No More Learning

In this remarkable letter, Gilbert tells his brother that
he might have charged him with an unsettled head if he had
taken in hand the discovery of Utopia, but Cataia was no country
of the imagination, and the passage thereto by sea on the north
side of Labrador had been mentioned and proved by the most
expert and best learned amongst modern geographers. To Gilbert,
the continent of America was an island representing the Atlantis
of Plato and of other writers of antiquity. If Atlantis were an
island, the cataclysm in which it had been partly overwhelmed,
would, said Gilbert, make more practicable the navigation of its
northern coasts. He was confirmed in his opinion by Gemma


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74
The Literature of the Sea
Frisius, Münster, Regiomontanus, Peter Martyr, Ortelius and
other modern geographers, as well as by the experience of cer-
tain navigators, including Othere in king Alfred's time and others
more recent.
Sir Humphrey Gilbert's tract remains amongst the most
notable literary contributions to the subject of exploration which
preceded the publication of the monumental work of Hakluyt.
At the conclusion of his discourse, he writes: 'He is not worthy
to live at all who, for fear of danger or death, shunneth his
country's service or his own honour, since death is inevitable
and the fame of virtue immortal. ' This discourse has the true
ring of a scholarly and patriotic Englishman, and there is much
freshness in its persuasive earnestness.
This great Englishman made his first voyage of discovery to
North America, with his half-brother, Sir Walter Ralegh, in his
company, in 1578. Hakluyt has preserved a narrative of Gilbert's
last enterprise, in 1583, in which he perished ; and there are few
more striking pictures in English narrative literature than that
of the old seaman, on the September afternoon upon which his
vessel, the 'Squirrel,' was overwhelmed, sitting abaft on his quarter-
deck with a book in his hand, hailing the men in the 'Golden
Hind,' which was following in the wake, whenever she came within
hailing distance, with the old seaman's phrase, uttered, says the
narrator, with signs of joy, “We are as near to heaven by sea
as by land. These were the last words of this good English-
man before he went down. A speech, says the narrator, 'well
beseeming a soldier resolute in Jesus Christ, as I can testify
he was. '
Meanwhile, the valiant Martin Frobisher had also been battling
with the icy approaches to the north-west, in 1576 and 1577; and,
in the following year captain George Best, Frobisher's trusted
friend, printed in black letter A true discourse of the late voyages
for the finding of a passage to Cathaya by the north-weast,
under the conduct of Martin Frobisher, Generall. Hakluyt has
collected narratives of all these voyages, but none are so lively
and vigorous as those which captain Best has given us in his
volume. What could be more direct and forcible than a letter
which Frobisher wrote in August 1577 to certain Englishmen
who were held captive by truculent natives, and whom he was
resolved to set free?
In the name of God, in whom we all believe, who, I trust, hath preserved
your bodies and souls amongst these infidels, I commend me unto you. I will


## p. 75 (#97) ##############################################

Martin Frobisher
75
be glad to seek by all means you can devise for your deliverance either with
force or with any commodities within my ships, which I will not spare for your
sakes, or anything else I can do for you.
After telling them that he has some natives on board whom he
would exchange, he proceeds,
Moreover you may declare unto them that if they deliver you not I will
not leave a man alive in their country. And thus, if one of you can come to
speak with me, they shall have either the man woman or child in pawn for
you, and thus unto God, whom I trust you do serve, in haste I leave you,
and to Him we will daily pray for you . . . Yours to the uttermost of my
power, Martin Frobisher.
An appetite for further knowledge now existed throughout the
land, and eager enquirers were demanding information as to the
voyages of the navigators and the riches of the new-found lands.
In 1577, a new edition of Eden's Decades of the Newe Worlde
appeared under the title of The History of Travayle in the West
and East Indies, and other countreys lying either way towards
the fruitfull and ryche Moluccaes. . . with a discourse of the North-
west Passage. It was augmented and finished by Richard Willes,
who says that he was moved to place in an orderly manner what
Eden had 'confusely gyven out. ' He omitted some things which he
thought superfluous, and added to the three decades of Peter
Martyr, and to the fourth, which is given under another title, four
others, besides including many additional accounts of voyages
relating to Japan and the Guinea coast, Muscovy voyages and
travels, the exploits of Magellan and the explorations of Sebastian
Cabot. The most interesting of his additions is his argument
regarding the projected passage by the north-west. First, he gives
the arguments advanced against the project, and then attempts to
show the reasonableness of it. "M. Frobisher's prosperous voyage
and happy returne wyl absolutely decide these controversies. '
Eden and Willes were the precursors of Hakluyt, and lived in
a time when many seamen were leaving our ports to penetrate
the mysteries of the unknown world. Hakluyt's first book,
a voyage of discovery to America, was published in 1582, and
he issued a new edition of Peter Martyr's De Orbe Novo in
1587. He was preparing himself then for his great work. The
imperial imagination was stirred, and the importance of colonising
and developing the new-found lands was in all men's minds.
Ralegh received his charter of colonisation in 1584, and three
expeditions were despatched to the new colony to which he gave
the name of Virginia. In the introduction to the second book
>


## p. 76 (#98) ##############################################

76
The Literature of the Sea
of The Faerie Queene, Spenser bids the man who does not know
'where is that happy land of Faery,' in which he has drawn his
immortal allegory, to see how little of the world he is acquainted
with.
But let that man with better sence advize,
That of the world least part to us is red;
And daily how through hardy enterprize
Many great Regions are discovered,
Which to late age were never mentioned.
Who ever heard of th’ Indian Peru ?
Or who in venturous vessell measured
The Amazon huge river, now found trew?
Or fruitfullest Virginia who did ever vew ?
Thus did the spirit of discovery make its influence felt in
·literature. What had been achieved was being recorded or made
known by rumour and report, and the bold work of navigators
made a profound impression upon thinking men at home, who, by
speech and pen, impelled them to new conquests in the unknown.
In the record of these achievements, no name stands higher than
that of John Davys, the famous voyager, beloved by his comrades,
who made three Arctic voyages and gave his name to Davis strait.
All these expeditions of Davys are related in the pages of Hakluyt's
Principall Navigations. The narratives of the first and third
voyages were written by John James, and of the second by Davys
himself, the detached voyage of the 'Sunshine' being narrated by
Henry Morgan, the purser. Davys had, of course, kept logs during
all these voyages, but the log of his third voyage is the only one that
has been preserved. Davys was also the author of The Seaman's
Secrets, published in 1594, and several times reprinted. It is
a valuable treatise on navigation, devoted to 'the three kinds of
sayling, horizontall, paradoxall, and sayling upon a great circle,'
and including a tide table and a ‘regiment' for finding the declina-
tions of the sun. Davys's Arctic voyages were all made with the
object of discovering the north-west passage, in the navigability
of which he was a firm believer, and his name, with those of
Gilbert and Frobisher, will ever be associated with the early
efforts to penetrate the icy barrier and discover a direct route to
Cathay and the Spice islands. His arguments in favour of it will
be found in his volume, The Worlde's Hydrographical Description,
a black letter treatise, published in London in 1595, wherein he
sought to show that the earth was habitable in all its zones, and
navigable in all its seas. In his fervid imagination, difficulties
disappeared, and he draws a glowing picture of the advantages
which would accrue to England from the discovery of a passage by


## p. 77 (#99) ##############################################

Sir Richard Hawkins
77
the north-west. He sets forth the arguments against the passage,
and then, with cumulative force, endeavours to prove them un-
tenable, and he quotes Isaiah from memory (lxv, 6, 'They seeke me
that hitherto have not asked for me, they find me that hitherto
have not sought me').
Another remarkable contribution to the literature of maritime
discovery is the description of his adventures by Sir Richard
Hawkins, only son of Sir John Hawkins, a storehouse of informa-
tion of all kinds concerning the lives and ideas of the early navi-
gators. It is entitled The Observations of Sir Richard Hawkins,
Knight, in his voiage into the South Sea; anno Domini, 1593
(printed 1622). In this volume, Hawkins shows strong descriptive
power, imagination and skill, besides natural sagacity and a just
judgment of affairs. He enforces the need of experience for the
successful conduct of enterprise at sea, adding and I am of
opinion that the want of experience is much more tolerable in
a general on land than in a governor by sea. ' The ship in which
. '
he sailed was built in the Thames in 1588, and he tells us that his
mother, craving the naming of the ship, called her the 'Repentance. '
He expostulated with her for giving the vessel that “uncouth name,'
but never could have any satisfaction, save that 'repentance
was the safest ship we could sail in to purchase the haven of
heaven. '
In the halls of merchant companies, in the parlours of enter-
prising traders and in the chambers of students, problems of
the new world, and the means of reaching its treasures, were
being discussed. The genius of the nation for colonisation was
now aroused, and new lands were to be developed by men of
English blood. Seamen had begun to speak in literature, and
the thoughts and language of the sea, by tongue and writing, were
being grafted into the conceptions and the language of men who
never knew the salt breath of the ocean. Lyly has a mariner
strongly emphasised in his Galathea, 1592; Lodge, himself a
sailor, wrote his Rosalynde, 1590, ‘in the ocean, where every line
was wet with a surge, and every human passion counterchecked
with a storm'; his Margarite of America, 1596, was begun in the
strait of Magellan, on board ship, where I had rather will to get
my dinner than win my fame. ' The new spirit in literature is
seen in the poems of Spenser and it had a profound influence upon
Bacon. Above all, it is reflected in the writings of Shakespeare;
the sea sings in his music, and the anger of its storms thunders
in the rush of his invective; the magic and romance of discovery


## p. 78 (#100) #############################################

78
The Literature of the Sea
1
and strange tales of the navigators are reflected in the witchery of
his language. Ralegh wrote of the ‘Ewaipanoma race,' who had
eyes in their shoulders, and mouths in the middle of their
bowels, and it is with such marvels that Othello beguiles the
ear of Desdemona, who would 'seriously incline' to his moving
story of wonders,
And of the Cannibals that each other eat,
The Anthropophagi, and men whose heads
Do grow beneath their shoulders.
Though he rarely deals with the sea directly, Shakespeare never
uses nautical language except correctly and aptly. His seamen
speak as with the voice of the sea, his allusions all have the
knowledge of the sea. In Twelfth Night (III, 2) Maria says of
Malvolio that 'he doth smile his face into more lines than are in
the new map with the augmentation of the Indies. ' This was the
map published with Hakluyts Voyages, bearing the marks of
Davys's hand, showing the geographical knowledge of the time,
his discoveries in the north-west, and those of Magellan, Drake,
Sarmiento and Cavendish in the south ; the imaginary strait of
Anian between Asia and America disappears, and, in its place, is
the Pacific, as traversed by the Spanish captain, Francisco de Gali,
whose narrative was translated into Dutch by Linschoten, and then
into English under the title of Discourse of the East and West
Indies, 1598. In The Tempest, Shakespeare speaks of the 'still
vexed Bermoothes,' doubtless with reference to the sufferings and
shipwrecks of explorers, and, perhaps, particularly to the ex-
pedition of Sir George Somers, which was driven on the coast
of the then unknown Bermudas in 1609. But to Shakespeare, as
to his predecessors, the sea still remained rather a barrier than
a pathway; it was the ‘moat defensive to a house,' of which John
of Gaunt speaks in Richard II, 'against the envy of less happier
lands. '
Many illustrations might be given of Shakespeare's knowledge
of the sea and seafarers. Was it a mere coincidence that Ancient
Pistol, hauled off to the Fleet with Falstaff in the last scene of
Henry IV, part II, uses a phrase which is employed in The
Observations of Sir Richard Hawkins, referred to above, existing
in manuscript, we presume, when Shakespeare wrote the play?
Or, rather, were not Shakespeare and Hawkins quoting from a
common original in the speech of the people? Si fortuna me
tormenta spero me contenta, says the Ancient. When Hawkins
loses his pinnace at Plymouth he, also, exclaims, Si fortuna me
4
*


## p. 79 (#101) #############################################

Richard Hakluyt
79
tormenta, esperança me contenta. In The Comedy of Errors,
old Aegeon of Syracuse, recounting his woes in the storm, says,
The seas wax'd calm, and we discovered
Two ships from far making amain to us.
To 'make amain' or 'wave amain' was the signal of surrender
by striking sail or flag (amener le pavillon). Sir Richard Hawkins,
off Ushant, sights a great hulk, and his men, eager to make a
Spanish prize, 'without speaking to her wished that the gunner
might shoot at her to cause her to amain'—a bad custom, says
Hawkins, 'to gun at all whatsoever they discover. ' The Tempest
has many nautical allusions; in Romeo and Juliet it is 'to the
high top-gallant of my joy' that Romeo climbs by 'a tackled
stair'; in As You Like It, we find the figure, 'Dry as the remainder
biscuit after a voyage'; in The Merchant of Venice there is much
of the ventures of the traders, and thus says Solanio, if he had
such ventures,
I should be still
Plucking the grass to know where sits the wind;
Peering in maps for ports and piers and roads.
It is to Richard Hakluyt that we are indebted for our knowledge
of many matters that have been alluded to above. Shakespeare
undoubtedly studied his pages. Scattered treatises and manuscript
descriptions alone existed when Hakluyt set to work. He had
long been amassing material, and his writings, as we have men-
tioned, began to appear in 1582, while the first edition of the
Principall Navigations was published in 1589. The latter is the
first great body of information we possess relating to the voyages
of the sixteenth century. Purchas and others followed in his
steps, and carried on the task, but the nation and its literature
owe a debt to Hakluyt which is imperfectly recognised even now.
His whole life was given up, with a singleness of purpose that has
rarely been matched, to the literature of navigation and discovery.
When he undertook his labours he set himself an arduous task.
Proceeding to France as chaplain to Sir Edward Stafford, am-
bassador to the French court, in 1583, he learned much of foreign
discoveries and enterprises at sea, but, in Paris, he found the
English noted of all others for their sluggish security. Eden
had been but an interpreter of what others had done; and it
was because Hakluyt heard much obloquy of our nation, and
because few or none were able to make reply, that, with the object
of 'stopping the mouths of our reproachers' he determined
forthwith to undertake the work, which others, he said, owing to


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80
The Literature of the Sea
the heavy labour involved, and the small profit that would result,
had rejected. One cause of the state of things which Hakluyt
deplored must not be overlooked. It was that English voyages
and expeditions had been undertaken mainly with a commercial
purpose, and with the object of gain, and that merchants who
invested their capital in these enterprises were not always anxious
that the results of their discoveries should be made known for the
advantage of others. The gild of the merchant adventurers did
much to extend the range of discovery, and gave a fresh impulse to
seamanship and navigation, particularly in the east, but it did not
promote the general knowledge of those operations which were
its especial privilege, and nowhere can we discern any direct
encouragement to the publication of the records of maritime
discovery.
All honour, therefore, is due to Richard Hakluyt for his life-
long devotion to the subject he made his own. His writings
are informed with the qualities of his enthusiasm, and he has
brought together an immense mass of original material, without
which our knowledge would have been restricted and our under-
standing of the maritime events of his time uncertain. He has
himself told us, in the dedication to Sir Francis Walsingham
of the first edition of his Principall Navigations, how he
was attracted to the subject which afterwards engrossed his
attention until his death. He was born about the year 1553,
in London, as is conjectured, but belonged to a family long
seated at Yatton, in Herefordshire. He was one of the queen's
scholars at Westminster school, that ‘fruitful nursery,' as he
describes it, and it was his fortune, he tells us, to visit the
chamber of his cousin, Richard Hakluyt, a gentleman of the
Middle Temple, who had greatly interested himself in maritime
discovery and the science of navigation, in relation to the ventures
and expeditions of the Muscovy and Levant merchants. The
writings of Peter Martyr and Pigafetta, the translations of Eden
and the works of the great cosmographers had, doubtless, been his
study. The Westminster boy found lying open upon a board in
his cousin's room certain books of cosmography and a universal
map. In these, he displayed some curiosity, whereupon his kinsman
began to instruct his ignorance by explaining to him the divisions
of the earth according to the old account and the new learning.
With a wand, Richard Hakluyt pointed out to the youth all the
known seas, gulfs, bays, straits, capes, rivers, empires, kingdoms,
dukedoms and territories. He spoke also of their commodities


## p. 81 (#103) #############################################

Richard Hakluyt
81
and their particular wants, which, by the benefits of traffic and the
intercourse of merchants, were plentifully supplied. Then he
touched the boy's imagination by taking down the Bible, and,
turning to the 107th Psalm, directed him to read in the 23rd and
24th verses that 'they which go downe to the sea in ships and
occupy the great waters, they see the works of the Lord, and his
wonders in the deep. ' These words of the psalmist, together
with his cousin's discourse, were, says Hakluyt, things of high and
rare delight to his young nature, and made upon him so deep an
impression that he resolved that if ever he were preferred to the
university, where he might have a more convenient place and
better time for such studies, he would, by God's assistance,
prosecute the knowledge of this kind of literature, the doors
whereof, he says, after a sort, were so happily opened before him.
He was elected, in 1570, to Christ Church, Oxford, where he
did not forget the resolution he had made, and fell to the course
he had intended; so that by degrees he read whatever he could
find of printed voyages in all languages. He lectured, but where
is not definitely known, upon subjects relating to navigation, and
became familiar, by reading, with the personalities of sea captains,
and the enterprises of great merchants. He was incessantly
employed in the examination of collections, and transcription of
accounts of voyages and travels, and of all things bearing on the
subject, and, in his later years, he was engrossed in this work, and
in correspondence with all who could impart information.
His first published work was Divers Voyages touching the
Discoverie of America & the Islands adjacent unto the same,
issued in 1582, and dedicated to Sir Philip Sidney. This book,
which is of extreme rarity, but has been republished by the
Hakluyt society, 1850, had the direct and practical object of
increasing the knowledge of navigation, and spreading abroad the
fast growing impulse towards the colonising of newly discovered
lands. In Paris, as chaplain to the ambassador, Hakluyt discovered
a manuscript account of Florida, which was published at his ex-
pense in a French edition at Paris, in 1586, dedicated to Sir Walter
Ralegh as the discoverer of Virginia. This volume was afterwards
published in an English version, in London, in 1587, under the
title A Notable Historie containing foure voyages made by cer-
tayne French Captains unto Florida, the object being to promote
the colonisation of Virginia. In 1587, Hakluyt published in Paris
a revised edition of Peter Martyr of Anghiera's De Orbe Novo,
which, also, was dedicated to Ralegh, and was intended further to
6
E. L. IV.
CH. IV.


## p. 82 (#104) #############################################

82 The Literature of the Sea
1
extend the knowledge of discovery, seamanship and nautical
astronomy among English mariners. With the age of Columbus
and his successors, the necessity of astronomical study had been
realised, and improved methods of navigation grew with the thirst
for maritime enterprise. This knowledge came originally from the
continent, in its scientific form, and Johann Müller of Königsberg,
known as Regiomontanus, compiled the Ephemerides, from 1475 to
1506, which were used by Columbus and da Gama, while Martin
Behaim, of Nürnberg, invented an improved application of the
astrolabe to navigation, and constructed the earliest globe now
extant. Spanish students continued to work upon the ex-
position of these teachers for the next two hundred years. The
best English work upon the subject was William Bourne's Regiment
of the Sea, 1573. Hakluyt's edition of Peter Martyr, subsequently
translated into English at his suggestion by Michael Lok, was an
important addition to scientific knowledge, and was followed, in
1594, by The Seaman's Secrets of John Davys, to which reference
has already been made. Hakluyt had been profoundly interested in
the scientific aspect of navigation, and in 'the means of bringing
up skilful seamen and mariners in this realm,' and had laid before
Charles Howard, earl of Effingham, lord high admiral, in the
dedication of the second edition of the Principall Navigations,
the importance of establishing a lectureship in navigation for
seamen in London, having in view the many noble ships that
had been lost, the many worthy persons 'drenched in the sea,'
and how the realm had been impoverished by loss of great
ordnance and other rich commodities through the ignorance of
$
seamen.
*
We have been led to speak of this aspect of Hakluyt’s literary
work and his practical purposes by his publication of the revised
edition of Peter Martyr's book at Paris in 1587. During many
years previous to this date, he had been amassing materials for
his great work, The Principall Navigations, Voiages and Dis-
coveries of the English Nation, made by sea or over land to the
most remote and farthest distant quarters of the earth at any
time within the compasse of these 1500 yeeres, of which the first
edition appeared in one volume folio published by George Bishop
and Ralph Newbery in 1589. It was dedicated to Sir Francis
Walsingham, while the second edition, containing the navigations
within the compasse of these 1600 yeeres, in three volumes, dated
1598, 1599 and 1600, was dedicated, the first volume to Charles
Howard, earl of Nottingham, and the others to Sir Robert Cecil,


## p. 83 (#105) #############################################

83
The Principall Navigations
'whose earnest desires to do him (Hakluyt) good, lately broke out
into most bountiful and acceptable effects. '
It has already been shown that Hakluyt was a pioneer
in the literature of English maritime discovery. He remarks,
in an epistle dedicatory to an English translation of Galvano's
Discoveries of the World, that, if any man should marvel that, in
these discoveries, for the space of almost 4000 years, the British
nation was scarcely four times mentioned, he was to understand
that, when Galvano completed his task about the year 1556, “there
was little extant of men's travailes,' and that, for aught he,
Hakluyt, could see, no great matter would have come to light if
he had not undertaken the 'heavy burden. In the dedication
of the first edition of his great book, he speaks of it as a burden,
because these works lay so dispersed, scattered and 'hidden in
several hucksters' hands' that he wondered at himself to see how
he was able to endure the delays, the curiosity and the backward-
ness of many from whom he was to receive his originals. Again,
in the dedication of the first volume of the second edition to the
lord high admiral, he says that ‘after great charges and infinite
care, after many watchings, toils and travels and wearying out of
my weake bodie,' he had at length collected the materials for
his volumes, and had
brought to light many rare and worthy monuments which long have lien
miserably scattered in mustie corners, and retchlessly hidden in mistie
darknesse, and were very like for the greatest part to have been buried in
perpetuall oblivion.
There is surely a note of disappointment where he says, in another
place in the dedication of the first volume of the second edition to
the lord high admiral:
For the bringing of which into this homely and rough-hewen shape which
here thou seest; what restlesse nights, what painefull dayes, what heat, what
cold I have endured; how many long, and chargeable journeys I have
travailed; how many famous libraries have I searched into; what varietie
of ancient and moderne writers I have perused; what a number of old
records, patents, privileges, letters, etc. , I have redeemed from obscuritie
and perishing; into how many manifold acquaintance I have entered, what
expences I have not spared; and yet what faire opportunities of private
gaine, preferment, and ease I have neglected, albeit thyself canst hardly
imagine, yet I by daily experience do finde and feele and some of my entire
friends can sufficiently testifie.
The gratitude he expresses to Cecil in the later introductions
encourages the belief that his plaint did not go unheard. Though
Hakluyt had to deplore the scarcity of his materials, and to labour
under the multitude of his enquiries and the magnitude of his
6-2


## p. 84 (#106) #############################################

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The Literature of the Sea
task, he was sustained until the end and spurred to boundless
enthusiasm by the subject which he had made his own. He was
full of pride in the deeds of Englishmen in former ages, but de-
clared that, in Elizabeth's time, they had excelled all the nations
and people of the earth. Their half-concealed achievements were
at last embodied in his own pages. Which of English kings, he said,
before her Majesty, had seen their banners in the Caspian sea ?
which of them had ever dealt with the emperor of Persia, obtaining
large privileges for merchants? whoever saw, “before this regiment,
an English Ligier in the stately porch of the Grand Signor at
Constantinople ? ' Who, he asks, had ever found English consuls
and agents before at Tripolis in Syria, at Aleppo, at Babylon and
at Balsara, and, what was more, who had ever heard of Englishmen
at Goa before that time?
1
What English shippes did heretofore ever anker in the mighty river of
Plate ? passe and repasse the impassable (in former opinion) straight of
Magellan, range along the coast of Chili, Peru, and all the backside of Nova
Hispania, further than any Christian ever passed, traverse the mighty bredth
of the South Seas, land upon the Luzones in despight of the enemy, enter into
alliance, amity, and traffike with the princes of the Molluccas and the Isle
of Java, double the famous Cape of Bona Speranza, arrive at the Isle of
Santa Helena, and last of al returne home most richly laden with the
commodities of China, as the subjects of this now flourishing monarchy
have done ?
Hakluyt ransacked chroniclers for such records of voyages
as he could find. He investigated the papers of the merchant
companies and, as he tells us, he travelled far in order to interview.
travellers and examine records of exploration. He gives the state
of the ships of the Cinque Ports from Lambarde's Perambulation
of Kent. He also included that remarkable essay The Libel
of English Policy! The voyages to the north-east are mostly
taken from the documents of the Muscovy company and include
the navigations of Willoughby, Chancellor, Stephen Burrough
and others. The volumes also include some records of the naval
fighting of the time, including The Miraculous Victory atchieved
by the English flete under the discreet and happy conduct of the
right honourable, right prudent and valiant Lord, the lord Charles
Howard, lord high admiral of England. The voyages to the
south and south-east are taken largely from records of the Levant
traders, and include the explorations of Challoner and Lok,
Jenkinson, John Foxe and others. Some papers relating to these
voyages appear to have been taken from the records of Hakluyt's
1 Sce vol. 11 of the present work, pp. 423 f.


## p. 85 (#107) #############################################

Hakluyt's Achievement
85
uncle, Richard Hakluyt, who was interested in these ventures.
There are James Lancaster's expedition to the Cape of Good
Hope, Zanzibar and Malacca, and Drake's expedition to Cadiz. In
relation to the voyages to the north-west there are scanty accounts
of the expeditions of the Cabots, and fine descriptive narratives
of the voyages of Hawkins. These, and the expeditions of Gilbert
and Frobisher, have already been alluded to. The expeditions of
Philip Amada and Arthur Barlow, and various accounts of the
enterprises of Drake, Ralegh and others also hold a notable place
in the volumes.
There is no purpose in cataloguing the contents of Hakluyt's
volumes here, nor in offering more than a general comment upon
them. The object has been to indicate their place and significance
in national literature and to describe their origin and character.
Hakluyt was no doubt the editor as well as the collector of these
records. Amid all their variety and diversity of qualities and
merits, it is possible to discern a certain unity and the influence
of an individuality. Much excellent prose, strong and vigorous
in character, often dignified and persuasive, is to be found in
the book. Lucid and careful description, often lighted up by
imagination and literary power, distinguishes many of these
relations of voyages. They constitute a body of narrative litera-
ture which is of the highest value for an understanding of the
spirit and tendency of the time, and, together with the later
collection of Purchas, who brought together some things which
had escaped the vigilance of Hakluyt, they are the basis of our
knowledge of the part which Englishmen played in enlarging
the boundaries of the known world in the great age of exploration
and discovery.


## p. 86 (#108) #############################################

CHAPTER V
SEAFARING AND TRAVEL
THE GROWTH OF PROFESSIONAL TEXT BOOKS AND
GEOGRAPHICAL LITERATURE
THE preceding chapter has shown how the great race of the
Tudor seamen left their mark on the literature of the country
of their birth. In a survey of the written record of the seafaring
of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, we are necessarily
attracted more to its subject than to its manner. We cannot judge
it by such standards as are applied to the poetry, the drama, or
the historical literature of the time. Ralegh and Lodge, as men
of literary study and training, stand almost alone among navi-
gators. Most of their contemporaries and successors were men
who fought the tempest and the enemy, and knew little of the
wielding of the pen. Rarely did they sit down to write anything
more ambitious than a letter or a rough journal without making
profuse apologies for their lack of literary experience. They were
men, nevertheless, who dreamed dreams and saw visions : not always,
indeed, dreams like those of Columbus, who thought that to add a
realm to Christendom was object and reward enough, but dreams
more often like those of the later Spaniards, who laid heavy
burdens on the backs of treasure mules and filled caravels with
silver. Explorers went in quest of the gold and spicery of the
mysterious lands of Zipangu and Cathay, and the commodities' of
the new world fell into their hands in the search.
They were confronted from the beginning with the monopolies
of Portugal and Spain. The Spaniards were firmly seated in
central America and Peru. Vasco da Gama and his successors
had made their own the route by the cape of Boa Esperança to
the treasures beyond. Magellan had gone to the south-west, by
the strait that bears his name, and Drake had followed him; but
the Pacific coast of southern America had become the monopoly of
Spain. If Englishmen, also, were to have monopoly and sway,
that they might gather unimpeded the treasures of the unknown
and half-fabulous lands of the Pacific, they must penetrate by the
sea route of the north-west ; and Gilbert and a hundred other


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Poets on the Discoveries
87
r
seamen persuaded themselves and the merchants, by every argu-
ment to be found in heaven or earth, that through the icy passages
there was an open way to the west. The temper in which
navigators wrestled with the elements was exemplified by the
remark of Robert Thorne, the Bristol seaman, who said: “There
is no land unhabitable, no sea innavigable. ' Failure to pierce
icy barriers was the root of all the expansion and rivalry that
followed, both in the east and in the west. A hundred projects
for penetrating the great Pacific were in the air. The Dutch were
grasping at the spoil of the Portuguese, and, in England, men of
commerce became men of war, merchant and mariner alike being
resolute to snatch the sceptre of the sea from the weakening
grasp of Spain.
Thus, as Drayton says:
A thousand kingdoms will we seek from far,
As many nations waste in civil war;
Where the dishevelled ghastly sea-nymph sings,
Our well-rigged ships shall stretch their swelling wings,
And drag their anchors through the sandy foam,
About the world in every clime to roam;
And there anchristened countries call our own
Where scarce the name of England hath been known.
Hakluyt is the recorder of these deeds in queen Elizabeth's day
-not of quite all of them, indeed, for he pays scanty heed to the
earlier exploits of Drake, and, in his preface of 1589, excuses himself
'to the favourable reader' for so doing. Perhaps he had in mind the
comments which a complete narration might have aroused abroad.
Navigators were men of action and not of words. Drake, on the
famous occasion when he took upon himself to preach in place
of Master Fletcher, the chaplain—'Francis Fletcher, the falsest
knave that liveth’-declared that he was a very bad orator, ‘for
my bringing up hath not been in learning. ' Bacon, in his con-
siderations Touching the War with Spain, explains the under-
lying theory and object of their actions :
For money, no doubt it is the principal part of the greatness of Spain;
for by that they maintain their veteran army; and Spain is the only state of
Europe which is a money grower. But in this part, of all others, is most to
be considered the ticklish and brittle state of the greatness of Spain. Their
greatness consisteth in their treasure, their treasure in the Indies, and their
Indies (if it be well weighed) are indeed but an accession to such as are
masters of the sea. So as this axle-tree, whereupon their greatness turneth,
is soon cut in two by any that shall be stronger than they by sea.
The strategical theories of Bacon, translated into action by
navigators and recorded by Hakluyt, filling many adventurers with
a new spirit of conquest and achievement in the years that followed,


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88
Seafaring and Travel
could not fail to move the imagination of poets and dramatists.
We have seen how Spenser set forth the argument and inward
character of these voyages; how they had their influence upon
Shakespeare, and, we might have added, upon Marlowe and other
dramatists. William Warner, in Albion's England (1602), sings of
Willoughby, Chancellor, Jenkinson, Jackman and Pet, of Hawkins,
Drake, Gilbert, Frobisher and others, advising resort to the recent
pages of Principall Navigations.
Samuel Daniel, in his Musophilus, or a General Defence of Learn-
ing (1603), extols the new spirit in a colloquy with Philocosmus :
Whenas our accent, equal to the best
Is able greater wonders to bring forth;
When all that ever hotter springs expresst,
Comes bettered by the patience of the North.
And who, in time, knows whither we may vent
The treasure of our tongue, to what strange shores
This gain of our best glory shall be sent,
T'enrich unknowing nations with our stores ?
What worlds in th' yet unformed Occident
May come refin'd with th' accents that are ours?
Or, who can tell for what great worke in hand
The greatness of our style is now ordain'd ?
Ralegh's discovery and proposed colonisation of Guiana' was
the subject of George Chapman’s De Guiana Carmen (1596).
Guiana-whose rich feet are mines of gold,
Whose forehead knocks against the roof of stars,
Stands on her tip-toes at fair England looking,
Kissing her hand, bowing her mighty breasts,
And every sign of all submission making
To be her sister, and the daughter both
Of our most sacred maid.
It was an age of universal curiosity, and Englishmen were
seeking a wider knowledge of the world. The bibliography will
show that a copious volume of literature, descriptive or otherwise,
relating to history, discovery and navigation, issued from the press
at this time. Among writers who contributed the fruit of much
solid research to the knowledge then possessed of foreign countries
and their history was Richard Knolles, whose General Historie of
the Turkes from the first beginning of that Nation to the rising
of the Othoman Familie was published in 1603, and long continued
to hold a high repute, by reason of the fact that it was written in
excellent prose and opened a new field to the English student.
A second edition appeared in 1610, in which year Knolles died;
and there were later editions in 1621, 1631 and 1638. Johnson
* See ante, chap. II, pp. 55, 56.


## p. 89 (#111) #############################################

Compilations
89
thought highly of Knolles's style ; and, though he found it some-
times vitiated by false wit, considered it 'pure, nervous, elevated
and clear. ' To Horace Walpole, Knolles was tiresome, but Southey
admired him, and Byron, writing shortly before his death at
Missolonghi, said,
Old Knolles was one of the first books that gave me pleasure when I was
a child; and I believe it had much influence on my future wishes to visit the
Levant, and gave perhaps the Oriental colouring which is observed in my
poetry.
Some books issued at the time, like Robert Johnson's transla-
tion, The Traveller's Breviat, or an historicall description of the
most famous Kingdomes in the World (1601), were merely accounts
from many sources of the character and peoples of various
countries. These were volumes intended for the entertainment
of such as remained at home, and the instruction of those who
desired to widen their experience by travel. Peter Heylyn's
Microcosmus: a little Description of the Great World, which
appeared augmented and revised in 1625, was of the same character.
After going through several editions, it was published in an enlarged
form in 1652 under the title Cosmographie, in Four Bookes; con-
taining the Chronographie and Historie of the whole world, and,
in that form, was several times reprinted. It is an illustration
of the avidity with which descriptions of foreign countries were
welcomed by English people. Heylyn was no more than an indus-
trious compiler, who surveyed the world at large, its diversities,
countries, cities, peoples, customs and resources, with encyclopaedic
interest and general intelligence. A serious volume much worthy
of note is George Sandya's A Relation of a Journey begun
An. Dom. 1610, which is descriptive of Turkey, Egypt, the Holy
Land, Italy and other places. Narratives of land travel began
to increase in number, to satisfy the universal curiosity, which
craved a knowledge of the peoples of foreign lands, thereby
leading also to the publication, in Italy and elsewhere, of volumes
illustrative of the costumes of various countries.
To another class of books belongs the volume entitled Coryats
Crudities, Hastilie gobled up in five moneths travells in France,
Savoy, Italy, Rhetia, commonly called the Grisons country,
Helvetia alias Switzerland, some parts of high Germany and the
Netherlands; newly digested in the hungrie aire of Odcombe in
the County of Somerset, 1611. Coryate was a literary oddity, and
his book is a curiosity. The son of George Coryate, rector of
Odcombe, and born in 1577, he was educated at Oxford, and


## p. 90 (#112) #############################################

90
Seafaring and Travel
entered the household of Henry, prince of Wales, by whose favour,
together with the assistance of certain ‘panygericke verses upon
the authour and his booke,' which Coryate procured to be written
by his friends, the volume of travels was published. It has two
supplements or appendixes, both issued in 1611, entitled Coryats
Cramb, or his Colwort twise sodden, and now served with other
Macaronicke dishes as the second course to his Crudities, and The
Odcombian Banquet, dished foorth by T. the Coriat, in praise of
his Crudities and Cramb too.
Coryate's writings belong rather to the literature of travel than
to that of discovery. In his Crudities, and in various letters written
to his friends—the latter printed by Purchas and in the curious
compilation entitled Thomas Coriate Traveller for the English
Wits : Greeting-he displays acute observation and a lively
understanding and appreciation of much that he saw. The oddity
and extravagance of his manner are seen in the volume called
Coryats Cramb, which consists mostly of encomiastic verses on
his former Crudities, with addresses to great personages. There
is a petition to Henry, prince of Wales, to cherish and maintaine
the scintillant embers of my diminutive lampe by infusing into
them the quickening oyle of your gracious indulgence. The king
is addressed as 'Most scintillant Phosphorus of our British
Trinacria,' and the queen as 'Most resplendant Gem and radiant
Aurora of Great Brittaines spacious Hemisphere. '
After his continental journey, Coryate visited Odcombe, to hang
up, in the parish church there, the shoes in which he had walked from
Venice. In the next year, he set out on his journey overland to
India, which was his most remarkable achievement, and he died at
Surat. He visited Constantinople, Aleppo and Jerusalem, crossed
the Euphrates into Mesopotamia and waded the Tigris, which was
very shallow at the time, joined a caravan and, ultimately, reached
Lahore, Agra and the Mogul's court at Ajmere. Sir Thomas Roe,
ambassador to the Mogul, whose observations are in the collection
of Purchas, says that he met Coryate in 1615. Purchas also prints
a letter written by Coryate from the court of the great Mogul in
the same year to L. Whitaker, animae dimidium mece, in which he
describes his journey, and says that he enjoyed 'as pancraticall
and athleticall a health as ever I did in my life. There is also a
letter addressed to his friends who were accustomed to meet at the
Mermaid in Bread street, ‘Right Generous, Joviall, and Mercuriall
Sirenaickes'-and subscribed, 'the Hierosolymitan-Syrian-Meso-
potamian-Armenian-Median-Parthian-Indian Legge-stretcher of
6
a
1
6


## p. 91 (#113) #############################################

The Works of Purchas 91
Odcombe in Somerset, Thomas Coryate. ' In exaggerated language,
he relates his experiences, and says he sends the letter by a
reverend gentleman, whom he beseeches his friends to exhilarate
with the purest quintessence of the Spanish, French and Rhenish
grape which the Mermaid yieldeth. Both these letters are con-
tained in the Traveller for the English Wits, in which Coryate
says,
Erasmus did in praise of folly write;
And Coryate doth in his self-praise indite.
Coryate also sent commendations to his friends by name, including
Purchas, 'the great collector of the lucubrations of sundry classic
authors. ' Purchas likewise prints a letter addressed by Coryate
to his mother, with an address in Persian which the Odcombian
had delivered to the great Mogul, with sundry other observations.
The mantle of Richard Hakluyt fell upon the shoulders of
Samuel Purchas, a great editor of narratives of travel and a man of
many words but of less modesty than his predecessor. Hakluytus
Posthumus, or Purchas His Pilgrimes, contayning a History of
the World, in Sea Voyages, and Lande Travells by Englishmen
and others, was published in 1625. Purchas, who was born at
Thaxted, in Essex, in or about the year 1577, was educated at
St John's college, Cambridge, where he took the degree of M. A. in
1600, afterwards proceeding to that of B. D. He was vicar of
Eastwood from 1604 to 1614. Leigh on the Thames is within two
miles of Eastwood, and was then a great resort of shipping, many
voyagers on the return from their explorations sojourning there.
Purchas, doubtless, began his own collections at this time, and took
down some narratives from the lips of those who had travelled far.
He was an untiring worker, and could never maintain a ‘vicarian or
subordinate scribe' to help him. In 1614, he was preferred by
John King, bishop of London, to whom he expresses unbounded
gratitude, to the rectory of St Martin's, Ludgate. He died in 1626.
Prior to the publication of his Pilgrimes, he had written Purchas
His Pilgrimage, or Relations of the World and the Religions
observed in all ages and places discovered from the Creation
unto this Present (1613), with new editions in 1614, 1617 and 1626.
He had also written a volume called Purchas his Pilgrim; Micro-
cosmus, or the Historie of Man (1619).
It is clear from a remark made by Purchas—'I was therein a
labourer also'—that he assisted Hakluyt to arrange papers which
were unpublished at Hakluyt's death in 1616, and, hence, his collec-
tion is called Hakluytus Posthumus. “Having out of a chaos of
a


## p. 92 (#114) #############################################

92
Seafaring and Travel
h i
>
11
confused intelligences framed this historical world,' Purchas was
emboldened to dedicate it to Charles, prince of Wales. He
explains to the reader that he had received 'Master Hakluyt's
many years' collections, and that 'Purchas and his Pilgrimes' were
as a bricklayer providing materials 'to those universal speculators
for their theorical structures. ' Purchas never travelled more than
two hundred miles from his birthplace, but he says that bishop
King gave him one wing, hoping some blessed hand would add the
other, and, not finding this to be the case, the bishop ‘promised
to right me himself (these were his syllables) but death righted
him, and I am forced to wrong the world. ' What Purchas
lacked in experience of travel, he made up by his indefatigable
industry, in which he rivalled Hakluyt himself. Knowing that
comparatively few of his countrymen could themselves see the
world, he offered to them, 'at no great charge,'
a world of travellers to their domestic entertainment, easy to be spared from
their smoke, cup, or butterfly vanities and superfluities, and fit mutually to
entertaine them in a better school to better purposes.
The design of the book separates the subjects into two main
divisions, one dealing with the old world and the other with the
new, each being further divided into ten books. The first book
is an introduction to the rest, being concerned with Biblical
history and travel, man's life as a pilgrimage, the journeys of
Christ and the apostles, classic journeyings and other matters.
Then he reaches improvements in navigation, recalls the voyages of
Columbus and Magellan, gives narratives of Drake's, Cavendish's
and later circumnavigations, and of early voyages to the east-
Lancaster's, Middleton's and others. The first half of the book
.
is devoted to a long array of narratives and statements regarding
trading and voyages to India, China and Japan, Africa and the
Mediterranean, including a mass of information concerning our
dealings with the Dutch and the Portuguese. In the same way, the
second division of the Pilgrimes is devoted to narratives of the
Muscovy voyages, efforts to discover the north-west passage, ex-
plorations in the West Indies and Nova Scotia, including narratives
of most of the great expeditions, and much information concerning
our dealings with the Spaniards, as well as observations of foreign
explorers.
Purchas was not the equal of Hakluyt, but he was his worthy
successor, his collaborator in his later life and the depository of
some of his collections. Possessed of the same valiant, untiring
spirit, the vast volume of his researches, brought together with


## p. 93 (#115) #############################################

Characteristics of Purchas
93
indefatigable exertion and invincible zeal, was, though in a much
less degree than Hakluyt's collection, an inspiration and an en-
couragement to the men who came after. All that Purchas has
amassed of the narratives of the explorations of Englishmen
breathes the strong spirit of nationality. There is ample room
in these accounts for the display of various talents and different
temperaments, but there is scarcely one that does not have
in it some pride of England. When Robert Fotherby, in 1615,
cruised on behalf of the Muscovy company in a pinnace of 20 tons
for the discovery of land to the north-east, he was questioned by a
Danish admiral as to the right by which English merchants re-
sorted to waters claimed for Denmark, and he replied, 'By the king
of England's right. There was courtesy, also, to the nation that
was a greater rival. Thus, James Beversham, writing in July 1618,
from Fairhaven, refers to the insolence of the Dutch, which, how-
ever, he overlooked, advising his countrymen
not to impate to that nation what some frothy spirit vomits from amidst his
drinke, but to honour the Hollanders' worth, and to acknowledge the glory
of the Confederate Provinces; howsoever they also have their sinks and
stinking sewers (too officious mouths, such as some in this business of Green-
land, beyond all names of impudence against his Majestie and liege peopls,
as others elsewhere have demeaned themselves) whose loathsomeness is not
to be cast as an aspersion to that industrious and illustrious nation.
When Purchas opens the glowing story of the western explora-
tion, he has a fruitful field of interesting record and description,
and here, in the sharp rivalry of interests which had brought us to
war with Spain, the spirit of nationality glows still more brightly
not seldom marred by the bitterness of religious hate and intolerant
invective. With the practical purpose of encouraging and assist-
ing navigators and planters, he has given summaries of the writings
of Spanish and Portuguese discoverers, coloured, sometimes, by his
lively imagination, and descriptive of the curiosities and resources
of the western lands. He has gathered with a rather indiscriminate
hand, but ever with the purpose of adding new lustre to England's
fame. The narrative of Peter Carder, who is said to have set out
with Drake on his circumnavigation, to have separated from the
company and, after many marvellous adventures, to have returned
home nine years later, reads more like fiction than fact, and makes
one think of the later writings of Defoe. Like most writers of his
time, Purchas loves to note the freaks and peculiarities of nature,
and revels in the wonderful. When he introduces a tragic narrative,
like that of the unfortunate Cavendish, on his last journey, he
improves the occasion. Cavendish's last letter to his friend and


## p. 94 (#116) #############################################

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Seafaring and Travel
executor, Sir Tristram Gorges, is a pathetic page in our literature;
for the dying man, with enfeebled hand, pours forth therein the
utter depth of his misfortune. He speaks of tempest, cold, famine,
cowardice, mutiny and the ill-fortune of war, saying:
And now by this, what with grief for him (his kinsman, John Locke]
and the continual trouble I endured among such hell-hounds, my spirits were
clean spent; wishing myself upon any desert place in the world, there to die,
rather than thus basely to returne home again. . . . And now consider whether
a heart made of flesh, be able to endure so many misfortunes, all falling upon
me without intermission. I thank God that in ending of me, he hath pleased
to rid me of all further trouble and mishaps.
But this poignant narrative does not escape the somewhat
'precious' pen of Purchas, who had drunk at the Euphuistic spring.
He likens the life of the navigator to the change from sunshine
to shadow, from day to night, from summer to winter :
And if the elements, seasons, and heaven's two eyes, be subject to such
vicissitudes, what is this little molehill of earth, this model of clay, this
moveable circumference of constant inconstancy, immutable mutability, this
vanishing centre of diversified vanity, which we call man; that herein also he
should not resemble this sampler of the universe, as becometh a little map to
be like that larger prototype.
And he goes on to express the glow of his pride in the deeds of
English seamen:
This we see all, and feel daily in ourselves; this in Master Candish here,
in Sir Francis Drake before, the sea's two darlings, there, and thence both
liring and dying; if dissolution of the body may be called a death, where the
soul arriveth in heaven, the name fills the earth, the deeds are precedents to
posterity, and England their country bath the glory alone that she hath
brought forth two illustrious captains and generals, which have fortunately
embraced the round waist of their vast mother, without waste of life, reputa-
tion and substance; yea victorious over elemental enemies, illustrious in
wealth and honour, they have come home, like the sun in a summer's day,
seeming greatest nearest his evening home, the whole sky entertaining and
welcoming him in festival scarlets and displayed colours of triumph.
Among the most interesting pages in the travel-literature of the
time are those which relate to the colony of Virginia. Hakluyt had
a proprietary right in the colony; its exploration occupies a large
place in his Navigations; and his last work was Virginia Richly
Valued (1609), being a translation from the Portuguese of de Soto's
narrative. "I shall yet live to see Virginia an English Nation,'
wrote Ralegh to Sir Robert Cecil, shortly before Elizabeth's death.
His own efforts had left a shadowed memory. Purchas has pre-
served two narratives of the voyage of Gosnold to northern Virginia
in 1602, as well as his account of the fertility of its soil, together
with narratives of Pring's voyage from Bristol in 1603 and others.


## p. 95 (#117) #############################################

Captain John Smith
95
James's charter for the colonising of Virginia was the signal for
great enterprise, which was urged by Hakluyt and his friends,
and cheered on by Michael Drayton:
Britons, you stay too long;
Quickly aboard bestow you,
And with a merry gale
Swell
your
stretch't sail,
With vows as strong
As the winds that blow you.
The name of captain John Smith will ever be associated
with the foundation of Virginia · Purchas has preserved some
extracts from descriptions of his enterprises, but Smith's own
account is contained in his book, The General History of Vir-
ginia, New England, and the Summer Isles, with the names of
the Adventurers, Planters, and Governors from their first be-
ginning in Anno 1584 to this present 1624. Of this famous book,
there were other editions in 1626, 1627 and 1632. Smith's whole
being had been mastered by the enthusiasm for planting new
states in America, and, in the early days of Virginia, that colony
depended for its life and preservation on his firmness and courage.
The History is a freely written and very remarkable, but apparently
straightforward, direct and forcible, narrative and record, and its
author deserves a place in the literature of the sea above most
men. Not only was he, in his own person, an adventurer, explorer
and settler, as well as a writer and recorder, but he had an intense
belief in the necessity to this country of possessing a powerful
navy. He quotes with approval what Master Dee had said in his
British Monarchy, concerning the creation of a fleet of sixty sail-
a 'little Navy Royall'—in queen Elizabeth's reign:
To get money to build this navy, he saith, who would not spare the one
hundredth penny of his ronts, and the five hundredth penny of his goods ;
each servant that taketh forty shillings wages, four pence; and every foreigner
of seven years of age, four pence, for seven years; not any of these but they
will spend three times so much in pride, wantonness or some superfluities.
This, he would have them do by way of benevolence, and he pro-
ceeds to say how vast would be the advantage in spreading terror
among pirates and amazement among enemies, while giving assist-
ance to friends, security to merchants and a great increase to
navigation. Smith has also a title to our admiration as the author
of a Sea Grammar for young seamen, of which some account will
be given later.
In the history of the several plantations and settlements in
the new world, Virginia, the New England colonies and Pennsylvania
a


## p. 96 (#118) #############################################

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Seafaring and Travel
have literatures of their own. The prosperity of Virginia was
retarded by many untoward circumstances, and, in a pamphlet
issued in 1649, entitled Virginia Impartially examined, and left
to publick view, to be considered by all judicious and honest men,
William Bullock endeavours to discover the reason of this slow
progress. He had known the pioneers and captains in the trade,
his father had lived in the colony twelve years and he himself
had had extensive commerce with it. Accordingly, he offers his
little book as
no other than the adventurer's and planter's faithful steward, disposing the
adventure for the best advantage, advising people of all degrees, from the
highest master to the meanest servant, how suddenly to raise their fortunes.
There is a study of the food and sport of the country, its
economic necessities, how it might be recovered, how money might
be disposed to advantage there, and how the plantation might be
reached, with advice to the adventurer, to the planter and to
servants. Edward Williams's Virgo Triumphans; or Virginia
Really and truly valued (1650), was written with the same
purpose.
The book named Sir Francis Drake Reviv'd, calling upon this
Dull and Effeminate age to follow his noble steps for gold and
silver, 1626, published by Sir Francis Drake the younger, is the
source of most of our knowledge of Drake's exploits in Central
America, though Froude, without much reason, has thrown doubt
upon its authenticity. It is mentioned here as suggesting, by its
title, the motive with which the navigators of that age entered
upon their enterprises. There was the double incitement of
adventure and spoil, and the honour of England was an added
reason for successive navigations to the west. Both Hakluyt and
Purchas wrote in the same spirit. So, also, the Tudor poets and
balladists gave expression to the imperialism born of the increas-
ing influence of England's naval power, the widely-spread know-
ledge of the seamen's explorations and the ever-growing impulse
towards colonisation. The verses entitled Neptune to England,
printed in Halliwell's Early Naval Ballads, sound this note :
Goe on, great state, and make it knowne,
Thou never wilt forsake thine owne,
Nor from thy purpose start:
But that thou wilt thy power dilate,
Since narrow seas are found too straight
For thy capacious heart.
So shall thy rule, and mine, have large extent:
Yet not so large, as just and permanent.


## p. 97 (#119) #############################################

The Birth of Imperialism
97
How, too, the sea life, with its wider outlook, attracted the
more daring spirits of the nation is indicated in a ballad In Prais
of Seafaringe Men, in Hope of Good Fortune (Sloane MSS):
Too pas the seaes som thinkes a toille,
Sum thinkes it strange abrod to rome,
Sum thinkes it a grefe to leave their soylle,
Their parents, cynfolke, and their whome.
Thinke soe who list, I like it nott;
I must abrod to trie my lott.
In The Relation of a Voyage to Guiana. . . Performed by Robert
Harcourt (1609), given by Purchas, and issued independently in an
enlarged form in 1626, the objects are set forth in order. First,
comes the 'glory of God, for the conversion of the heathen';
secondly, the 'honour of our Sovereign '—the obtaining and
gaining the sovereignty of so many great, spacious, and goodly
countries and territories’; and, thirdly, “the profit of our country,'
by the enrichment of the many commodities ‘in those parts daily
found and easily obtained. ' Harcourt says that
all young gentlemen, soldiers, and others that live at home in idleness and
want employment, may there find means to abandon and expel their slothful
humours, and cast off their fruitless and pernicious designs, and may worthily
exercise their generous spirits in honourable travels and famous discoveries
of many goodly and rich territories, strange and unknown nations, and a
multitude
of other rarities, hitherto unseen, and unheard of in these northern
parts of the world; which may be thought incredible, but that our own
experience (besides the general and constant report and affirmation of the
Indians) doth assure us thereof.
Another volume, devoted to westward expansion, with an
analogous purpose, is A New Survey of the West Indies, or the
English American, his Travail by Sea and Land, by Thomas
Gage, published originally in 1648, and issued in several subse-
quent editions. By this time, Hakluyt and Purchas had many
followers, who, though not in collected narratives, were describing
the new places of the world, and, in a versified introduction to
Gage's book, Thomas Chaloner thus speaks of the author:
Reader, behold presented to thine eye
What us Columbus off'red long ago,
Of the New World a new discovery,
Which here our author does so clearly show;
That he the state which of these parts would know,
Need not hereafter search the plenteous store
Of Hakluyt, Purchas and Ramusio,
Or learn'd Acosta's writings to look o'er;
Or what Herrera hath us told before,
Which merit not the credit due from hence,
Those being but reckonings of another score,
But these the fruits of self experience.
E. L. IV,
7
CH. V.


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98
Seafaring and Travel
So far we have dealt only with western explorations, but the
literature of the seventeenth century is rich in narratives of travel
and settlement in both hemispheres. The project of reaching
China, the Spice islands and farther India by the north-west
passage was destined to disappoint those who fixed their hopes
upon it. Nor did much success attend the efforts to carry trade
overland from the Levant, which was one of the objects of the
Turkey company, established in 1581. The early efforts to wrest
the monopoly from the Portuguese by the long sea route also
met with disaster. Raymond's expedition of 1591 suffered from
sickness, tempest and mutiny, and its misfortunes made failure
inevitable from the beginning. Still more disastrous was Benja-
min Woods's navigation of 1596, from which not one man of the
company returned to tell the tale. Purchas deplores the double
disaster of the loss of the ships, and of the record and history of
the tragedy, upon which light is thrown by a Spanish letter found
among the papers of Hakluyt. The Netherlanders were more
successful than Englishmen in 1597 in their effort to break
down the supremacy of the Portuguese; but quarrels among
themselves deprived their expedition of commercial success, and
the consequent rise in the price of pepper on the London market
caused merchants to meet in 1599, thereby leading to the
foundation of the East India company. The first enterprise was
Lancaster's famous expedition of 1600—2, which was equipped
with every necessity of war, and carried greetings from Elizabeth
'to the great and mightie King of Achem, etc. , in the Island of
Sumatra, our loving Brother. ' Purchas has preserved a full
narrative of the circumstances and events, with a copy of Eliza-
beth's letter. Whatever is preserved of Lancaster's writing shows
him to have possessed in a marked degree the forcible style of the
seaman. His brief letter to the proprietors of the East India
company deserves to be quoted:
Right Worshipful, what hath passed in this voyage, and what trades I
have settled for this company, and what other events have befallen us, you
shall understand by the bearers hereof, to whom (as occasion hath fallen)
I must refer you. I will strive with all diligence to save my ship, and her
goods, as you may perceive, by the course I take in venturing my own life,
and those that are with me. I cannot tell where you should look for me, if
you send any pinnace to seek me, because I live at the devotion of the wind
and the seas. And thus fare you well, desiring God to send us a merry
meeting in this world, if it be his good will and pleasure.
The first real discouragement to those who looked for the success
of the north-west route was Lancaster's triumph, combined with


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An Englishman in Japan 99
Waymouth’s ignominious failure to find a way to 'Cataya or China
or ye backside of America' which became known before Lancaster
returned. Hudson, Button, Baffin and a score of other hardy
navigators followed Waymouth's course, but merchants recog-
nised that, long and perilous as was the route by the cape of
Good Hope, it was preferable to the doubts and dangers of the
north-west.
The Dutch captured Amboina from the Portuguese in 1605,
and burned their fleet at the Moluccas in the following year, and
it was the strong trade rivalry between the English and the Dutch,
leading to the massacre at Amboina, that ultimately caused our
merchants to relinquish partially their attempts to establish them-
selves in the islands, and to devote their efforts to developing
trade with India. Not, however, until the third East India voyage,
in 1607, was any attempt made to establish trading ports on the
Indian mainland. Purchas includes in his Pilgrimes a brief nar-
rative of Middleton's—the second-voyage to the east (1604–6),
and a somewhat longer account of that of Keeling, which
was the third (1607—10), as well as an extremely interesting
narrative written by captain William Hawkins of his landing at
Surat and his visit to the court of the great Mogul at Agra, with
observations on life at the Mogul's court, the custom of sati and
many other matters. The Pilgrimes includes narratives of all
later expeditions to the east, and a full account of our relations
with the Dutch and the Portuguese up to the year 1613.
One of the most interesting narratives included in the col-
lection is that of William Adams, descriptive of his voyage to
Japan and his long sojourn there (for he never returned), written
in the form of two letters, addressed severally to his ‘unknown
friends and countrymen' and to his wife. These, Purchas has
placed with his accounts of voyages to the east, although Adams
reached Japan by way of the strait of Magellan. He was born at
Gillingham in Kent, and, having been an apprentice at Limehouse,
became pilot in the queen's ships and served twelve years with the
Barbary merchants. Being desirous of gaining greater experience,
he took service in 1598 as pilot of a fleet of five sail for the Dutch
India company. They entered the strait of Magellan on 6 April
1599, and, suffering much from cold and sickness, remained in the
strait until September, when they proceeded to the coast of Peru.
In February 1600, the expedition reached a port in northern
Japan, which Adams names Bingo. The chief there showed them
great friendship, giving them a house on shore and all needful
7-2


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Іоо
Seafaring and Travel
!
1
1
10
refreshment, Jesuits and Japanese Christians being their inter-
preters. The emperor of Japan, hearing of their arrival, sent
for Adams, apparently having bad news that he was a man of
skill; and he was conveyed to Osaka, accompanied by a seaman.
The emperor asked him many questions—there was nothing
that he demanded not, both concerning war and peace between
country and country. Adams was held in captivity, but was 'well
used. ' On a second occasion, the emperor interrogated him, ask-
ing him why foreign ships came so far.
I answered, We were a people that sought all friendship with all nations
and to have trade of merchandise in all countries, bringing such merchandises
as our country had, and buying such merchandises in strange countries as
our country desired: through which our countries on both sides were
enriched.
The Portuguese endeavoured to prejudice these strangers in the
minds of the Japanese ; but the emperor answered that, as yet,
they had not done any damage to him or his land.
Adams was allowed to rejoin his ship, and she went round to
Yeddo, where the emperor then was; and there she was detained,
her company being dispersed in Japan. When Adams had lived
four or five years in the country, the emperor asked him to build
a small ship for him, to which Adams pleaded that he was no
carpenter: "Well do it as well as you can, saith he; if it be
not good, it is no matter. ' The vessel was built, with a burden
of 80 tons, and was well liked, so that Adams was received into
greater favour, and put on a good allowance. He often saw the
emperor and even taught his majesty ‘some points of geometry
and mathematics.