No More Learning

55 Just what this is, and why it is so called, I shall briefly explain. 2 Today the equivalent of a secret decree of the senate is, in general, nothing more than the action of those inner councils of elders by which Your Clemency settles those affairs which are not to be published abroad. You are accustomed to take oath when discussing these matters, moreover, that no one shall hear or know anything of them until the business is completed. 3 But among the ancients the custom was introduced in the interests of the state, that, if by any chance violence threatened at the hands of their enemies, which forced them either to adopt ignoble counsels or resolve on things which should not be disclosed until they were ready to be put into effect, or if they were unwilling for certain measures to be divulged to friends, the senate passed a secret decree. At these sessions not even the clerks or public servants or officers of the Census56 were present; the senators took over and the senators performed the duties of all the clerks and officers of the Census, lest anything by any chance should be betrayed. 4 To prevent news of it reaching Maximinus, therefore, this decree of the senate was made secret.

[Legamen ad paginam Latinam] 13 1 But as is the way with the minds of men — of such of them, at least, as blush if any knowledge of theirs does not become known and consider it abject not to betray a trust — Maximinus straightway learned everything. Indeed, he got a copy of the senate's secret p405 decree — a thing that had never previously occurred. 2 There is a letter of his to the city-prefect which says: "I have read the senate's secret decree about those emperors of ours; perhaps you, being city-prefect, did not know it had been passed, for you were not present on that occasion. I have sent you a copy, however, hoping that you may learn how to rule the commonwealth of Rome. " 3 The fury that shook Maximinus when he learned that Africa had revolted from him is impossible to describe. 57 4 For when he finally comprehended the decree of the senate, he dashed himself against the walls, he rent his garments, he snatched his sword as though he could slay them in a body, he seemed, indeed, to go wholly mad.

5 The prefect of the city now got even more violent letters and made an address to the people and the soldiers, wherein he said that Maximinus had been slain. 58 6 Upon this great rejoicing arose and the statues and portraits of the public enemy were immediately cast down. 7 The senate, moreover, employed the powers which belonged to it for impending war. Informers, false accusers, personal agents, in fact all the filth of the Maximinian despotism, it ordered to be put to death. 59 8 But this, the senate's decision, was not enough; the people decided that after they were put to death they should be dragged about and cast into the sewer. 9 Then also Sabinus, the prefect of the city and a man of consular rank, was beaten with a club and slain; his corpse was left lying in the streets.

[Legamen ad paginam Latinam] 14 1 When Maximinus learned of these last measures he at once assembled his troops and harangued them in the following manner:60 "Consecrated fellow-soldiers, or rather partakers of my consecration, p407 who have, most of you, fought with me wars that were wars indeed, when we defended the majesty of Rome from Germany, when we redeemed Illyricum from the barbarians, the Africans have kept Punic faith. 61 2 They have acclaimed the two Gordians emperors; one of whom is so broken with old age that he cannot rise, the other so wasted with debauchery that exhaustion serves him for old age. 3 And lest this be not enough, that glorious senate of ours has approved what the Africans have done. They for whose children we bear arms have set up twenty men against us, and passed all such decrees against us as are passed against a foe. 4 Up! then, as men should; we must hasten to the city. For against us twenty men, all of consular rank, have been chosen; they must be withstood, we bravely leading, you happily fighting. " 5 But that this harangue left his soldiers with indifferent feelings, and not with quickened spirits, even Maximinus himself realized. 6 In fact, he at once wrote to his son, who was following at a distance behind, to hasten speedily, lest the soldiers devise some plot against him in his absence. 7 Junius Cordus gives the purport of the letter thus: "My attendant Tynchanius is coming to tell you my last advices on what has taken place in Africa and Rome, and also how the soldiers feel. 8 I beseech you, hasten as fast as you can, lest this mob of soldiers take further measures, as soldiers are wont to do. What I fear, you will learn from him whom I have sent you. "

[Legamen ad paginam Latinam] 15 1 But while all this was taking place, the Gordians were attacked in Africa by a certain Capelianus. 62 He had always been hostile to Gordian even in private life, and now the Emperor himself dismissed him when, as an old soldier, he was governing the Moors p409 by Maximinus' appointment. And so when Gordian dismissed him, he gathered the Moors together and with an irregular force of them came up to Carthage, the people of which, with typical Punic faith, came over to him. 2 None the less, Gordian desired to hazard the chances of war, and sent against them his son, now well advanced in years (he was then forty-six years old), and at that time his father's legate; we shall give a resumé of his character in its proper place. 63 3 But in military affairs not only was Capelianus the bolder man, but the younger Gordian was less well trained, placed at a disadvantage, as he was, by the luxurious life of the nobility. When they joined battle, accordingly, he was beaten, and in the same campaign slain.

[Legamen ad paginam Latinam] 16 1 Such a host of Gordian's party fell in this campaign, it is said, that the body of the younger Gordian, although it was long searched for, could not be found. 2 There was a great storm, moreover, — a rare thing in Africa — which scattered Gordian's army before the battle and also made the soldiers less fit for the fight, and on this account Capelianus' victory was the easier. 64

3 And when the elder Gordian learned of this, seeing there was no aid in Africa, and being distressed with a great fear of Maximinus and by knowledge of Punic faith, also because Capelianus was assailing him very sharply, and because in the end the struggle had wearied him in mind and soul, he took a rope and hanged himself.

4 This was the end of two of the Gordians. 65 Both of them were named Augusti by the senate and afterwards placed among the gods. 66 p411

GORDIAN THE SECOND.

[Legamen ad paginam Latinam] 17 1 This was the son of the old Gordian, the proconsul of Africa. He too was named Augustus by the Africans and the senate at the same time as his father, and he was illustrious in culture and character as well as in battle rank; the last, according to many writers, he derived from the Antonines, although most say from the Antonii. 67 2 Others adduce the following facts as evidence to show the high quality of his family — that the elder Gordian was called Africanus, the honorary surname of the Scipios;68 that he possessed the House of Pompey in the city;69 that he was always given the surname of the Antonines; and that he himself expressed a desire in the senate that his son should be known as Antonius. Each of these, they believe, represents a family connection. 3 I, however, follow Junius Cordus, who says that the nobility of the Gordians was derived from all these families. 4 At any rate, he was the first offspring of his father, Gordian, and Fabia Orestilla, the great-granddaughter of Antoninus,70 through whom he seemed also to be lined with the family of the Caesars. 5 A few days after his birth he was given the name Antoninus; later, in the senate, he was publicly named Antonius; and the people finally began to call him Gordian.

[Legamen ad paginam Latinam] 18 1 He took his studies very seriously. In person he was remarkably good looking; his memory was extraordinary. He was very kind of heart; indeed, when any of the boys was flogged at school, p413 he could not restrain his tears. 2 Serenus Sammonicus,71 a great friend of his father's, was his tutor, and a very beloved and agreeable one he was; in fact, when he died, he left the young Gordian all the books that had belonged to his father, Serenus Sammonicus, and these were estimated at sixty-two thousand. 3 And this raised him to the seventh heaven, for being now possessed of a library of such magnitude and excellence, thanks to the power of letters he became famous among men.

4 He won his quaestorship upon the recommendation of Elagabalus; for the wildness of the young man, which was nevertheless neither extravagant nor depraved, had found him favour with that extravagant emperor. 5 He held the city-praetorship on the recommendation of Alexander, and did so well in this office, chiefly in administering the law, that he was immediately given the consulship,72 which his father had won late in life. 6 And in the time either of Maximinus or of this same Alexander, being sent to his father's proconsular command, he served as his legate, and then happened what has been related above. 73

[Legamen ad paginam Latinam] 19 1 He was somewhat fond of wine, but always, however, of wine in some way spiced, at one time with roses, again with mastic, again with wormwood and various other herbs — all of which are most pleasing to the palate. 2 He ate sparingly; indeed he finished his luncheon — if he lunched at all — or his dinner in an instant. 3 He was very fond of women; indeed, it is said that he had twenty-two concubines decreed him, from all of whom he left three or four children apiece. 4 He was nicknamed, in fact, the Priam74 of his age, but often the crowd jestingly called him not Priam but Priapus,75 as being nearer to his character. p415 5 He lived in revelry — in gardens, in baths, and in most delightful groves. Nor did his father ever rebuke him, but on the contrary very often said that sometime soon he would die in the greatest eminence. 6 Yet in his manner of life he never was inferior to the good in bravery, and he was ever among the most distinguished of citizens and never failed the commonwealth with advice. 7 And the senate, finally, entitled him Augustus with the greatest joy and laid on him the hopes of the state. 8 He was very elegant in his dress, and beloved by his slaves and entire household. 9 Cordus says that he was never willing to have a wife, but Dexippus thinks that the third Gordian was his son76 — the boy, that is, who was afterwards made emperor with Balbinus and Pupienus (or Maximus).

[Legamen ad paginam Latinam] 20 1 At one time the elder Gordian consulted an astrologer about his son's nativity, and the astrologer, it is said, answered that the child would be both son and father of an emperor, and that he also would be emperor. 2 Gordian laughed; but then, they say, the astrologer pointed out the constellationa and read from ancient books until he proved that he had spoken the truth. 3 ºThis same astrologer, moreover, predicted truthfully the day and the manner of the deaths of both father and son, and the places where they would die, all with stubborn firmness. 4 In after days, it is said, the elder Gordian recounted all of this in Africa, at a time when he was emperor and had nothing to fear — indeed, he spoke of his own death and his son's and of the manner in which they would die. 5 Often, too, the old man recited these verses when he saw his son:77 p417

"Him the fates only displayed to the circle of lands, and no longer
Suffered to be. Too great, too great did Rome's generations
Seem to you else, O Gods, had this figure really been granted. "
6 There are still in existence various things written by the younger Gordian in both prose and verse,78 which are often quoted by his kinsmen today. These are neither good nor yet very bad, but rather mediocre. They seem, in truth, the work of one who was really talented but gave himself over to pleasure and wasted his genius.

[Legamen ad paginam Latinam] 21 1 He was extremely fond of fruit and greens; in fact, though very abstemious in his use of other kinds of food, he was continually eating fresh fruit. 2 He had a craving for cold drinks, and passed the summer with great difficulty unless he drank cold drinks and a great many of them. He was of huge size, as a matter of fact, and this somewhat stimulated his longing for cold drinks.

3 This is what we have discovered about the younger Gordian that is worthy of mention. For we do not think we need recount absurd and silly tales such as Junius Cordus has written concerning his domestic pleasures and petty matters of that sort. 4 If any desire to know these things, let them read Cordus; Cordus tells what slaves each and every emperor had and what friends, how many mantles and how many cloaks. Knowledge of this sort of thing does no one any good. It is the duty of historians, rather, to set down in their histories such things as are to be avoided or sought after.

p419 5 But truly I have decided that I must not omit this, which I read in Vulcatius Terentianus,79 who wrote a history of his time, because it seems a marvellous thing. So I write it down. The elder Gordian resembled the face of Augustus perfectly; he seemed, indeed, to have his very voice and mannerisms and stature; his son, in turn, seemed like to Pompey, although it is true that Pompey was not obese of person; his grandson, finally, whose portraits we can see today, bore the appearance of Scipio Asiaticus. This, because of its very strangeness, I have decided should not be passed over in silence.

GORDIAN THE THIRD

[Legamen ad paginam Latinam] 22 1 On the death of the two Gordians, the senate, being now thoroughly agitated and in even more violent terror of Maximinus, chose Pupienus (or Maximus) and Clodius Balbinus, both ex-consuls, from the twenty men whom they had elected to protect the state, and declared them emperors. 80 2 But on this the populace and soldiers demanded that the child Gordian should be made Caesar,81 he being then, so most authorities declare, eleven years old; some, however, say thirteen,82 and Junius Cordus says sixteen (for Cordus says that he was in his twenty-second year when he died). 3 At any rate, he was hurried to the senate and thence taken to an assembly, and there they clothed him in the imperial garments and hailed him as Caesar. 83

p421 4 According to most authorities, he was the son of Gordian's daughter,84 but one or two (I have unable to discover more) say that he was the child of that son of Gordian who was killed in Africa. 5 However this may be, after he was made Caesar he was reared at his mother's house. But when Maximus and Balbinus had ruled for two years after the death of the Maximini85 they were slain in a mutiny of the soldiers, and the young Gordian, who had been Caesar until then, was declared Augustus86 — the soldiers, populace, senate, and all the peoples of the Empire uniting with great love, great eagerness, and great gratitude to do so. 6 For they loved him exceedingly because of his grandfather and uncle (or father), who had both taken up arms in behalf of the senate and Roman people against Maximinus and had both perished, the one by a soldier's death, the other through a soldier's despair.

7 After this87 a body of veterans came to the Senate-house to learn what had taken place. 8 And two of them, having gone up to the Capitol — for the senate was meeting there, — were slain by Gallicanus, a former consul, and Maecenas, a former general, before the very altar, 9 and a civil war sprang up, in which even the senators were armed; for the veterans were unaware that the young Gordian was holding the imperial power alone. 88 [Legamen ad paginam Latinam] 23 1 (Dexippus says that p423 Gordian the third was the child of Gordian's son). But shortly afterwards, when it was understood among the veterans that Gordian was ruling alone, a peace was confirmed between the populace and the soldiers and veterans, and an end of the civil strife was made when the boy was given the consulship. 89 2 There was an omen, however, that Gordian was not to rule for long, which was this: there occurred an eclipse of the sun,90 so black that men thought it was night and business could not be transacted without the aid of lanterns. 3 None the less, after it the populace devoted itself to spectacles and revelry, to dull the memory of the hard things that had been done before.

4 In the consulship of Venustus and Sabinus91 a revolt broke out in Africa against Gordian the third under the leadership of Sabinianus. 92 But the governor of Mauretania, who was first beset by the conspirators, crushed it for Gordian so severely that all of them came up to Carthage to surrender Sabinianus and confessed their wrong and sought pardon for it. 5 When, however, this trouble in Africa had been ended, a war broke out with the Persians93 — this being in the first consulship of Pompeianus and the second of Gordian. 6 But before setting out for this war the p425 young Gordian took a wife, the daughter of Timestheus,94 a most erudite man, whom Gordian considered worthy of being his relation because of his powers of eloquence and immediately made his prefect. 7 After this his rule seemed not in the least that of a child or contemptible, since he was aided by the advice of this excellent father-in‑law, while he himself, on his own account, developed considerable sagacity and did not let his favours be sold by the eunuchs and attendants at court through his mother's ignorance or connivance.

[Legamen ad paginam Latinam] 24 1 There is still in existence a letter from Gordian to his father-in‑law and also one from his father-in‑law to him, in which we can see how faultlessly and zealously he and his father-in‑law strove to perfect their age. This is a copy of the letters:

2 "To my imperial son and Augustus, from Timestheus, his prefect and father-in‑law. One serious scandal of our age we have escaped; the scandal, I mean, that eunuchs and those who pretend to be your friends (though really they are your worst enemies) arrange all things for money. This is all the more agreeable, and it should make this improvement more pleasing to you too, because if there have been any failings, it seems assured, my revered son, that they have not been yours. 3 For no one could bear it when commissions in the army were given out on the nomination of eunuchs, when labours were denied their due reward, when men who should not have p427 been slain or set free through caprice or bribery, when the treasury was drained, when conspiracies were fomented by those who moved cunningly about you every day, that you, too, might be finally ensnared, while all evil men settled beforehand among themselves what to advise you about the righteous, drove away the good, introduced the abominable, and, in the end, sold all your secrets for a price. 4 Let the gods be thanked, then, that this evil has been done away with, as you, too, desired! 5 Truly it delights me to be the father-in‑law of a worthy emperor; and of one, too, who inquires into everything and wishes to know everything, and has driven away the men who formerly sold him as though he were set up in open market. "

[Legamen ad paginam Latinam] 25 1 Likewise Gordian's letter to Timesitheus:
"From the Emperor Gordian Augustus to Timesitheus, his father-in‑law and prefect. Were it not that the mighty gods watch over the Roman Empire, even now we should be sold by bought eunuchs as though under the hammer. 2 Now at last I know that a Felicio95 should not have been put in command of the praetorian guard and that I should not have entrusted the Fourth Legion to a Serapammon; in fact, to give no further examples, that I should not have done much that I did do; but now, the gods be thanked, I have learned from suggestions by you, who are incorruptible, what I could not know by myself. 3 For what could I do? — since even our mother was betraying us, she who used to take counsel with Gaudianus, Reverendus, and Montanus and then praise men or traduce them accordingly, p429 and by their testimony as though by the evidence of witnesses she would prove what she had said. 4 My father, I should like you to hear a true thing: wretched is an emperor before whom men do not speak out the truth, for since he himself cannot walk out among the people he can only hear things, and then believe either what he has heard or what the majority have corroborated. "
5 From these letters one can see how the young man had been improved and bettered by his father-in‑law's counsel. 6 Some say that Timesitheus' letter was written in Greek but in any case to the above effect. 7 So great was the power, moreover, of his strength of character and righteousness, that he rose from great obscurity to make the Emperor Gordian illustrious not only for his noble birth but also for his deeds.

[Legamen ad paginam Latinam] 26 1 There was a severe earthquake in Gordian's reign — so severe that whole cities with all their inhabitants disappeared in the opening of the ground. Vast sacrifices were offered through the entire city and the entire world because of this. 2 And Cordus says that the Sibylline Books were consulted, and everything that seemed ordered therein done; whereupon this world-wide evil was stayed.

3 But after this earthquake was stayed, in the consulship of Praetextatus and Atticus, Gordian opened the twin gates of Janus,96 which was a sign that war had been declared, and set out against the Persians97 with so huge an army and so much gold as easily to conquer the Persians with either his regulars or his p431 auxiliaries. 4 He marched into Moesia and there, even while making ready, he destroyed, put to flight, expelled, and drove away whatever forces of the enemy were in Thrace. 98 5 From there99 he marched through Syria to Antioch, which was then in the possession of the Persians. There he fought and won repeated battles, and drove out Sapor, the Persians' king. 100 6 After this he recovered Artaxanses,101 Antioch, Carrhae, and Nisibis, all of which had been included in the Persian empire. [Legamen ad paginam Latinam] 27 1 Indeed the king of the Persians became so fearful of the Emperor Gordian that, though he was provided with forces both from his own lands and from ours, he nevertheless evacuated the cities and restored them unharmed to their citizens; nor did he injure their possessions in any way. 2 All this, however, was accomplished by Timesitheus, Gordian's father-in‑law and prefect. 3 And in the end Gordian's campaign forced the Persians, who were then dreaded even in Italy, to return to their own kingdom, and the Roman power occupied the whole of the East.

4 There is still in existence an oration of Gordian's to the senate, wherein while writing of his deeds he gives boundless thanks to his prefect and father-in‑law Timesitheus. I have set down a part of it, that from this you may learn his actual words: 5 "After those deeds, Conscript Fathers, which were done p433 while on our march and done everywhere in a manner worthy of as many separate triumphs, we (to compress much into little) removed from the necks of the people of Antioch, which were bent under the Persian yoke, the Persians, the kings of the Persians, and the Persians' law. 6 After this we restored Carrhae and other cities also to the Roman sway. We have penetrated as far as Nisibis, and if it be pleasing to the gods, we shall even get to Ctesiphon. 7 Only may our prefect and father-in‑law Timesitheus prosper, for it was by his leadership and his arrangements that we accomplished these things and shall in the future continue to accomplish them. 8 It is now for you to decree thanksgivings, to commend us to the gods, and to give thanks to Timesitheus. "

9 After this was read to the senate, chariots drawn by four elephants were decreed for Gordian, in order that he might have a Persian triumph inasmuch as he had conquered the Persians, and for Timesitheus a six-horse chariot and a triumphal car and the following inscription: 10 "To His Excellency Timesitheus, Father of Emperors, Prefect of the Guard and of the entire City, Guardian of the State, the senate and the Roman people make grateful acknowledgment. "

[Legamen ad paginam Latinam] 28 1 But such felicity could not endure. For, as most say, through the plotting of Philip,102 who was made prefect of the guard after him, or, as others say, because of a disease, Timesitheus died, leaving the Roman state as his heir. Everything that had been his was added to the city's revenues. 2 So excellent was this man's management of public affairs that there p435 was nowhere a border city of major size, such as could contain an army and emperor of the Roman people, that did not have supplies of cheap wine, grain, bacon, barley, and straw for a year; other smaller cities had supplies for thirty days, some for forty, and not a few for two months, while the very least had supplies for fifteen days. 3 When he was prefect, likewise, he constantly inspected his men's arms. He never let an old man serve and he never let a boy draw rations. He used to go over the camps and their entrenchments, and he even frequently visited the sentries during the night. 4 And because he so loved the emperor and the state, everyone loved him. The tribunes and generals both loved and feared him so much that they were unwilling to do wrong and, for that matter, in no way did wrong. 5 Philip, they say, was mightily in fear of him for many reasons and on this account plotted with the doctors against his life. He did it in this way: Timesitheus, as it happened, was suffering from diarrhoea and was told by the doctors to take a potion to check it. 6 And then, they say, they changed what had been prepared and gave him something which loosened him all the more; and thus he died.

[Legamen ad paginam Latinam] 29 1 When he died, in the consulship of Arrianus and Papus, Philippus Arabs was made prefect of the guard in his place. This Philip was low-born103 but arrogant, and now could not contain himself in his sudden rise to office and immoderate good fortune, but immediately, through the soldiers, began to plot against Gordian, who had begun to treat him as a father. He did it in the following manner. 104 2 As we have said, Timesitheus had stored up such a quantity of supplies everywhere, that the Roman administration could not break down. But now Philip intrigued p437 first to have the grain-ships turned away, and then to have the troops moved to stations where they could not get provisions. 3 In this way he speedily got them exasperated against Gordian, for they did not know that the youth had been betrayed through Philip's intriguing. 4 In addition to this, Philip spread talk among the soldiers to the effect that Gordian was young and could not manage the Empire, and that it were better for someone to rule who could command the army and understood public affairs. 5 Besides this, he won over the leaders, and finally brought it about that they openly called him to the throne. 6 Gordian's friends at first opposed him vigorously, but when the soldiers were at last overcome with hunger Philip was entrusted with the sovereignty, and the soldiers commanded that he and Gordian should rule together with equal rank while Philip acted as a sort of guardian.

[Legamen ad paginam Latinam] 30 1 Now that he had gained the imperial power Philip began to bear himself very arrogantly towards Gordian; and he knowing himself to be an emperor, an emperor's son, and a scion of a most noble family, could not endure this low-born fellow's insolence. And so, mounting the platform, with his kinsman Maecius Gordianus105 standing by him as his prefect, he complained bitterly to the officers and soldiers in the hope that Philip's office could be taken from him. 2 But by this complaint — in which he accused Philip of being unmindful of past favours and too little grateful — he accomplished nothing. 3 Next he asked the soldiers to make their choice, after openly canvassing the officers, but as a result of Philip's intriguing he came off second in the general vote. 4 And finally, when he saw that everyone considered him worsted, p439 he asked that their power might at least be equal, but he did not secure this either. 5 After this he asked to be given the position of Caesar, but he did not gain this. 6 He asked also to be Philip's prefect, and this, too, was denied him. 7 His last prayer was that Philip should make him a general and let him live. And to this Philip almost consented — not speaking himself, but acting through his friends, as he had done throughout, with nods and advice. 8 But when he reflected that the Roman people and senate, the whole of Africa and Syria, and indeed the whole Roman world, felt for Gordian, because he was nobly born and the son and grandson of emperors and had delivered the whole state from grievous wars, it was position, if the soldiers ever changed their minds, that the throne might be given back to Gordian if he asked for it again, and when he reflected also that the violence of the soldiers' anger against Gordian was due to hunger, he had him carried, shouting protests, out of their sight and then despoiled and slain. 106 9 At first his orders were delayed, but afterwards it was done as he had bidden. And in this unholy and illegal manner Philip became emperor.

[Legamen ad paginam Latinam] 31 1 Gordian reigned six years. And while the preceding events were taking place, Argunt,107 the king of the Scythians, was devastating the kingdoms of his neighbours, chiefly because he had learned that Timesitheus, by whose counsels the state had been guided, was now dead.

2 And now, that he might not seem to have obtained the imperial office by bloody means, Philip sent a p441 letter to Rome saying that Gordian had died of a disease108 and that he, Philip, had been chosen emperor by all the soldiers. The senate was naturally deceived in these matters of which it knew nothing, 3 and so it entitled Philip emperor and gave him the name Augustus and then placed the young Gordian among the gods. 109

4 He was a light-hearted lad, handsome, winning, agreeable to everyone, merry in his life, eminent in letters; in nothing, indeed, save in his age was he unqualified for empire. 5 Before Philip's conspiracy he was loved by the people, the senate, and the soldiers as no prince had ever been before. 6 Cordus says that all the soldiers spoke of him as their son, that he was called son by the entire senate, and that all the people said Gordian was their darling. 7 And indeed Philip, after he had killed him, did not remove his portraits or throw down his statues or erase his name, but always called him divine, even among the soldiers with whom he had made his conspiracy, and worshipped him with a mixture of a serious spirit and the shrewdness of an alien.

[Legamen ad paginam Latinam] 32 1 The house of the Gordians110 is still in existence. This was embellished by this Gordian very beautifully. 2 There is also a villa of theirs on the Praenestine Way,111 with two hundred columns in the inner court, fifty of them of Carystian marble,112 fifty of Claudian,113 fifty of Phrygian,114 and fifty of Numidian115 — p443 all of equal size. 3 In this same house there were three basilicas •one hundred feet long and other things suitable to such a building, and there were baths that could be equalled nowhere in the world save in the city as it was at that time.

4 The senate passed a decree for the family of Gordian to the effect that his descendants116 need never serve as guardians or on embassies or in public duties unless they wished.

5 There are no public works of Gordian now in existence in Rome save a few fountains and baths. And these baths were built for commoners and were therefore correspondingly equipped. 6 He had projected, however, a portico on the Campus Martius, just under the hill,117 •a thousand feet long, intending to erect another of equal length opposite to it with a space of •five hundred feet stretching evenly between. In this space there were to be pleasure-parks on both sides, filled with laurel, myrtle, and box-trees, and down the middle a mosaic walk a thousand feet long with short columns and statuettes placed on either side. This was to be a promenade, and at the end there was to be a basilica five hundred feet long. 7 Besides this, he had planned with Timesitheus to erect summer-baths, named after himself, behind the basilica, and to put winter-baths at the entrance to the porticos, in order that the pleasure-parks and porticos might not be without some practical use. 8 But all this is now occupied by the estates and gardens and dwellings of private persons.

[Legamen ad paginam Latinam] 33 1 There were thirty-two elephants at Rome in the time of Gordian (of which he himself had sent twelve and Alexander ten), ten elk, ten tigers, sixty tame lions, thirty tame leopards, ten belbi or hyenas, p445 a thousand pairs of imperial gladiators, six hippopotami, one rhinoceros, ten wild lions, ten giraffes, twenty wild asses, forty wild horses, and various other animals of this nature without number. All of these Philip presented or slew at the secular games. 2 All these animals, wild, tame, and savage, Gordian intended for a Persian triumph; but his official vow proved of no avail, 3 ºfor Philip presented all of them at the secular games, consisting of both gladiatorial spectacles and races in the Circus, that were celebrated on the thousandth anniversary of the founding of the City,118 when he and his son were consuls.

4 Cordus writes that the same thing that is related of Gaius Caesar119 happened to Gordian. 5 For after the two Philips were slain, all who had fallen upon Gordian with the sword (there were nine of them, it is said) are said to have slain themselves with their own hands and swords, and those the same swords with which they had stricken him.

[Legamen ad paginam Latinam] 34 1 This, then, was the life of the three Gordians, all of whom were named Augustus, two of whom perished in Africa, one within the confines of Persia. 2 The soldiers built Gordian a tomb near the camp at Circesium,120 which is in the territory of Persia, and added an inscription to the following effect in Greek, Latin, Persian, Hebrew, and Egyptian letters, so that all might read: 3 "To the deified Gordian, conqueror of the Persians, conqueror of the Goths, conqueror of p447 the Sarmatians, queller of mutinies at Rome, conqueror of the Germans, but no conqueror of Philippi.
"121 4 This was added ostensibly because he had been beaten by the Alani in a disorderly battle on the plains of Philippi and forced to retreat; but at the same time it seemed to mean that he had been slain by the two Philips. 5 But Licinius,122 it is said, destroyed this inscription at the time when he seized the imperial power; for he desired to have it appear that he was descended from the two Philips. 6 All of this, great Constantine, I have investigated, in order that nothing might be lacking to your knowledge which seemed worth the knowing.

Maximus and Balbinus

1 1 [Legamen ad paginam Latinam] When the elder Gordian and his son were now slain in Africa and Maximinus came raging toward the city to take vengeance because the Gordians had been named Augusti,1 the senate, in great terror, came together in the Temple of Concord2 on the seventh day before the Ides of July3 — the time, that is, of the Apollinarian Games4 — to seek some safeguard against the fury of that evil man. 2 When, then, two men of consular rank, and of distinction too, Maximus and Balbinus5 (Maximus is not mentioned in many histories, the name of Pupienus being inserted in his place,6 but both Dexippus7 and Arrianus8 say that Maximus and Balbinus were chosen against Maximinus after the Gordians), the one noted for his goodness the other for his courage and firmness — when these two came into the Senate-house, showing plainly on their brows their terror at Maximinus' coming, and p451 the consul began to bring up other questions, he who gave the first opinion began thus: 3 "You are disturbed with petty things; while the world blazed we in the Senate-house are busied with an old woman's cares. 4 For what is the use of our discussing the restoration of temples, the embellishment of a basilica, and the Baths of Titus,9 or building the Amphitheatre,10 when Maximinus, whom you and I once declared a public enemy,11 is upon us, the two Gordians, in whom was our defence, are slain, and there is now no help whereby we can be relieved? 5 Come, then, Conscript Fathers, appoint emperors. Why do you delay? Do not be overcome while fearing each for himself and showing terror instead of courage. " 2 Upon this all were silent; but finally, when Maximus, who was older12 and more famous by reason of his merits, his courage, and his firmness, began to give his opinion, maintaining that two emperors should be appointed, Vettius Sabinus,13 one of the family of the Ulpii, asked the consul that he might be permitted to interrupt and speak, and thus began: 2 "I am well aware, Conscript Fathers, that in revolution we should be so well agreed that plans should not be sought but seized; indeed, we should refrain from lengthy words and opinions when events press. 3 Let each look to his own neck, let him think of his wife and children, of his father's and his father's father's goods; all of these Maximinus threatens, by nature passionate, fierce, and bloody, and now with just cause, so it seems to him, still fiercer. 4 In battle-order, with camps pitched everywhere, he is coming towards the city; and you with sitting and consulting waste away the p453 day. 5 There is no need for a long speech; we must make an emperor, nay we must make two princes, one to manage the affairs of state, one to manage the affairs of war; one to stay at home, and one to go out to meet these bandits with an army. 6 I, then, nominate for emperors — and do you confirm them, if it please you, or if not, show me better ones — 7 Maximus and Balbinus, of whom one is so great in war that he has concealed the lowness of his birth by the splendour of his valour, the other, as he is illustrious of birth, so he is dear to the state by reason of both of his gentle character and of his blameless life, which from his earliest years he has passed in study and letters. 8 Conscript Fathers, you have my opinion — one more perilous perchance to me than to you, but by no means safe for you unless you make these men or others emperors. " 9 Upon this they cried out with one accord:14 10 "It is right, it is just. We agree with the opinion of Sabinus, all of us. Maximus and Balbinus Augusti, may the gods keep you! The gods have made you emperors; may the gods keep you! Save the senate from the bandits; we entrust you with the war against the bandits. 11 May the public enemy Maximinus and his son perish! Hunt down the public enemy. You are happy in the judgment of the senate, the state is happy in your rule. 12 What the senate has given you, perform stoutly; what the senate has given you, take gladly. " 3 With these and other acclamations Maximus and Balbinus were made emperors.

2 Coming out from the senate, then, they first mounted up to the Capitol and made sacrifice, 3 and then summoned the people to the Rostra. But there, after they had delivered speeches about the senate's decision and their own election, the Roman people, p455 together with some soldiers who had by chance assembled, cried out, "We all ask Gordian for Caesar". 15 4 This was the grandson of Gordian by his daughter,16 being then, so most say, in his fourteenth year. 17 5 And so Gordian was hurried away, and by a new kind of senatorial decree, passed on that very same day, he was brought into the Senate-house and declared Caesar.

4 1 The first proposal, then, of the Emperors was that the two Gordians be entitled divine. 18 2 Some, indeed, think that only one, namely the elder, was so entitled; but I remember having read in the books which Junius Cordus wrote, of which there were plenty, that both were placed among the gods. 3 And truly the elder put an end to his life by hanging himself, whereas the younger was destroyed in war, and accordingly deserves greater respect because war took him. 4 At any rate, after these proposals were made, the city-prefecture was given to Sabinus,19 a serious man and suitable to one of Maximus' character, the prefecture of the guard to Pinarius Valens. 20

5 But before I speak of their acts it seems best to tell of their characters and birth — not in the way in which Junius Cordus sought eagerly after everything,21 but rather as Suetonius Tranquillus22 and Valerius Marcellinus did. For although Curius p457 Fortunatianus, who wrote the history of all this period, touched upon only a few things, Cordus wrote so much as to include a great mass of detail, some of which was not even decent.

5 1 The father of Maximus was also Maximus. He was one of the plebs,23 and according to some, a blacksmith, according to others, a carriage-maker. 2 He begot Maximus from a wife named Prima, together with four brothers and four sisters, all of whom died before the age of puberty. 3 At Maximus' birth an eagle, it is said, dropped a piece of beef — and a big one, too — into their dwelling where a narrow aperture lay open to the sky; and later, when it lay there, no one daring to touch it through superstitious fear, it picked it up again and carried it off to the nearest shrine, which was that of Jupiter Praestes. 24 4 At the time this did not seem anything of an omen; it was done, however, not without reason and showed his future rule.

5 All his childhood he passed in the house of his kinsman Pinarius, whom he promptly elevated, as soon as he was made emperor, to the prefecture of the guard. 6 He paid little attention to grammar and rhetoric, cultivating always a soldierly valour and sternness. 7 And at length he became military tribune and commander of many detachments; afterwards he served a praetorship, the expenses of which were borne by Pescennia Marcellina, who adopted and supported him as a son. 8 Thereafter he served as proconsul of Bithynia, then of Greece, and thirdly of Gallia Narbonensis. 25 9 Besides this, he was sent out as a special legate and crushed the Sarmatians in p459 Illyricum; from there he was transferred to the Rhine26 and conducted a campaign against the Germans with very happy results. 10 After this he proved himself a very sagacious, very able, and very unbending city-prefect. 27 11 And so, although he was a man of new family, nevertheless, as though he were of noble birth, the senate, though it was contrary to law, bestowed on him the sovereignty — for all confessed that at that time there was no man in the senate fitter to receive the title of prince.

6 1 And since many desire even less important details, he was fond of food, very sparing of wine, exceedingly continent in affairs of love, and both at home and abroad always so stern as even to get the name of gloomy. 2 He was extremely grave and even morose of countenance, tall of stature, very healthy of body, repellent in manner, but none the less just, and never, even to the end of his activities, either cruel or unmerciful. 3 When asked, he always granted pardon and never grew angry except when it was only proper to be angered. 4 He never lent himself to conspiracies; he clung to an opinion and did not trust others before himself. 5 For these reasons he was greatly beloved by the senate and held in awe by the people; indeed, the people were not unmindful of his rigid conduct as prefect and saw that this might even increase in vigour when he became emperor.

7 1 Balbinus was of very noble birth,28 twice consul,29 and the ruler of innumerable provinces. 2 Indeed, he had managed the civil administration of Asia, Africa, Bithynia, Galatia, Pontus, Thrace, and the p461 Gauls, and at times had commanded an army;30 he was less capable in military affairs, however, than in civil. Nevertheless, by his good, righteous, and modest life, he won himself great love. 3 He came of a very ancient family — or so he himself asserted, tracing his descent from Cornelius Balbus Theophanes,31 who became a citizen through the aid of Gnaeus Pompey; this Balbus was very noble in his own country and likewise a writer of history.

4 He was equally tall of stature, remarkable for the excellence of his body and excessive in his pleasures. In this he was encouraged by his abounding wealth; for he was rich by inheritance on the one hand, and had himself accumulated a great deal through legacies on the other. 5 He was renowned for eloquence and in poetry he ranked high among the poets of his time. 32 6 He was fond of wine, of eating, and of love, elegant in dress, nor was anything lacking to make him agreeable to the people. He was pleasing also to the senate.

7 This is what we have discovered about the lives of each. Some, indeed, have thought that these two should be compared in the fashion that Sallust compares Cato and Caesar33 — that the one was stern and the other genial, the one virtuous and the other steadfast, the one by no means munificent, the other rich p463 in all possessions. 8 So much for their characters and birth.

All the imperial titles and trappings having been decreed them, they assumed the tribunician power, the proconsular command,34 the office of Pontifex Maximus,35 and the name Father of his Country, and entered upon their rule. 2 But while they any at the Capitol making sacrifice the Roman people objected to the rule of Maximus. For the men of the crowd feared his strictness, which, they believed, was very welcome to the senate and very hostile to themselves. 3 And for this reason it came about, as we have related,36 that they demanded the youthful Gordian as their prince; and thus he was straightway entitled. Indeed Maximus and Balbinus were not suffered to go to the Palace with armed attendants until they had invested the grandson of Gordian with the name of Caesar. 37 4 And now, this being done, sacred rites were performed, stage-plays and sports in the Circus given, a gladiatorial show was presented,38 and Maximus, after assuming vows in the Capitol, set out with a mighty army to war against Maximinus. 39 The praetorian guard, however, remained at Rome.

5 Whence this custom arose, that emperors setting out to war gave an entertainment of gladiators and wild beasts, we must briefly discuss. 6 Many say that among the ancients this was a solemn ritual performed against the enemy in order that the blood of citizens being thus offered in sacrifice under the guise of p465 battle, Nemesis (that is a certain avenging power of Fortune) might be appeased. 40 7 Others have related in books, and this I believe is nearer the truth, that when about to go to war the Romans felt it necessary to behold fighting and wounds and steel and naked men contending among themselves, so that in war they might not fear armed enemies or shudder at wounds and blood.

9 1 Now when Maximus set out to the war the guard remained at Rome; 2 and between them and the populace such a rioting broke out that it led to a domestic war,41 to the burning of the greater part of Rome, the defiling of the temples, and the pollution of all the streets with blood — when Balbinus, a somewhat mild man, proved unable to quell the rioting. 3 For, going out in public, he stretched out his hands to this person and that and almost suffered a blow from a stone and, according to some, was actually hit with a club; 4 nor would he have finally quelled the disturbance had not the young Gordian, clothed in the purple, been perched on the neck of a very tall man and displayed to the people. When he was seen, however, the populace and soldiers were reconciled and through love of him returned to harmony. 5 No one in that age was ever so beloved; this was because of his grandfather and uncle, who had died for the Roman people in Africa opposing p467 Maximinus. 42 So powerful among the Romans is the memory of noble deeds.

10 1 And now, after Maximus had set out to the war, the senate sent men of the rank of consul, praetor, quaestor, aedile, and tribune throughout the districts in order that each and every town should prepare provisions, arms, defences, and walls so that Maximinus should be harassed at each city. 43 2 It was further ordered that all supplies should be gathered into the cities from the fields, in order that the public enemy might find nothing. 3 Couriers44 were sent out to all the provinces, moreover, with written orders that whosoever aided Maximinus should be placed in the number of public enemies.

4 At Rome, meanwhile, rioting between the populace and soldiers broke out a second time. 45 5 And after Balbinus had issued a thousand edicts to which no one listened, the veterans, together with the guard itself, betook themselves to the Praetorian Camp, where the populace besieged them. 6 Nor would amity have ever been restored had not the populace cut the water-pipes. 46 7 In the city, however, before it was announced that the soldiers were coming peacefully, tiles were cast down from the roofs and all the pots in the houses were thrown out, 8 so that thereby the greater part of the city was ruined and the possessions of many lost. For robbers mingled with the soldiers and plundered things that they knew where to find.

p469 11 While this was taking place at Rome, Maximus (or Pupienus) was at Ravenna47 making ready, with an enormous equipment, for war. He feared Maximinus mightily; very often, indeed, in referring to him he said that he was waging war against not a man but a Cyclops. 2 As it happened, however, Maximinus was beaten so badly at Aquileia that he was slain by his own men,48 and his head, with that of his son, was brought to Ravenna, whence it was despatched by Maximus to Rome. 3 We must not neglect to mention at this place the loyalty to the Romans displayed by the citizens of Aquileia, for it is said that they cut off their women's hair to make bow-strings to shoot their arrows. 49

4 Such was the joy of Balbinus, who was in even greater terror, that he sacrificed a hecatomb as soon as Maximinus' head was brought to him. 50 5 Now a hecatomb is sacrifice performed in the following manner: a hundred altars made of turf are erected at one place, and before them a hundred swine and a hundred sheep are slaughtered. 6 Furthermore, if it be an emperor's sacrifice, a hundred lions, a hundred eagles, and several hundreds of other animals of this kind are slain. 7 The Greeks, it is said, at one time used to do this when suffering from a pestilence, and it seems generally agreed that it was performed by many emperors.

12 1 When this sacrifice, then, had been performed, Balbinus began looking for Maximus with the greatest rejoicing as he returned from Ravenna with his untouched army and supplies. 2 For really Maximinus p471 was conquered by the townsfolk of Aquileia, together with a few soldiers who were there and the consulars Crispinus and Menophilus, who had been sent thither by the senate, 3 and Maximus had only gone up to Aquileia,51 in order to leave everything safe and undisturbed up to the Alps, and also, if there were any of the barbarians who had favoured Maximinus left, to suppress these. 4 Twenty representatives of the senate (their names are in Cordus), among whom were four of the rank of consul, eight of the rank of praetor, and eight of the rank of quaestor, were sent out to meet him with crowns and a decree of the senate in which equestrian statues of gold were decreed him. 5 At this, indeed, Balbinus was a little nettled, saying that Maximus had had less toil than he, since he had suppressed mighty wars at home, while Maximus had sat tranquilly at Ravenna. 6 But such was the power of wishing, that to Maximus, merely because he had set out against Maximinus, a victory was decreed which he did not know had been gained. 7 At any rate, having taken up Maximinus' army,52 Maximus came to the city with a tremendous train and multitude,53 while the soldiers grieved that they had lost the emperor whom they themselves had chosen and now had emperors selected by the senate. 54 8 Nor could they hide their grief, but showed it severally on their faces; and now they no longer refrained from speech, although, in fact, Maximus had previously often addressed the soldiers, p473 saying that there ought to be a general forgetting of the past, and had given them high pay and discharged the auxiliaries at whatever place they had chosen. But the minds of the soldiers, once they are infected with hate, cannot be restrained. And when they heard the acclamations of the senate which referred to them, they became even more bitter against Maximus and Balbinus and daily debated among themselves whom they ought to make emperor.

13 1 The decree of the senate by which they were aroused was of this nature:55 When Balbinus, Gordian, the senate, and the Roman people went out to meet Maximus as he entered the city, acclamations which referred to the soldiers were made publicly first. 2 Thereafter they went to the Senate-house, and there, after the ordinary acclamations which are usually made, they said: "So fare emperors wisely chosen, so perish emperors chosen by fools. " For it was understood that Maximinus had been made emperor by the soldiers, Maximus and Balbinus by the senators. 3 And when they heard this, the soldiers began to rage even more furiously — especially at the senate, which believed it was triumphing over the soldiers.

4 And now, to the great joy of the senate and Roman people, Balbinus and Maximus began governing the city, doing so with great moderation. They showed great respect for the senate; they instituted excellent laws, they heard lawsuits with justice, they planned the military policy of the state with great wisdom. 5 But when it was now arranged that Maximus should set out against the Parthians56 and Balbinus against the Germans,57 while the young Gordian remained at Rome, the soldiers, who were seeking an opportunity of killing the Emperors, and at first could not find p475 because Maximus and Balbinus were ever attended by a German guard,58 grew more menacing every day. 14 There was dissension, too, between Maximus and Balbinus59 — unspoken, however, and such as could be surmised rather than seen — for Balbinus scorned Maximus, as being humbly born, and Maximus despised Balbinus for a weakling. 2 And this fact gave the soldiers their opportunity, for they knew that emperors at variance could be slain easily. So finally, on the occasion of some scenic plays,60 when many of the soldiers and palace-attendants were busy, and the Emperors remained at the Palace alone with the German guard, they made a rush at them. 3 When the soldiers thus began to riot it was announced to Maximus that he could not escape from this disturbance and commotion unless he summoned the Germans, and they, as it happened, were in another part of the Palace with Balbinus. He sent to Balbinus, accordingly, asking him to send aid. 4 But Balbinus, suspecting that Maximus was asking for the guard to use against himself, since he believed that Maximus desired to rule alone, at first refused and finally began to wrangle over it. 5 And while they were engaged in this dispute the soldiers came upon them, and stripping them both of their royal robes and loading them with insults, they dragged them from the Palace. Thence, after handling them roughly, they started to hurry them through the centre of the city to the camp, 6 but when they p477 learned that the Germans were following to defend them, they slew them both and left them in the middle of the street. 7 In the meantime Gordian Caesar was lifted up by the soldiers and hailed emperor (that is, Augustus), there being no one else at hand; and then, jeering at the senate and people, the soldiers betook themselves immediately to the Camp. 8 As for the German guard, not wishing to fight needlessly now that their Emperors were slain, they betook themselves to their quarters outside the city.

15 1 This was the end of these good emperors, an end unworthy of their life and characters. For never was anyone braver than Maximus (or Pupienus) or more kindly than Balbinus, as one may see from the facts in the case. The senate did not choose unworthy men when it had the power. 2 And besides this, they were tested by many honours and offices, for the one was consul twice and prefect,61 the other consul and prefect, and they were advanced in years62 when they attained the sovereignty. They were beloved by the senate and even by the people, although the latter were slightly in awe of Maximus. 3 This is the information we have gathered concerning Maximus, chiefly from the Greek author Herodian.

4 Many, however, say that Maximinus was conquered at Aquileia, not by Maximus, but by the Emperor Pupienus, and that it was he, also, who was slain with Balbinus; they omit the name of Maximus altogether. 63 5 Such is the ignorance, moreover, or the usage of these disputing historians, that many desire to call Maximus p479 the same as Pupienus, although Herodian, who wrote of his own lifetime, speaks of Maximus, not of Pupienus, and Dexippus, the Greek author, says that Maximus and Balbinus were made emperors against Maximinus after the two Gordians, and that Maximinus was conquered by Maximus, not by Pupienus. 6 In addition to this, they show their ignorance by saying that the child Gordian was prefect of the guard,64 not knowing that he was often carried on a man's neck to be displayed to the soldiers. 65

7 Maximus and Balbinus reigned for one year,66 after Maximinus and his son had reigned for two years, according to some, for three according to others. 67

16 1 Balbinus' house is shown in Rome to this day in the Carinae,68 large and impressive and still in the possession of his family. 2 Maximus, who many think was Pupienus, was of slender substance, though of the most ample courage.

3 In their reign the Carpi69 waged war with the Moesians. The Scythian70 war began, and the p481 destruction of Istria71 or, as Dexippus calls it, the Istrian city, took place at the same time.

4 Dexippus praises Balbinus highly, and declares that he rushed at the soldiers with a gallant spirit and so died. He did not fear death, he says, being trained in all the philosophical disciplines. Maximus, he declares, was not the sort of man that most of the Greeks said he was. 5 He adds that such was the hatred of the citizens of Aquileia for Maximinus that they made strings for their bows from their women's hair, and thus shot their arrows. 72 6 Dexippus and Herodian, who investigated the history of these princes, say that Maximus and Balbinus were the princes selected by the senate to oppose Maximinus after the death of the two Gordians in Africa, and that the third Gordian, the child, was chosen with them. 7 In the majority of the Latin authors, however, I do not find the name of Maximus, and as emperor with Balbinus I discover Pupienus; indeed this same Pupienus is said to have fought against Maximinus at Aquileia, whereas, according to the testimony of the afore-mentioned writers, we are told that Maximus did not even fight against Maximinus but remained at Ravenna and there learned that the victory had been gained. And so it seems to me that Pupienus and he who is called Maximus are the same. 73

17 1 For this reason I have appended a congratulatory letter that was written about Maximus and Balbinus by a consul of their time. In it he p483 rejoices that they had restored the state after it had been in the hands of wicked bandits.

2 "Claudius Julianus74 to the Emperors Pupienus and Balbinus. When first I learned that by choice of Jupiter Optimus Maximus, of the immortal gods and of the senate, together with the agreement of all mankind, you had undertaken to preserve the state from the sins of that impious bandit and rule it in accordance with Roman law, my lords and most holy and unconquerable Augusti, when first I learned this, not yet from your own sacred proclamations but from the decree of the senate that my illustrious75 colleague Celsus Aelianus forwarded to me, I felicitated the city of Rome, that you had been chosen to preserve it; I felicitated the senate, that you, in returned for its choosing you, had restored to it its early dignity; I felicitated Italy, that you are defending it particularly from spoliation by the enemy; I felicitated the provinces, torn in pieces by the insatiable greed of tyrants, that you are restoring them to some hope of safety; I felicitated the legions, lastly, and the auxiliaries, which now worship your images everywhere, that they have thrust away their former disgrace and have now, in your name, a worthy symbol of the Roman principate. 3 No voice will ever be so strong, no speech will ever be so happy, no talent will ever be so fortunate, as ever adequately to express the state's felicity. 4 How great this felicity is, and of what sort, we can see at the very beginning of your reign. You have restored Roman laws, you have restored justice that was abolished, mercy that was non-existent, life, morality, p485 liberty, and the hope of heirs and successors. 5 It is difficult even to enumerate these things, 6 and much more to describe them with a fit dignity of speech. How shall I tell or describe how you have restored us our very lives, after that accursed bandit, sending the executioners everywhere throughout the provinces, had sought them to the point of openly confessing that he was enraged at our whole order, 7 especially when my insignificance cannot express even the personal rejoicing of my own mind, to say nothing of the public felicity, and when I behold as Augusti and lords of the human race those by the unwavering elegance of whose lives I would like my own conduct and sobriety to be approved as by the ancient censors? And though I might trust to have them approved by the attestation of former princes, 8 still I would glory in your judgment as a weightier one. May the gods preserve — and they will preserve — this felicity for the Roman world! For when I observe you, I can hope for nothing else than what the conqueror of Carthage76 is said to have implored of the gods, namely, that they preserve the state in the condition in which it was then, since no better one could be found. 9 And, therefore, I pray that they may preserve this state, that has tottered up to now, in the condition in which you have established it. "

18 1 This letter shows that 2 Pupienus and he whom most call Maximus were the same. Among the Greeks, indeed, Pupienus is not easily discovered in this period and among the Latins, Maximus; but what was done against Maximinus is sometimes related as done by Pupienus, sometimes as by Maximinus.

The Two Valerians1

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

1 1 [Legamen ad paginam Latinam] . . . to Sapor, the King of Kings2 or, in fact, Sole King: "Did I but know for a certainty that the Romans could be wholly defeated, I should congratulate you on the victory of which you boast. 2 But inasmuch as that nation, either through Fate or its own prowess, is all-powerful, look to it lest the fact that you have taken prisoner an aged emperor, and that indeed by guile, may turn out ill for yourself and your descendants. 3 Consider what mighty nations the Romans have made their subjects instead of their enemies after they had often suffered defeat at their hands. 4 We have heard, in fact, how the Gauls conquered them and burned that great city of theirs; it is a fact that the Gauls are now servants to the Romans. What of the Africans? Did they not conquer the Romans? It is a fact that they serve p5 them now. 5 Examples more remote and perhaps less important I will not cite. Mithradates of Pontus held all of Asia; it is a fact that he was vanquished and Asia now belongs to the Romans. 6 If you ask my advice, make use of the opportunity for peace and give back Valerian to his people. I do indeed congratulate you on your good fortune, but only if you know how to use it aright. "

[Legamen ad paginam Latinam] 2 1 Velenus, King of the Cadusii,3 wrote as follows: "I have received with gratitude my forces returned to me safe and sound. Yet I cannot wholly congratulate you that Valerian, prince of princes, is captured; I should congratulate you more, were he given back to his people. For the Romans are never more dangerous than when they are defeated. 2 Act, therefore, as becomes a prudent man, and do not let Fortune, which has tricked many, kindle your pride. Valerian has an emperor for a son4 and a Caesar for a grandson, and what of the whole Roman world, which, to a man, will rise up against you? 3 Give back Valerian, therefore, and make peace with the Romans, a peace which will benefit us as well because of the tribes of Pontus. "

[Legamen ad paginam Latinam] 3 1 Artavasdes,5 King of the Armenians, sent the following letter to Sapor: "I have, indeed, a share in your glory, but I fear that you have not so much conquered as sown the seeds of war. 2 For Valerian is being sought back by his son, his grandson, and the generals of Rome, by all Gaul, all Africa, all Spain, all Italy, and by all the nations of Illyricum, the East, and Pontus, which are leagued with the p7 Romans or subject to them. 3 So, then, you have captured one old man but have made all the nations of the world your bitterest foes, and ours too, perhaps, for we have sent you aid, we are your neighbours, and we always suffer when you fight with each other. "

[Legamen ad paginam Latinam] 4 1 The Bactrians, the Hiberians,6 the Albanians,7 and the Tauroscythians8 refused to receive Sapor's letters and wrote to the Roman commanders, promising aid for the liberation of Valerian from his captivity.

2 Meanwhile, however, while Valerian was growing old in Persia, Odaenathus the Palmyrene9 gathered together an army and restored the Roman power almost to its pristine condition. 3 He captured the king's treasures and he captured, too, what the Parthian monarchs hold dearer than treasures, namely his concubines. 4 For this reason Sapor was now in greater dread of the Roman generals, and out of fear of Ballista10 and Odaenathus he withdrew more speedily to his kingdom.