o sera la
premeiro
qu'en se randen libro respendra & proupagara la lei de nostre?
Cult of the Nation in France
16 Prairial II (B.
S.
P.
, Re?
v.
223, no.
13).
37. F. C. Heitz, ed. , Les socie? te? s populaires de Strasbourg pendant les anne? es 1790 a` 1793: Extraits de leurs proce`s-verbaux (Strasbourg, 1863), 252 and 346; Le? vy, II, 22; R. R. Palmer, Twelve Who Ruled (Princeton, 1941), 190; Michel Brunet, Le Roussillon: Une socie? te? contre l'e? tat, 1780-1820 (Perpignan, 1990), 521. The principal evidence for a linguistic terror in Provence is effectively dismissed
by Merle, 369-71.
Notes to Pages 175-177
38. Heitz, 64-5.
39. On these issues see Rosenfeld, "A Revolution in Language," 172-258.
40. Bare`re, in de Certeau et al. , 291-2.
41. Gre? goire, in de Certeau et al. , 314.
42. See Weber, Peasants into Frenchmen (see Intro. , n. 28), 67-94, 312-13; Jean-
Franc? ois Chanet, L'e? cole re? publicaine et les petites patries (Paris, 1996), 203-
41.
43. See, for instance, Brunot, IX, pt. I; Weber, Peasants into Frenchmen, 67-94;
Renzi, La politica linguistica (see Intro. , n. 63); R. D. Grillo, Dominant Lan- guages: Language and Hierarchy in Britain and France (Cambridge, 1989). The literature on revolutionary language policies is immense. For summaries, see an earlier version of this chapter: David A. Bell, "Lingua Populi, Lingua Dei: Language, Religion and the Origins of French Revolutionary Nationalism," American Historical Review, C/5 (1995), 1403-37, esp. nn. 9, 32, and 43. Sub- sequent works include Rosenfeld, "A Revolution in Language"; Sophia A. Rosenfeld, "Universal Languages and National Consciousness during the French Revolution," in David A. Bell et al. , eds. , Raison universelle et culture nationale au sie`cle des lumie`res (Paris, 1999), 119-34; Brigitte Schlieben- Lange, Ide? ologie, Re? volution, et uniformite? de la langue (Lie`ge, 1996).
Notes to Pages 175-177 279
? 280
Notes to Pages 178-180
? 44.
45. 46.
47. 48. 49.
50.
51.
Notes to Pages 178-180
52. 53.
54.
55. 56.
57.
58.
Dentzel, Rapport, 2; Gre? goire cited in de Certeau et al. , 21; cited in Brunot, IX, pt. I, 142; Gre? goire in Gazier, Lettres (see Intro. , n. 70), 293.
Gre? goire, in de Certeau et al. , 302.
To quote his report: "The vigorous accent of liberty and equality is the same, whether it comes out of the mouth of an inhabitant of the Alps or the Vosges, the Pyrenees or the Cantal, Mont-Blanc or Mont-Terrible. " Bare`re, in de Certeau et al. , 291.
Quoted in Wahnich, L'impossible citoyen (see Intro. , n. 33), 59.
Re? impression de l'ancien Moniteur, February 9, 1790, 336-37.
For the most recent studies of the disturbances, see Jean Boutier, Campagnes en e? moi: Re? voltes et Re? volution en Bas-Limousin, 1789-1800 (Treignac, 1987), and John Markoff, The Abolition of Feudalism: Peasants, Lords and Legislators in the French Revolution (University Park, Penn. , 1996), esp. 203-426, 542-47. Boutier barely mentions the language issue and does not consider it an important cause of the revolts (see esp. 263-66). Markoff raises it only in passing, on 342. The reports of the deputies on the riots can be found in Re? impression de l'ancien Moniteur, February 9, 1790, 336-39.
Claire Asselin and Anne McLaughlin, in "Patois ou franc? ais la langue de la Nouvelle France au dix-septie`me sie`cle," Langage et socie? te? , 17 (1981), 3-57. Yves Castan, "Les languedociens du 18e sie`cle et l'obstacle de la langue e? crite," 96e Congre`s national des Socie? te? s savantes, Toulouse, 1971: Section d'histoire moderne et contemporaine (Paris, 1976), I, 73-84.
Gre? goire is notably the most important eighteenth-century source for Weber's chapter on language in Peasants into Frenchmen, 67-94.
On these points see Louis-Jean Chalvet, La sociolinguistique (Paris, 1993); Pi- erre Bourdieu, Language and Symbolic Power, Gino Raymond and Matthew Adamson, trans. (Oxford, 1991).
See the works of Robert Lafont, beginning with Lettre ouverte aux Franc? ais d'un Occitan (Paris, 1973). As Maryon MacDonald has noted in "We Are Not French! " (see Intro. , n. 27), regionalist militants generally try to make their languages sound as un-French as possible.
Weber, 3-22.
Consider Weber, p. 76, where he quotes from "teachers and school inspec- tors" who "furnish useful information" in the 1870s. Might these teachers and inspectors have consciously or unconsciously exaggerated the height of the linguistic barriers between them and their pupils? See Lehning, Peasant and French, esp 144-45, and Ford, Creating the Nation (see Intro. , n. 28).
De Certeau et al, esp. 155-69. The same point of view is expressed more con- cisely in the classic essay of de Certeau, Julia, and Revel, "La beaute? du mort," in Michel de Certeau, La culture au pluriel (Paris, 1978), 49-76.
See Rosenfeld, "A Revolution in Language. "
Notes to Pages 181-183 281
? 59. Only two of the sixty correspondents who responded to Gre? goire's enque^te actively defended patois, and the many legislative reports on language aroused little resistance. See Brunot, IX, pt. I, 9. Correspondents who re- ported on their uses of patois included Auguste Rigaud of Montpellier (Gazier, 13), and Pierre Bernadau of Bordeaux (ibid. , 128). Dithurbide of the Basque Country (ibid. , 158-60) had previously volunteered as a French- Basque translator (Arch. Nat. AA 32, fol. 22r). The proposals to standardize the regional languages came from the Strasbourg professor Je? re? mie-Jacques Oberlin (BN NAF 2798, fol. 95), and the Montauban Protestant Antoine Gautier-Sauzin (Arch. Nat. F17 1309, reprinted in de Certeau et al. , 259-63). Significantly, both were Protestants.
60. Both Brunot and Patrice Higonnet (in his excellent article "The Politics of Linguistic Terrorism"; see Ch. 3, n. 125) see the language policies as products of the radical revolution.
61. On the attempt to create a new, uniform revolutionary culture, see Hunt, Pol- itics, Culture and Class (see Ch. 5, n. 75), esp. 52-86.
62. See esp. Gre? goire, in de Certeau et al. , 301, 306.
63. Gre? goire, Essai sur la re? ge? ne? ration (see Intro. , n. 61), 161.
64. See Talleyrand in Archives parlementaires XXX, 472. Notes to Pages 181-183
65. Gellner, Nations and Nationalism; Anderson, Imagined Communities (see
Intro. , n. 13).
66. Salivas, Abis salutari de M. Salivas lou Xoube? al brabe? mounde? de las cam-
pagnos (Albi, [1790 or 1791]) (Bibliothe`que Municipale de Toulouse, hereaf- ter B. M. T. , Re? serve Cxviii 151). Salivas identifies himself as a wool merchant on 12.
67. Ibid. , 4-6. The awkward English sentence beginning "France will be the first" reads in the original: "La Franc?
o sera la premeiro qu'en se randen libro respendra & proupagara la lei de nostre? Seigne? , & las Natieus de l'Europo que dexa bolou imita nostro Counstitutieu, espousaran tabe? toute la puretat de l'Ebanxeli, & aital s'accoumplira lou desir de nostre? Redemptiou. "
68. Ibid. , 7.
69. On the Civil Constitution, see the fundamental work of Timothy Tackett, Re-
ligion, Revolution and Regional Culture in Eighteenth-Century France: The Ec-
clesiastical Oath of 1791 (Princeton, 1986).
70. Much larger even than in the provincial newspapers studied by Jeremy
Popkin in "The Provincial Newspaper Press and Revolutionary Politics," French Historical Studies, XVIII/2 (1993), esp. 448-49. For the texts in Occitan, the largest part of the corpus, this conclusion was evident to the leading nineteenth-century specialist in the subject, Jean-Baptiste Noulet, in Essai sur l'histoire litte? raire des patois du midi de la France au xviiie sie`cle (Paris, 1877), 137.
282
Notes to Pages 183-184
? 71. 72.
73.
74.
75.
Notes to Pages 183-184
76.
Discour d'un pe? isan a sous councitouyens (Montpellier, 1791), 9.
Compare Garres, Rasounomens, 20, and Abis d'un boun pastou a sous parrouquias (n. p. , n. d. ), 15 (B. M. T. , Re? serve Dxviii 756, no. 2). Claude-Franc? ois Marie Primat, Herderlyken brief van Mr. den bisschop van het departement van het noorden (Paris, 1791), 4 (B. S. P. Re? v. 222, pp. 650-53). On the case of Flanders in general, see Cooraert, La Flandre.
In the absence of the necessary Breton language skills, I am forced here to rely on Bernard, "La Re? volution franc? aise et la langue bretonne. " One of the (bi- lingual) pamphlets in question is partially reproduced on pp. 301-9. The other is Adresse de la Socie? te? des Amis de la Constitution, e? tablie a` Brest, aux habitants de la campagne (Brest, 1791) (B. S. P. Re? v. 222, pp. 643-49).
Die neuesten Religionsbegebenheiten in Frankreich, published in Strasbourg and cited in Popkin, "The Provincial Press," 449. As Popkin points out, there were also several provincial periodicals founded in French for the same pur- pose.
Contemporary historians of Occitan generally subscribe to this view. But these authors, who generally champion increased autonomy (at the least) for the modern Midi, have an ideological committment to excavate the remains of a complete Occitan civilization from under the oppressive structures of (northern) French domination, and it ill suits this purpose to give undue weight to religious uses of their language alone. See, for instance, Martel, "Les textes occitans," 232; Fournier, "La production toulousaine," 367, 391; Merle, 349. Regardless of their regionalist convictions, however, these scholars have produced serious and important work, informed by a deep knowledge of sociolinguistics and the history of their language.
The lion's share of these pamphlets can be found at the B. M. T. in the follow- ing recueils: Re? serve Dxviii 243, 248, 756; Re? serve Dxix 134. See also Fournier, "La production toulousaine," esp. 400, and Noulet, Essai, 137. For Sermet, see Discours, 18.
Boyer et al. , Le texte occitan, 173. These figures leave out Occitan pamphlets published outside of the period 1789-1794 and undatable pamphlets. I am indebted to the meticulous and tireless authors of this book for locating much of the evidence discussed here.
Martel, "Les textes occitans," 239. Martel himself argues, somewhat bizarrely (232), that since the map of Occitan publications does not coincide with the map of religious conflict (measured by the percentage of priests who refused to swear allegiance to the Civil Constitution), the Civil Constitution cannot have been a crucial factor--as if regions of resistance such as the Massif cen- tral, which utterly lacked any serious tradition of publication in Occitan, would have matched Toulouse in their rates of publication!
Ibid. , 225. The Toulouse newspaper was called L'home? franc, Journal tout
77.
78.
79.
80.
noubel e? n patois, Fait espre`s per Toulouso, no. 1 (Feb. 8, 1791). Only one issue of this paper was printed. It was devoted in large part to the conflict over the Civil Constitution. On the rates of "juring" priests, see Tackett, 355, 373. On the religious situation in Toulouse, see Meyer, La vie religieuse en Haute- Garonne.
81. [Pierre Barrau], Discours prounounc? at, le de? cadi 30 Floure? al, deuxiemo annado de la Re? publiquo Franceso uno et indibisiblo, per Pierre Barrau, Agent natiounal proche le District de Rioux, imprimat d'aprex la de? liberatiou de la Soucie? tat poupulario de Rioux, le premie? Prairial de la memo annado (Tou- louse, 1794), pp. 6-7 (B. M. T. Re? serve Dxviii 756, no. 12). See also, for instance, Discours prounounc? at par Pierre Barrau, jutge? de? pax de? la coumuno de? Rioux, departomen de? la Hauto-Garonoo, a` l'ouccasiou de? la festo d'el 21 Janvie? (estille? buffec), le? 10 Niboso (estille? sancer) al pe? de? l'arbre? de? la libertat (Toulouse, 1794) (B. M. T. Re? serve Dxviii 756, no. 14); [Jean-Philibert d'Auriol], Tableau actuel de la situation publique & triomphante de la Re? publique franc? aise (Toulouse, 1794) (B. M. T. Br. Fa. C. 1491). This last text consists of three "pa-
triotic hymms" sung at the Temple of Reason.
Notes to Pages 184-185
82. Bernard, 324-30, 319-20.
83. J. Loth, quoted in Bernard, 295. Bernard himself comments (294): "The proc-
lamations meant for the people of the countryside have the appearance of a sort of sermon, and their allure is much more familiar in the translation than in the [French] original. "
84. Merle, 345.
85. Boyet et al. , Le texte occitan, 42-161.
86. Mikel Bourrel, Re? flexious curiousos q'appre? nen a estre? couste? ns; [constant} car
tout passo, tout n'e? s que? be? ns, et y a d'annados malhurousos, mais apey be? n le? boun te? ms (Toulouse, 1790). On the carol, see Re? gis Bertrand, "Un pre^tre provenc? aliste en Re? volution, J. J. Tousaint Bonnet," in Agulhon, ed. , La Re? volution ve? cue par la province, 140.
87. On Gre? goire, see Sepinwall, "Regenerating France" (see Ch. 1, n. 91), and Rita Hermon-Belot, L'abbe? Gre? goire: La politique et la ve? rite? (Paris, 2000).
88. Quoted in de Certeau et al. , 21.
89. Reproduced in ibid. , 13.
90. On the visites, see Marc Ve? nard and Dominique Julia, eds. , Re? pertoires des
visites pastorales de la France, 6 vols. (Paris, 1977-85). This comparison is also made by Michel Peronnet in "Re? flexions sur 'une se? rie de questions relatives aux patois et aux moeurs des gens de la campagne,' propose? e par l'abbe? Gre? goire le 13 aou^t 1790," in Lengas, 17 (1985), 79-96.
91. On the friendship, see letters between the men in B.
37. F. C. Heitz, ed. , Les socie? te? s populaires de Strasbourg pendant les anne? es 1790 a` 1793: Extraits de leurs proce`s-verbaux (Strasbourg, 1863), 252 and 346; Le? vy, II, 22; R. R. Palmer, Twelve Who Ruled (Princeton, 1941), 190; Michel Brunet, Le Roussillon: Une socie? te? contre l'e? tat, 1780-1820 (Perpignan, 1990), 521. The principal evidence for a linguistic terror in Provence is effectively dismissed
by Merle, 369-71.
Notes to Pages 175-177
38. Heitz, 64-5.
39. On these issues see Rosenfeld, "A Revolution in Language," 172-258.
40. Bare`re, in de Certeau et al. , 291-2.
41. Gre? goire, in de Certeau et al. , 314.
42. See Weber, Peasants into Frenchmen (see Intro. , n. 28), 67-94, 312-13; Jean-
Franc? ois Chanet, L'e? cole re? publicaine et les petites patries (Paris, 1996), 203-
41.
43. See, for instance, Brunot, IX, pt. I; Weber, Peasants into Frenchmen, 67-94;
Renzi, La politica linguistica (see Intro. , n. 63); R. D. Grillo, Dominant Lan- guages: Language and Hierarchy in Britain and France (Cambridge, 1989). The literature on revolutionary language policies is immense. For summaries, see an earlier version of this chapter: David A. Bell, "Lingua Populi, Lingua Dei: Language, Religion and the Origins of French Revolutionary Nationalism," American Historical Review, C/5 (1995), 1403-37, esp. nn. 9, 32, and 43. Sub- sequent works include Rosenfeld, "A Revolution in Language"; Sophia A. Rosenfeld, "Universal Languages and National Consciousness during the French Revolution," in David A. Bell et al. , eds. , Raison universelle et culture nationale au sie`cle des lumie`res (Paris, 1999), 119-34; Brigitte Schlieben- Lange, Ide? ologie, Re? volution, et uniformite? de la langue (Lie`ge, 1996).
Notes to Pages 175-177 279
? 280
Notes to Pages 178-180
? 44.
45. 46.
47. 48. 49.
50.
51.
Notes to Pages 178-180
52. 53.
54.
55. 56.
57.
58.
Dentzel, Rapport, 2; Gre? goire cited in de Certeau et al. , 21; cited in Brunot, IX, pt. I, 142; Gre? goire in Gazier, Lettres (see Intro. , n. 70), 293.
Gre? goire, in de Certeau et al. , 302.
To quote his report: "The vigorous accent of liberty and equality is the same, whether it comes out of the mouth of an inhabitant of the Alps or the Vosges, the Pyrenees or the Cantal, Mont-Blanc or Mont-Terrible. " Bare`re, in de Certeau et al. , 291.
Quoted in Wahnich, L'impossible citoyen (see Intro. , n. 33), 59.
Re? impression de l'ancien Moniteur, February 9, 1790, 336-37.
For the most recent studies of the disturbances, see Jean Boutier, Campagnes en e? moi: Re? voltes et Re? volution en Bas-Limousin, 1789-1800 (Treignac, 1987), and John Markoff, The Abolition of Feudalism: Peasants, Lords and Legislators in the French Revolution (University Park, Penn. , 1996), esp. 203-426, 542-47. Boutier barely mentions the language issue and does not consider it an important cause of the revolts (see esp. 263-66). Markoff raises it only in passing, on 342. The reports of the deputies on the riots can be found in Re? impression de l'ancien Moniteur, February 9, 1790, 336-39.
Claire Asselin and Anne McLaughlin, in "Patois ou franc? ais la langue de la Nouvelle France au dix-septie`me sie`cle," Langage et socie? te? , 17 (1981), 3-57. Yves Castan, "Les languedociens du 18e sie`cle et l'obstacle de la langue e? crite," 96e Congre`s national des Socie? te? s savantes, Toulouse, 1971: Section d'histoire moderne et contemporaine (Paris, 1976), I, 73-84.
Gre? goire is notably the most important eighteenth-century source for Weber's chapter on language in Peasants into Frenchmen, 67-94.
On these points see Louis-Jean Chalvet, La sociolinguistique (Paris, 1993); Pi- erre Bourdieu, Language and Symbolic Power, Gino Raymond and Matthew Adamson, trans. (Oxford, 1991).
See the works of Robert Lafont, beginning with Lettre ouverte aux Franc? ais d'un Occitan (Paris, 1973). As Maryon MacDonald has noted in "We Are Not French! " (see Intro. , n. 27), regionalist militants generally try to make their languages sound as un-French as possible.
Weber, 3-22.
Consider Weber, p. 76, where he quotes from "teachers and school inspec- tors" who "furnish useful information" in the 1870s. Might these teachers and inspectors have consciously or unconsciously exaggerated the height of the linguistic barriers between them and their pupils? See Lehning, Peasant and French, esp 144-45, and Ford, Creating the Nation (see Intro. , n. 28).
De Certeau et al, esp. 155-69. The same point of view is expressed more con- cisely in the classic essay of de Certeau, Julia, and Revel, "La beaute? du mort," in Michel de Certeau, La culture au pluriel (Paris, 1978), 49-76.
See Rosenfeld, "A Revolution in Language. "
Notes to Pages 181-183 281
? 59. Only two of the sixty correspondents who responded to Gre? goire's enque^te actively defended patois, and the many legislative reports on language aroused little resistance. See Brunot, IX, pt. I, 9. Correspondents who re- ported on their uses of patois included Auguste Rigaud of Montpellier (Gazier, 13), and Pierre Bernadau of Bordeaux (ibid. , 128). Dithurbide of the Basque Country (ibid. , 158-60) had previously volunteered as a French- Basque translator (Arch. Nat. AA 32, fol. 22r). The proposals to standardize the regional languages came from the Strasbourg professor Je? re? mie-Jacques Oberlin (BN NAF 2798, fol. 95), and the Montauban Protestant Antoine Gautier-Sauzin (Arch. Nat. F17 1309, reprinted in de Certeau et al. , 259-63). Significantly, both were Protestants.
60. Both Brunot and Patrice Higonnet (in his excellent article "The Politics of Linguistic Terrorism"; see Ch. 3, n. 125) see the language policies as products of the radical revolution.
61. On the attempt to create a new, uniform revolutionary culture, see Hunt, Pol- itics, Culture and Class (see Ch. 5, n. 75), esp. 52-86.
62. See esp. Gre? goire, in de Certeau et al. , 301, 306.
63. Gre? goire, Essai sur la re? ge? ne? ration (see Intro. , n. 61), 161.
64. See Talleyrand in Archives parlementaires XXX, 472. Notes to Pages 181-183
65. Gellner, Nations and Nationalism; Anderson, Imagined Communities (see
Intro. , n. 13).
66. Salivas, Abis salutari de M. Salivas lou Xoube? al brabe? mounde? de las cam-
pagnos (Albi, [1790 or 1791]) (Bibliothe`que Municipale de Toulouse, hereaf- ter B. M. T. , Re? serve Cxviii 151). Salivas identifies himself as a wool merchant on 12.
67. Ibid. , 4-6. The awkward English sentence beginning "France will be the first" reads in the original: "La Franc?
o sera la premeiro qu'en se randen libro respendra & proupagara la lei de nostre? Seigne? , & las Natieus de l'Europo que dexa bolou imita nostro Counstitutieu, espousaran tabe? toute la puretat de l'Ebanxeli, & aital s'accoumplira lou desir de nostre? Redemptiou. "
68. Ibid. , 7.
69. On the Civil Constitution, see the fundamental work of Timothy Tackett, Re-
ligion, Revolution and Regional Culture in Eighteenth-Century France: The Ec-
clesiastical Oath of 1791 (Princeton, 1986).
70. Much larger even than in the provincial newspapers studied by Jeremy
Popkin in "The Provincial Newspaper Press and Revolutionary Politics," French Historical Studies, XVIII/2 (1993), esp. 448-49. For the texts in Occitan, the largest part of the corpus, this conclusion was evident to the leading nineteenth-century specialist in the subject, Jean-Baptiste Noulet, in Essai sur l'histoire litte? raire des patois du midi de la France au xviiie sie`cle (Paris, 1877), 137.
282
Notes to Pages 183-184
? 71. 72.
73.
74.
75.
Notes to Pages 183-184
76.
Discour d'un pe? isan a sous councitouyens (Montpellier, 1791), 9.
Compare Garres, Rasounomens, 20, and Abis d'un boun pastou a sous parrouquias (n. p. , n. d. ), 15 (B. M. T. , Re? serve Dxviii 756, no. 2). Claude-Franc? ois Marie Primat, Herderlyken brief van Mr. den bisschop van het departement van het noorden (Paris, 1791), 4 (B. S. P. Re? v. 222, pp. 650-53). On the case of Flanders in general, see Cooraert, La Flandre.
In the absence of the necessary Breton language skills, I am forced here to rely on Bernard, "La Re? volution franc? aise et la langue bretonne. " One of the (bi- lingual) pamphlets in question is partially reproduced on pp. 301-9. The other is Adresse de la Socie? te? des Amis de la Constitution, e? tablie a` Brest, aux habitants de la campagne (Brest, 1791) (B. S. P. Re? v. 222, pp. 643-49).
Die neuesten Religionsbegebenheiten in Frankreich, published in Strasbourg and cited in Popkin, "The Provincial Press," 449. As Popkin points out, there were also several provincial periodicals founded in French for the same pur- pose.
Contemporary historians of Occitan generally subscribe to this view. But these authors, who generally champion increased autonomy (at the least) for the modern Midi, have an ideological committment to excavate the remains of a complete Occitan civilization from under the oppressive structures of (northern) French domination, and it ill suits this purpose to give undue weight to religious uses of their language alone. See, for instance, Martel, "Les textes occitans," 232; Fournier, "La production toulousaine," 367, 391; Merle, 349. Regardless of their regionalist convictions, however, these scholars have produced serious and important work, informed by a deep knowledge of sociolinguistics and the history of their language.
The lion's share of these pamphlets can be found at the B. M. T. in the follow- ing recueils: Re? serve Dxviii 243, 248, 756; Re? serve Dxix 134. See also Fournier, "La production toulousaine," esp. 400, and Noulet, Essai, 137. For Sermet, see Discours, 18.
Boyer et al. , Le texte occitan, 173. These figures leave out Occitan pamphlets published outside of the period 1789-1794 and undatable pamphlets. I am indebted to the meticulous and tireless authors of this book for locating much of the evidence discussed here.
Martel, "Les textes occitans," 239. Martel himself argues, somewhat bizarrely (232), that since the map of Occitan publications does not coincide with the map of religious conflict (measured by the percentage of priests who refused to swear allegiance to the Civil Constitution), the Civil Constitution cannot have been a crucial factor--as if regions of resistance such as the Massif cen- tral, which utterly lacked any serious tradition of publication in Occitan, would have matched Toulouse in their rates of publication!
Ibid. , 225. The Toulouse newspaper was called L'home? franc, Journal tout
77.
78.
79.
80.
noubel e? n patois, Fait espre`s per Toulouso, no. 1 (Feb. 8, 1791). Only one issue of this paper was printed. It was devoted in large part to the conflict over the Civil Constitution. On the rates of "juring" priests, see Tackett, 355, 373. On the religious situation in Toulouse, see Meyer, La vie religieuse en Haute- Garonne.
81. [Pierre Barrau], Discours prounounc? at, le de? cadi 30 Floure? al, deuxiemo annado de la Re? publiquo Franceso uno et indibisiblo, per Pierre Barrau, Agent natiounal proche le District de Rioux, imprimat d'aprex la de? liberatiou de la Soucie? tat poupulario de Rioux, le premie? Prairial de la memo annado (Tou- louse, 1794), pp. 6-7 (B. M. T. Re? serve Dxviii 756, no. 12). See also, for instance, Discours prounounc? at par Pierre Barrau, jutge? de? pax de? la coumuno de? Rioux, departomen de? la Hauto-Garonoo, a` l'ouccasiou de? la festo d'el 21 Janvie? (estille? buffec), le? 10 Niboso (estille? sancer) al pe? de? l'arbre? de? la libertat (Toulouse, 1794) (B. M. T. Re? serve Dxviii 756, no. 14); [Jean-Philibert d'Auriol], Tableau actuel de la situation publique & triomphante de la Re? publique franc? aise (Toulouse, 1794) (B. M. T. Br. Fa. C. 1491). This last text consists of three "pa-
triotic hymms" sung at the Temple of Reason.
Notes to Pages 184-185
82. Bernard, 324-30, 319-20.
83. J. Loth, quoted in Bernard, 295. Bernard himself comments (294): "The proc-
lamations meant for the people of the countryside have the appearance of a sort of sermon, and their allure is much more familiar in the translation than in the [French] original. "
84. Merle, 345.
85. Boyet et al. , Le texte occitan, 42-161.
86. Mikel Bourrel, Re? flexious curiousos q'appre? nen a estre? couste? ns; [constant} car
tout passo, tout n'e? s que? be? ns, et y a d'annados malhurousos, mais apey be? n le? boun te? ms (Toulouse, 1790). On the carol, see Re? gis Bertrand, "Un pre^tre provenc? aliste en Re? volution, J. J. Tousaint Bonnet," in Agulhon, ed. , La Re? volution ve? cue par la province, 140.
87. On Gre? goire, see Sepinwall, "Regenerating France" (see Ch. 1, n. 91), and Rita Hermon-Belot, L'abbe? Gre? goire: La politique et la ve? rite? (Paris, 2000).
88. Quoted in de Certeau et al. , 21.
89. Reproduced in ibid. , 13.
90. On the visites, see Marc Ve? nard and Dominique Julia, eds. , Re? pertoires des
visites pastorales de la France, 6 vols. (Paris, 1977-85). This comparison is also made by Michel Peronnet in "Re? flexions sur 'une se? rie de questions relatives aux patois et aux moeurs des gens de la campagne,' propose? e par l'abbe? Gre? goire le 13 aou^t 1790," in Lengas, 17 (1985), 79-96.
91. On the friendship, see letters between the men in B.
