall on the enemy at once, but his
foolish punctilio restrained him from attacking even rebels unawares,
and he caused the great kettle-drums to be beaten. Muhammad
Husain Mirza, on being informed that the sound indicated that the
emperor was present in person, refused to credit the account as his
spies had reported that they had seen Akbar at Fathpur Sikri only
a fortnight before, but he sent Ikhtiyar-ul-Mulk with 5000 horse to
prevent Khan A'zam from issuing from Ahmadabad, and himself
attacked Akbar's force. Akbar in person led a charge against the
rebels, and the Mirza was wounded. His horse fell with him as he
was fleeing and he was captured and brought before Akbar, who
delivered him into the custody of Rai Singh. A fresh force advancing
towards Akbar's troops was believed to be that commanded by Khan
A'zam, but proved to be the 5000 horse led by Ikhtiyar-ul-Mulk. This
force was likewise attacked and defeated by Akbar, and Ikhtivar-ul-
Mulk was captured and shared the fate of Muhammad Husain Mirza,
who had been put to death by order of Rai Singh. Late in the after-
noon Khan A'zam issued from Ahmadabad and joined Akbar, who
1


## p. 109 (#141) ############################################

ADMINISTRATIVE REFORMS
109
embraced him affectionately and greeted the officers with him. A
column was sent to Broach and Champaner in pursuit of the other rebel,
Shah Mirza, who had fled, but he escaped and is heard of no more.
Thus ended the most astonishing military exploit of Akbar's reign.
In eleven days he had ridden, with 3000 horse, more than 450 miles;
on arriving at his destination he had fought, in one day, two battles,
each against a force superior in numbers to his own, and in each he had
gained a decisive victory, and had completely crushed a dangerous
rebellion.
He remained at Ahmadabad for no more than ten days after his
success, but during that short period he made arrangements for the
government of the province.
The finances of Gujarat had fallen into the utmost confusion. The
administration of the state had for years been lax to the verge of
anarchy, and after a long period of internecine strife it had been the
scene of almost uninterrupted warfare for a year. It had been
impossible to collect any revenue, and it was probably difficult to
ascertain on what principle and in what proportion the land rent
should be collected. Raja Todar Mal was appointed to revise the
settlement and to restore order in the financial administration.
Akbar arrived at his capital on 5 October, and within a month
Raja Bhagwan Das returned with the army and brought with him
Umrao Singh, son of Partab Singh, Rana of Chitor, sent by his father
to court in order that he might enter the emperor's service.
A great measure of reform in the administration of the empire
was now inaugurated by the promulgation of the "branding regula-
tion", the conversion of all the assignments into crown lands, and
the regulation of the grades of the officers of state.
The branding regulation applied to the horses which the nobles anil
Tesser officers were obliged to maintain for their contingents, and was
designed to prevent the fraudulent practice of producing at musters
horses temporarily borrowed or hired. It was modelled on similar re-
gulations issued by 'Ala-ud-din Khalji and Sher Shah, and was bitterly
opposed by those whose opportunities for peculation it curtailed, one
of its most obstinate opponents being Khan A'zam, the emperor's
foster-brother.
The conversion of the whole of the imperial territories into crown
lands was a root and branch measure, amounting to nothing less
than the complete change of the administrative system. It was aimed
against the corrupt practices of the officers of state who, while
extracting the last penny of revenue from their assignments, failed
to maintain at full strength or to pay at a just rate the contingents
for the support of which the assignments had been made. Akbar's
intention was that his territories should be administered by his own
revenue officials, and that his troops should be a standing army
regularly paid at uniform rates from the imperial treasury.


## p. 110 (#142) ############################################

110
AKBAR, MYSTIC AND PROPHET
The regulation of the grades of the officers of state consisted in the
establishment of a graded list of the mansabdars, or officers of the
army, whose rank ranged from that of commander of 5000 down to
that of commander of ten horse. The measure affected civil as well as
military officials, for the former held relative rank and were graded
as commanders of horse even though they might never command
troops. Akbar's intention was that all should, as a rule, enter in the
lowest rank and rise by merit.
For the purpose of carrying out these reforms Muzaffar Khan
Turbati was appointed vakil, or first minister of the empire, and
Todar Mal on his return from Gujarat was appointed his assistant,
but Muzaffar Khan, who personally disapproved of the reform failed
to enforce them and was consequently dismissed.
The reforms were, indeed, generally unpopular. Akbar succeeded
in resuming the land in the more settled provinces of the empire,
where the troops, from those in high command downwards, were
paid from the treasury and the cavalry soldiers received branded
horses from the state. Collectors of revenue were appointed, each
to a tract estimated to yield a crore (karor=10,000,000) of dams, equi-
valent to Rs. 250,000, and were styled croris (karoris). They were
expected both to collect the revenue and to improve it by encouraging
the extension of cultivation, but they proved to be both inefficient
and extortionate, and many were severely punished. In 1582 Todar
Mal was appointed vakil, or prime minister of the empire, and was
ordered to prepare a scheme for the improvement of the revenue
administration. The thirteen proposals which he submitted to Akbar
were so elementary in their nature as to make it clear that the re-
sumption of the land by the crown had in no way lightened the
burden of the husbandman.
In the less settled and newly conquered provinces the old system
remained undisturbed, but Akbar insisted on the enforcement of the
branding regulation in all provinces. It is to the unpopularity of this
measure that Abu-'l-Fazl attributes the rebellion which broke out
in Bihar and Bengal in 1580, but though this may have been a con-
tributory cause the rebellion was chiefly due to Akbar's religious
innovations. In 1576, when Khan A'zam was summoned from Gujarat
to join a projected expedition to Badakhshan, it was discovered that
he had made no attempt to enforce the obnoxious regulation in his
province, and he so violently condemned it that he was deprived of
office. Another might have lost his life, but Akbar could never cross
the "river of milk".
Sulaiman Kararani, who had been governor of Bihar under Sher
Shah, established his independence in Bengal when the power of the
Sur dynasty declined. He had placated Akbar by acknowledging
his authority and occasionally sending his tribute, and had died in
1 See also chap. XVI.


## p. 111 (#143) ############################################

ABU-'L-FAZL AND BADAUNI ARRIVE AT COURT
in
a
1572. His elder son, Bayazid, who succeeded him, had been put to
death, after a reign of a few months, by his turbulent Afghan nobles,
who raised to the throne his younger brother Daud.
This prince was intoxicated by his elevation to power and by the
extent of his resources. He was the master of much treasure, of
40,000 cavalry, of 140,000 infantry, of 20,000 guns of sorts, of 3300
elephants, and of an enormous fleet of river boats. He defied Akbar
by refusing to acknowledge his supremacy, and invaded his dominions
and destroyed the fort of Zamaniya, near Ghazipur. Mun‘im Khan
had been sent against him, and had compelled him to retire to Patna,
where he besieged him. In the conduct of the siege he experienced
considerable difficulties, less from the activity of the enemy than from
the insubordination of Khan 'Alam, who had been sent to assist him,
and his reports caused Akbar to march in person to his assistance.
Before he left Fathpur Sikri his famous secretary, Abu-'l-Fazl, and
the historian, 'Abdul-Qadir Badauni, were presented to him for the
first time.
Abu-'l-Fazl was now a young man of twenty-three. As a boy he
had studied assiduously under his father, Shaikh Mubarak, and had
afterwards followed his own bent in reading and meditation, until
he became, as he himself confesses, a prig of the first water. He
meditated and speculated on the mysteries of all religions, and was
so perplexed by the differences between the formalists of every faith
that he had “neither strength to remain silent nor power to cry out”.
He was a mystic and a visionary, and was the worst possible adviser
that one of Akbar's tendencies could have had in spiritual matters.
It was probably not he who invented the “Divine Faith”, for that
seems to have been the bantling of Akbar's own brain, but both he
and his father undoubtedly had a part in encouraging Akbar's
extravagant view of his spiritual prerogative.
He was favourably received, and, though he did not at once enter
the imperial service, he found, as he says, in Akbar his "true spiritual
guide. His eyes were opened and he perceived the spiritual excellence
of a sovereign who was the confluence of the oceans of religious and
worldly duty, the dayspring of the lights of outward forms and
inward graces", and much more to the same effect.
Abu-'l-Fazl undoubtedly had for Akbar an admiration none the
less genuine for its coincidence with his interest, but few will agree
with the late Mr Blochmann that the charge of flattery and wilful
concealment of facts damaging to the reputation of his master is
absolutely unfounded, or that he praises with much more grace and
dignity than any other eastern writer. In gross flattery there can be
neither grace nor dignity, and Abu-'l-Fazl's flattery is uncouth in
form and style and differs from the formal and customary tribute of
other panegyrists by verging on blasphemy.
Akbar left“Agra by boat on 20 June, his army marching by: land,


## p. 112 (#144) ############################################

112
AKBAR, MYSTIC AND PROPHET
and on 4 August reached Patna, where it was decided to capture
Hajipur on the north bank of the river, the depot whence the garrison
of Patna drew its supplies, but Akbar first made a foolish proposal
to Daud that the differences between them should be settled by single
combat. Even Daud had the wit to understand that great armies
are not maintained merely as spectators of tournaments, and re-
jected the proposal.
Hajipur was taken on 7 August, and on 9 August the Afghans
evacuated Patna by night and fled. Akbar pursued them the next
day as far as Daryapur, near Barh, and, though he failed to come up
with them, took much plunder, including 265 elephants. The next
day he was joined by Mun‘im Khan who had followed him, and who
was left to complete the conquest of Bengal, Akbar returning to Delhi,
which he reached on 17 October. On his way he received two
despatches from Mun'im Khan, the first announcing the bloodless
capture of the fortified pass of Teliyagarhi, the gate of lower Bengal,
and the second the occupation of Daud's capital, Tanda.
In 1575 the province of Gujarat suffered severely from a pestilence,
and from a famine which lasted for six months, a calamity rare in
that fertile region and greatly aggravated by the wars and disorders
which had devastated it.
Meanwhile the conquest of Bengal proceeded but slowly, owing to
dissensions between the officers and the sloth and insubordination
of the trocps. Mun'im Khan made Tanda his headquarters and left
the direction of operations in the field chiefly to Todar Mal. Ghora-
ghat," Satgaon ? and Burdwan were occupied, but an imperial force
was defeated in Chota Nagpur by Junaid Kararani, Daud's cousin,
against whom Todar Mal was obliged to advance in person. He
defeated him, and occupied Midnapore, but Junaid soon recovered
from his defeat, and marched into Bihar, which had been invaded
by another Afghan force under Taj Khan. The imperial governor.
Muzaffar Khan Turbati, was thus obliged to deal with two rebel
forces and also to recover Hajipur, which another body of Afghans
had recaptured, but after many vicissitudes he succeeded in expelling
all the rebels and in restoring order in the province.
Todar Mal, still at Midnapore, was preparing to advance into
Orissa, where Daud had taken refuge, but his troops insisted that their
defeat of Junaid had earned them some repose and refused to embark
on a fresh campaign. Mun‘im Khan sent him a reinforcement which
enabled him to prevent the malcontents from retreating, but not to
induce them to advance.
Daud, hearing of these dissensions, assembled a considerable army
and marched against Todar Mal, who advanced to Chitwa, but,
nistrusting the spirit and the loyalty of his officers, again appealed
to Mun'im Khan, who at length took the field in person and joined
1 25° 15' N. , 89° 18' E.
2 22° 58' N. , 88° 23' E.
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BENGAL OCCUPIED. THE “HALL OF WORSHIP”
. " 113
him. An attempt to turn Daud's flank and to cut his line of retreat
compelled him to prepare for battle.
The battle is variously known as that of Bajhaura, Mughulmari,
and Tukaroi, and the researches of the late Mr Blochmann 1 have
determined its site, which was on the road from Midnapore to
Jaleswar, rather more than half-way from the former to the latter,
and within three miles of the eastern bank of the Subarnarekha.
The result of the battle was for some time in doubt. Mun‘im Khan
was severely wounded, 'Alam Khan was killed, and the centre broke
and fled, throwing even the left wing, under Todar Mal, into some
confusion. The centre was, however, rallied and drove back the van-
guard of the Afghan centre. Todar Mal then pressed forward and
drove the right wing of the Afghans from the field. Their left wing
also gave way, and Daud fled, and took refuge in Cuttack. Todar
Mal pursued him vigorously as far as Bhadrakh, and after Mun'im
Khan had joined him there envoys from Daud arrived, to sue for
peace. Daud offered to appear before Mun‘im Khan and swear
allegiance to Akbar, to surrender his elephants and pay tribute, and
to wait personally on the emperor when approved service should
have ensured him a favourable reception. The troops had long been
weary of field service in the unaccustomed climate of Bengal, so
Mun‘im Khan accepted these terms, and on 12 April received Daud
on the bank of the Mahanadi. Daud made obeisance and delivered to
Mun'im, besides many rich gifts, his nephew Muhammad, son of
Bayazid, to be detained at the imperial court as a hostage, and in
return received as a grant the greater part of Orissa. There was
much rejoicing in the army at the termination of hostilities, but Todar
Mal, the real hero of the campaign, stood aloof. He strongly dis-
approved of the treaty, and refused to affix his seal to it, but the news
of peace was welcomed at court.
When Mun'im Khan, after returning to Tanda, had expelled the
local Afghans who during his absence had occupied all the territory
to the east of the Ganges, Bengal, though the seeds of future trouble
remained, was at length quiet, and Akbar had leisure to turn his
thoughts to other matters. For his favourite amusement he built at
Fathpur Sikri his famous 'Ibadat-Khana, or "Hall of Worship", which
would have been more accurately styled a hall of debate. Its exact
design has never been ascertained, but it seems to have been cruci-
form in plan, the four arms of a Greek cross forming four halls for
the accommodation of four classes of disputants and their supporters :
(1) Shaikhs, or those who had acquired a reputation for sanctity or
for the possession of peculiar spiritual gifts, (2) Sayyids, or descen-
dants of Muhammad, (3) the 'Ulama, or jurists and doctors of the
sacred law of Islam, and (4) nobles of the court interested in specula-
tive theology. None but Muslims werę at first admitted to the dis-
1 Ain-i-Akbari, trans. , 1, 375.
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114
AKBAR, MYSTIC AND PROPHET
cussions, for Akbar, though much attracted by the pantheistic
mysticism of the Sufis, was still a professing Muslim, and even had
he desired to admit professors of other faiths the strength of the
orthodox party was then so strong that he could not have done so.
The orthodox, or Sunni, party was led by Mulla ‘Abdullah of
Sultanpur, entitled Makhdum-ul-Mulk, and by the Sadr, Shaikh
'Abdun-Nabi. Their orthodoxy was beyond question, but even the
rigid Sunni, Badauni, condemns the worldliness, avarice and duplicity
of Makhdum-ul-Mulk, but adds, with approval, “owing to his exer-
tions many heretics and schismatics had gone to the places prepared
for them”. Shaikh 'Abdun-Nabi had put to death a Brahman
convicted of the offence of abusing the prophet of Islam, and had
interpreted the marriage law with an exactitude which had given
great offence to Akbar.
Shaikh Mubarak, the father of Faizi and Abu-'l-Fazl, had revelled
in spiritual experiences. He had been been in turn a Sunni, a Shiah,
a Sufi, a Mahdiist, and probably many other things besides. He had
even professed to be the Mahdi, and for this offence had shortly
before this time been obliged to go into hiding to save his life, for
the jurists had decided to have him put to death for heresy. His
position in the discussions was that of a free-lance. He had at first
no system to offer as a substitute for orthodox Islam, and his object
was purely destructive, the complete discomfiture of his enemies. His
great learning fitted him for the task. He was versed in all contentious
questions, and well knew how to set his persecutors by the ears, for
even the orthodox had their differences. He soon had the doctors
of the law cursing and reviling one another, and their vituperation
and vulgar abuse at first diverted and afterwards disgusted Akbar.