No More Learning

Similarly, essential articles of life were des-
troyed, leaving the owners thereof weeping and destitute. Rand
entered any part of the house, even the kitchen or the room where
the family idols were kept. Locks were freely picked to see if any
plague cases were concealed in the closed houses. Armed Indian
Police and European soldiers, with revolvers in their hands, rushed
into the women's apartments. From the unlocked houses, house-
hold effects were sometimes removed, never to be returned. Huts
were burnt down. Some soldiers employed in such parties broke
open the cash boxes and safes of shopkeepers. Others believed that
sewing machines could not in any way be disinfected and must be
burnt. Another party thought it necessary to burn glass chande-
liers, which they found in a house where a case had occurred. The
whole proceedings resembled the sacking of a conquered town by


## p. 738 (#778) ############################################

738
THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT IN INDIA
the enemy. ” (Lokmanya Tilak, p. 137). Such a state of affairs
could not be tolerated by the people and no wonder the plague
policy of the Government was attacked vigorously by the critics of
the Government, particularly Tilak. The resentment was so great
that Mr. Rand and one of his associates were shot dead when they
were returning from the Government House from Bombay after
taking part in the Jubilee Celebrations of Queen Victoria.
Another cause was the revival of Hinduism. Swami Viveka-
nanda attended in 1893 the Parliament of Religions at Chicago
and explained to his audience the greatness of Hindu religion. The
Swami had faith in the spiritual mission of India and it was felt
that the same was not possible without the independence of the
country. Aurobindo Ghosh declared: “Independence is the goal
of life and Hinduism alone will fulfil this aspiration of ours. ” Tilak
was also the product of Hindu revival and, no wonder, he put great
emphasis on the Hindu festivals and the consolidation of the Hindus
for the emancipation of India. The Theosophical Society also
made its contribution in this direction. Sir Valentine Chirol says:
“The advent of the Theosophists headed by Madame Blavatski,
Col. Olkott and Mrs. Besant gave a fresh impetus to the revival
and certainly no Hindu has so much organised and consolidated
the movement as Mrs. Besant, who in her Central Hindu College
at Banaras and her Theosophical Institution at Adyar near Madras
has openly proclaimed the superiority of the whole Hindu system
to the vaunted civilisation of the West. Is it surprising that the
Hindus should turn their heads back upon our civilisation when
a European of highly intellectual power and with an extraordinary
gift of eloquence, comes and tells them that it is they who possess
and have from all times possessed the key to supreme wisdom, that
their gods, their philosophy, their morality, are on a higher plane
of thought than the West has ever reached? "
The exclusion of the intelligentsia of India from all the big jobs
in the country created bitterness. The anti-Indian policy of Lord
Curzon added to the discontentment. The view of Lord Curzon
was that “the highest ranks of civil employment must, as a general
rule, be held by Englishmen. ” He emphasised that it was only the
Englishmen who by their birth and training were fit to rule India,
and not the Indians. According to him, Providence had selected
the Englishmen to rule over India and to give freedom to India
was against the will of God. Such a theory of divine right to rule
could not be palatable to the Indians who were learning to demand
the right to govern themselves. Lord Curzon was a bureaucrat par
excellence and he put the greatest emphasis on efficiency. He had
no sympathy with the aspirations of the people of India. As a


## p. 739 (#779) ############################################

PARTITION OF BENGAL
739
matter of fact, he ignored them altogether. He acted unmindful
of the reactions of the people. He regarded the administration as
a machine and acted only in the interests of the efficiency of the
machine, although the people were adversely affected by the
machine. His reign was full of “missions, omissions and commis-
sions. ” In 1899, he passed the famous Calcutta Corporation Act
which completely officialised the Calcutta Corporation. The total
number of the members of the Calcutta Corporation was reduced
from 75 to 50. The 25 members who were eliminated were those
persons who were the representatives of the people of Calcutta.
The result of this measure was that there was a European majority
in the Corporation. No wonder, the measure was vehemently con-
demned. In 1904 was passed the Indian Universities Act. This
law reduced the size of the Syridicates, Senates and Faculties with
a view to giving prominence to the Europeans. The result of this
law was that the Indian Universities became the most officialised
universities in the world. They were practically left with no auto-
nomy. In 1904 was also passed the famous Official Secrets Act.
The definition of the term "sedition" was widened. The Official
Secrets Acts of 1889 and 1898 related to the disclosure of only mili-
tary secrets. The Act of 1904 covered also the official secrets relat-
ing to the civil affairs and newspaper criticism which were likely
to bring the government into suspicion or contempt.
On 16 October 1905, Lord Curzon partitioned Bengal into two
parts. His real object was to create a Muslim majority province
although he put forward the plea of administrative convenience.
While the Muslims and the Englishmen in India welcomed the
partition, all the nationalist elements in the country opposed it.
Lord Curzon personally went on a tour of Bengal and even address-
ed public meetings with a view to convert the people to accept the
formula of partition. Although he was not convinced of the logic
of opposition, he was satisfied as to the intensity of hatred against
partition. It is rightly pointed out that he came back from his
tour a sadder if not a wiser man.
The partition of Bengal aroused a very strong spirit of resistance.
Under the guidance of leaders like S. N. Banerjee, B. C. Pal, A. K.
Datta and Aurovindo Ghosh, the agitation against partition spread
like wild fire all over Bengal and even outside. Even a moderate
like Gokhale observed thus in 1905: “The tremendous upheaval
of popular feeling which has taken place in Bengal in consequence
of the partition will constitute a landmark in the history of our
national progress. . . . . . A wave of true national consciousness has
swept over the province. . . . . . Bengals heroic stand against the
oppression of a harsh and uncontrolled bureaucracy has astonished


## p. 740 (#780) ############################################

740
THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT IN INDIA
and gratified all India and her sufferings have not been endured in
vain, when they have helped to draw closer all parts of the coun-
try in sympathy and aspiration. ”
The people of Bengal openly defied the Government and adopt-
ed all kinds of measures to put pressure upon the Government to
cancel the partition. Some of those measures were the boycott of
British goods, the use of Swadeshi goods and the spread of National
Education. In its session held in 1906, the Indian National Con-
gress also approved of these measures. Even a resolution was pass-
ed in 1906 that the goal of the Indian National Congress was the
establishment in India of “the system of Government obtaining
in the self-governing British colonies” or Swaraj. The agitation
was carried on with all the vehemence. The partition was inter-
preted by the intelligentsia of Bengal as a subtle attack upon the
growing solidarity of Bengali nationalism. It is rightly said that
the idea of the severance of the oldest and most populous and
wealthy portion of the province and the division of its people into
two arbitrary sections gave profound shock to the Bengali race.
The partition agitation proved that the people would not put up
with injustice and would not take rest until the wrong was undone.
The people learned the lesson of self-reliance. The Swadeshi move-
ment was to do miracles in the long run. To quote A. K. Datta,
“I verily believe that the Swadeshi movement will ultimately usher
in the day when the Indians will be recognised as a nation. . .
the barometer of national feeling, I trust, prognosticates fair
weather in future and the dispersion of clouds of ages by an out-
burst of self-reliant patriotism. "
The agitation was so much persistent that ultimately it was
cancelled in 1911. This action of the Government was welcomed
by all the nationalists in the country. To quote Raja Peary Mohan
Mukerjee, 'The boon which has been conferred upon the people
of Bengal by the reunion of our divided province and by its eleva-
tion to the status of a Presidency Government has stirred the hearts
of our people and has filled them with the deepest of gratitude. ”
Babu Ambica Charan Mazumdar observed: "What repressive laws,
proscriptions, prosecutions and deportations have failed to achieve
in six years, the kindly touch of the royal prerogative has accom-
plished in one minute. ” The view of Mrs. Annie Besant was: “In
closing the gulf between the two Bengals, the monarch has closed
a gulf that yawned between two races and Lord Hardinge has won
for himself a fame which will endure. " The observation of Sir
Mancherjee Bhownaggree was: "The modification of tne partition
scheme is certainly a wise act of statesmanship, and will go far to
assuage the irritation caused by a policy whose object was believed


## p. 741 (#781) ############################################

METHODS OF EXTREMISTS
741
by many to be the creation of disunion among the population of
Bengal. ” It goes without saying that the event of partition of
Bengal is a landmark in the nationalist movement in the country.
It released forces which helped the cause of national consciousness.
The treatment of the Indians in British colonies was another
source of discontentment. Particularly in South Africa, the Indians
were regarded as pariahs. Meaningless restrictions were imposed
on their movements. They could not walk on footpaths, or travel
in first class railway carriages, or travel without passes or go out
after 9 p. m. It was felt tha: the humiliating treatment of the
Indians was due to the slavery of India and the only way to end
that tyranny was the independence of India. Certain international
events also had their repercussions on India. In the Russ-Japanese
War of 1904-5, Japan defeated Russia. This was interpreted as
a symbol of the rise of the East. The Indians could take inspira-
tion from that event. It was felt that if a European nation could
be defeated by an Asiatic power, it was also possible for the Indians
to drive away the Englishmen from their country. A similar infer-
ence was drawn from the defeat of Italy by Abyssinia in the battle
of Adowa in 1896.
The methods of extremists were boycott, Swadeshi and national
education. Boycott was directed primarily against the foreign
goods but it also included the boycott of Government services,
honours and titles. Both boycott and Swadeshi movements had
great success. The Englishman of Calcutta wrote thus: “It is
absolutely true that Calcutta warehouses are full of fabrics that
cannot be sold. Many Marwari firms have been absolutely ruined,
and a number of the biggest European houses have had either to
close down their piece-goods branch, or to put up with a very
small business. In boycott, the enemies of Raj have found a most
effective weapon for injuring British interests in the country. ”
About the methods of the extremists, Lala Lajpat Rai wrote thus:
"We desire to turn our faces away from the Government Houses
and turn them to the huts of the people. We want to stop our
mouth so far as an appeal to the Government is concerned and
open our mouth with a new appeal to the masses of our people.
This is the psychology, this is the ethics, this is the spiritual signi-
ficance of the boycott movement. ” The same writer declared thus:
“An Englishman hates or dislikes nothing like beggary. I think a
beggar deserves to be hated. Therefore, it is our duty to English-
man that we are no longer beggars. ” The same view was expressed
"
by Tilak in these words: “Our motto is self-reliance and not mendi-
Desai points out that “Extremist leaders revive the
memory of the Vedic past of the Hindus, the great phase of the
cancy. ”


## p. 742 (#782) ############################################

742
THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT IN INDIA
reigns of Asoka and Chandragupta, the heroic deeds of Rana Pratap
and Shivaji, the epic patriotism of Laxmi Bai, the queen of Jhansi
and leaders of 1857. ” The worship of Durga, Kali, Bhawani and
other Hindu gods and goddesses was revived and it was believed
that they alone could give inspiration that was necessary for the
emancipation of the country.
B. C. Pal spoke of so organising the forces of the nation as to
"compel the submission to our will of any power that may set itself
against us. ” Again, “If the Government were to come and tell me
today, 'Take Swaraj', I would say "Thank you' for the gift but I
will not have that which I cannot acquire by my own hands. ” Re-
garding the boycott movement, B. C. Pal addressed his audiences
in these words: “You may get a High Court judgeship here, a
membership of the Legislative Council there, possibly an executive
membership of the Council. Do you want a larger number of
Indians in the Civil Service? The whole Civil Service might be
Indian; but the Civil Servants have to carry out orders. The sup-
planting of Europeans by Indian agencies will not make for self-
government in this country. They say, 'Can you boycott all the
Government offices? ' Who ever said we want? What we can do is
this. We can make the Government impossible without entirely
making it impossible for them to find people to serve them. The
administration may be made impossible in a variety of ways.
In his whirlwind tour of the country, Tilak declared that the
Moderates could not deliver the goods and the people should look
up to the Extremists for the liberation of their country. The repeti-
tion of resolutions full of prayers to the Government could not
bring any results. The remedy was not petitions but bcycott. To
quote him, “We are not armed and there is no necessity for arms
either. We have a strong weapon, a political weapon in boycott.
.
The whole of this administration which is carried on by a handful
of Englishmen is carried on with our assistance. We are in sub-
ordinate service. We are clerks and willing instruments of our
own oppression in the hands of an alien Government and the Gov-
ernment is ruling over us not by its innate strength but by keeping
us in ignorance and blindness to the perception of this fact. Every
Englishman knows that they are a mere handful in this country
and it is the business of every one of them to fool you into believing
that you are weak and they are strong. What the New Party
wants you to do is to realise the fact that your future rests entirely
in your hands. "
After the Surat session, Tilak had no rest. Singlehanded, he
started a many-sided struggle and spread the fire of patriotism in
every nook and corner of the Bombay Presidency. He went on


## p. 743 (#783) ############################################

TILAK
743
tours and collected a lot of money for the various national causes.
He asked his audiences to work for Swaraj and get ready for suffer-
ings which alone could bring Swaraj. In one of his meetings, he
declared: “We are at present clamouring for Swaraj and therefore
the Shivaji festival is the most fitting one for us to celebrate. If
Shivaji was able to establish Swarajya two centuries ago, we too
may expect to achieve it some day. Swarajya belongs to us by
birthright. The Moderates can be compared to Shivaji's father
Shahji who always used to advise his son not to take up arms
against the mighty Mohammedan monarchs of the Deccan. But
Shivaji, who can be compared to the Extremists of the present day,
gave a new turn to events. We are masters of our fortunes and
can govern them if we only make up our minds to do so. Swarajya
is not far off from us. It will come to us the moment we learn to
stand on our legs. ” His slogan at the meetings was: “Swarajya is
my birthright; I will have it. ” As was to be expected, the Govern-
ment of India regarded the growth of Extremism with apprehension
and danger. No stone was left unturned to suppress the advocates
of Extremism. They were arrested and imprisoned. Sections
124-A and 153-A were added to the Indian Penal Code to deal with
the situation. By another law, the authorities were authorised to
ban political organisations suspected of subversive tendencies and
to conduct the summary trials of the political offenders. Two laws
were passed in 1908 and 1910 to crush the Indian press. In 1907,
Lord Minto promulgated the Regulation of Meetings Ordinance
which curtailed the right of the people to hold public meetings.
Between the passing of the Indian Councils Act of 1999 and the
starting of the Home Rule Movement by Tilak and Mrs. Annie
Besant, there was not much of bitterness between the Congress on
the one hand and the Government of India on the other. There
were many factors responsible for this change. The Extremists
were out of the political field and the Moderates were incharge of
the Congress. Lord Hardinge followed a sympathetic policy to-
wards the Congress. He expressed his feelings of sympathy for
the national aspirations of the people of India. He wept with
them in the matter of the treatinent of the Indians in Scuth Africa.
It was during his regime that the partition of Bengal was cancelled.
The result was that the Congress adopted a policy of conciliation.
With regard to the visit of George V to India and the holding of
the Delhi Durbar in 1911, Shri Ambika Charan Mazumdar dec-
lared: "Every heart is beating in unison with reverence and devo-
tion to the British Crown, overflowing with revived confidence in
and gratitude towards British statesmanship. Some of us never
faltered—not even in the darkest days of our trials and tribula-


## p. 744 (#784) ############################################

744
THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT IN INDIA
tions—in our hope, in our conviction and in our faith in the ulti-
mate triumph and vindication of British justice. ” We are told
that when the Governor of Madras visited the Pandal of the Con-
gress, the whole House cheered the Governor and a resolution was
passed expressing the loyalty of the Congress to the British throne.
In his speech delivered at Poona in July 1909, Gokhale asked for
loyal cooperation with the British Government in India for two
reasons: "One that, considering the difficulties of the position,
Britain had done very well in India; the other that there was no
alternative to British rule and could be none for a long time. . . .
They could proceed in two directions: first, towards an obliteration
of distinctions, on the ground of race, between individual Indians
and individual Englishmen and secondly, by way of advanced to-
wards the form of government enjoyed in other parts of the
Empire.
The latter is an ideal for which the Indian people have
to qualify themselves, for the whole question turns on character
and capacity and they must realise that their main difficulty lies
with themselves. ” In October of the same year, he addressed
the students at Bombay in these words : "The active participa-
tion of students in political agitation really tends t. ) lower the
dignity and the responsible character of public life and impair its
true effectiveness. ” Tilak was out of Indian politics from 1908
to 1914 on account of his long imprisonment in the Mandlay jail
in Burma. During his absence, the politics of the country was
dull. The Moderates were happy that their opponent was in jail.
However, things changed after the release of Tilak in 1914. Tilak
was not in a mood to precipitate matters. He was willing to have
a compromise with the Moderates. It is true that when
Gokhale started negotiations with Tilak for a compromise, Pheroze-
shah Mehta disapproved of them and the result was that the ne-
gotiations broke down. Pherozeshah Mehta decided to have the
next session of the Congress at Bombay so that he may be able to
maintain his hold over the Congress. Sir Satyendra Sinha who
later on became Lord Sinha, was selected as the President of the
Bombay session but unfortunately Pherozeshah Mehta died a few
weeks before the Congress session. Gokhale also died. On
account of their old age, Dinshaw Wacha and Chondravarkar
were not active. S. N. Banerjee was not in tune with the new
surroundings. Madan Mohan Malaviya was not in a position
to lead the Congress on the Moderate lines.
The speech of Sir Satyendra Sinha, the Congress President at
the Bombay session in 1915, came as a shock to the progressive
elements in India. He is said to have observed thus: “Even if
the English nation were willing to make us an immediate free


## p. 745 (#785) ############################################

HOME RULE MOVEMENT
745
gift of full self-government, I take leave to doubt whether the
boon would be worth having as such, for it is a commonplace of
politics that nations like individuals must grow into Freedom
and nothing is so baneful in political institutions as prematurity;
nor must we forget that India free can never be ancient India res-
tored. ” The right of the Extremists to enter the Congress was
admitted at the Bombay session of the Congress and the constitu-
tion of the Congress was suitably amended. Although Tilak
was not present at the Bombay session, enough of heat was created
by the Home Rule Proposals of Mrs. Annie Besant. Her speeches
and writings in 1915 had given a rude shock to the Mode-
rates. The Bombay session was the announcement of the ascen-
dancy of the politicians of the Extremist School and the decline
of the influence of the Moderates. The citadel of the Moderates
was successfully attacked. The adoption of the resolution
self-government was interpreted as having converted the Con-
gress into an Extremist league. The ground was prepared for
Tilak and his colleagues.
on
HOME RULE MOVEMENT
:
Mrs. . Annie Besant and Tilak started the Home Rule Move-
ment in 1916. There was Jothing original or revolutionary
about this movement. Annie Besant was not the enemy of the
British Empire. She merely wanted to awaken the people of
India out of their slumber. She declared : "I am an Indian
Tom Tom, waking up all the sleepers so that they make wake
and work for their motherland. ” Her plan was “to disentangle
the nationalist Extremists from the compromising alliance with
the revolutionaries, to reconcile them to a position with the
Empire and to bring them with the Moderates into line in the
united Congress. ” She herself wrote thus : "In political reform,
we aim at the building up of complete self-government from vil-
lage councils, through District and Municipal Boards and Pro-
vincial Legislative Assemblies to a National Parliament, equal in
its powers to the Legislative bodies of the Self-Governing Colo-
nies, by whatever name they may be called, also at the direct
representation of India to the Imperial Parliament when that
body shall contain representatives of the self-Governing States of
the Empire. ”
Mrs. Annie Besant made it clear that home rule was the birth-
right of the people of India and they were not prepared to take
it as a reward for their services for the British Empire and their
loyalty to the British Crown. She wrote thus: “India does not


## p. 746 (#786) ############################################

746
THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT IN INDIA
chaffer with the blood of her sons and the proud tears of her
daughters in exchange for so much liberty, so much right. India
claims the right, as a Nation, to justice among the peoples of
the Empire. India asked for this before the War, India asked
for it during the War; India will ask for it after the War, but not
as reward but as a right does she ask for it. "
The Home Rule Movement reached its high watermark in
1917. It was in that year that the Government of India took
strong action against the leaders of the movement. Mrs. Annie
Besant was interned. There was a lot of agitation for her re-
lease. Tilak threatened to start passive resistance. The atmos-
phere of the country was surcharged with enthusiasm. It was at
this time that the Secretary of State for India made in August,
1917 his historic declaration which promised responsible govern-
ment to the people by stages. By slow degrees, the Home Rule
Movement died out. Mrs. Annie Besant was elected the Presi-
dent of the Congress in 1917. The Secretary of State for India
visited this country in 1917. He went on tours of the country
and met the representatives of the people. The joint Report
was published in 1918 and the Government of India Act was
passed in 1919.
TERRORIST AND REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENTS
Terrorism was one of the phases of militant nationalism al-
though it differed radically from the political Extremists repre-
sented by Tilak. The revolutionaries did not believe in the me-
thods of appeal, persuasion and peaceful struggle. They were
convinced that without violence it was impossible to uproot an
imperialism imposed and maintained by brute force. The re-
actionary and repressive policy of the British Government exas-
perated them. They believed in violent action with a view to de-
moralise the administration and its Indian collaborators. They
had no scruples to resort to armed raids and dacoities to help their
movement.
The earliest storm centre of revolutionary nationalism was
Maharashtra and the name of Vasudeo Balwant Phadake stands
foremost in that connection. Shri Vasudeo was born in 1845.
He was profoundly influenced by the ideas of Ranade. He was bitter
against Englishmen who were drawing fat salaries as the expense
of the starving Indians. When famine broke out in Poona in 1876,
the Government, instead of organising relief work, levied heavier
taxes from the people. Vasudeo resigned his government job and
undertook a tour of Maharashtra. He went from place to place


## p. 747 (#787) ############################################

TERRORIST AND REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENTS 747
to organise the people against the Government. He started col-
lecting arms and ammunition to turn out the English from the
country and for that purpose he had no hestitation in plundering
the money-lenders. For some time, he created a reign of terror in
the seven districts of Maharashtra. The Government announced
a reward for his arrest and he was captured by Major Daniel on
July 20, 1879. He was put up for trial, convicted and sentenced
to life imprisonment. His conviction was upheld by the High
Court and he was sent to Aden Jail. In October 1880, he made
an attempt to escape but he was pursued and caught after 17
miles of pursuit. He died in February 1883. He made the fol-
lowing statement at the time of his conviction by the Sessions
Court: “The Indian people are today standing on the threshold of
death. The British bureaucracy and the Government machinery
has so ground down the common masses that have been already
harassed by famines and food scarcities. We, the sons of Bharat,
. , ,
are made the object of intense hatred and contempt. Wherever
you cast your glance, you witness only such sights, hear such
words, as no Hindu or Muslim whose necks have been straight so
long with self-respect can do anything but bend his head in shame.
Death would have been more honourable for us all than this dis-
graceful slavery. Had I but succeeded in my design, I would
have accomplished a great task. It was my ambition to establish
a Republic of free India. I have always preached in my lectures
that our bliss lies in killing the British people. I told my audience
a number of times that if they did not help me in this task, then
the British rulers will destroy them root and branch. Oh citizens
of India! Why should I not suffer like the great sage Dadheechi?
If by my sacrifice and told surrender, I can help your resurrection
from slavery, why should I not make effort? Accept this my last
bow. "
Damodar Chapekar was another hero of the same type.
Although he was essentially a soldier, he took up the profession of
Kirtan as the Brahmins were not eligible for recruitment in the
army. He began to hate British administration in India. On
one occasion, he observed thus: "Mere recalling the mighty deeds
of Shivaji will not deliver the goods. If we want freedom, we
shall have to plunge in action like our idols—Shivaji and Baji Rao.
My young frends! The time has come to sharpen our swords in
order to behead the enemies. Let us take a pledge to fight till
the last breath and die bravely but not without tainting the earth
red with English blood. Be not idle; be not a lifeless burden
on the country. Be up and doing; be a hero in the strife. Is it
not shameful that we call our country Hindustan (the land of


## p. 748 (#788) ############################################

748
THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT IN INDIA
the Hindus) but let it be ruled over by the Englishmen? ” When
Mr. Rand the Plague Commissioner of Poona and Mr. Ayerst
were coming back from the Government House, they were shot
dead by Damodar Chapekar. The result was that he and a few
others were hanged by the Government.
It appears that Mr. Shyamji Krishna Varma was connected
with the murder of Rand but he managed to escape to London.
He was a Sanskrit scholar and he had been the Dewan of Udai-
pur and Junagarh States. He delivered a few lectures at the
Oxford University and he impressed every one by his learning. He
took to business and earned a lot of money. He started a monthly
journal entitled “The Indian Sociologist. ” With the help of Rana,
six lecturerships of Rs. 1,000 each and three travelling scholar-
ships for Rs. 2,000 each were offered to Indian students to go
abroad for training themselves as national missionaries. One of
the students who went to London was V. D. Savarkar.
He was a
youngman when Chapekar was hanged. It is said that on that
occasion, he took the following vow before his family deity: “I
will raise the banner of an armed revolution to achieve the free-
dom of my motherland till I die fighting the enemy. I will spare
no breath in performing this sacred pledge. ” In 1900, he started
an association known as Mitra Mela. Its members were young-
men who were prepared to lay down their lives for the sake
of their country. The name of this association was changed
to Abhinava Bharat in 1904. Every member was required to
take the following pledge: “In the sacred name of Chatrapati
Shivaji, in the name of my sacred religion, for the sake of my
beloved country, invoking my fore-fathers, I swear that my nation
will be prosperous only after freedom, full freedom is achieved.
Convinced of this, I dedicate all my health, wealth and talents
for the freedom of my country and for her total uplift. I will
work hard to my utmost capacity till my breath. I will not
spare myself or slacken in this mission. I will never disclose any-
thing about the organisation. "
Savarkar was very much loved by Shyamji Krishna Varma.
A new life was put into the residents of India House by him. By
the end of 1906, he completed his book entitled “Joseph Mazzini-
Biography and Politics'. He also wrote a book on the rising of
1857 in India and gave it the name of Indian War of Indepen-
dence.
Savarkar sent a parcel containing 20 Browning Automatic Pis-
tols with ammunition to Bombay concealed in the false bottom of
a box forming part of the luggage of one Chaturbhuj Amin who
was working as a cook in the India House. The pistols were to


## p. 749 (#789) ############################################

TERRORIST AND REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENTS 749
men.
be used by the members of Abinava Bharat which was working
under the direction of Ganesh Savarkar, the brother of V. D. Savar-
kar. Before the parcel reached India, Ganesh Savarkar had already
been arrested on the charge of waging war against the Government
and sentenced to transportation for life. The members of Abhinava
Bharat decided to murder Jackson, District Magistrate of Nasik,
as he had convicted Ganesh Savarkar. Jackson actually was shot
dead on December 21, 1909. Anant Laxman Kanhere was arrest-
ed and put up for trial. In his statement, Kanhere declared: “I
have performed my part.
Ganesh Damodar Savarkar is being
sentenced to transportation for life in your administration whereas
your Executive Engineer Mr. Williams who caused the death of
an Indian cartman, is being rewarded with life. It is for this that
I have killed Jackson. I have no desire to run away. " The details
of the Nasik Conspiracy were divulged by one Ganu Vaidya who
was a member of the Nasik branch of Abhinava Bharat. Acting on
the information supplied by him, the Police rounded up 37 young-
Three of them were hanged and the others were sentenced
to varying terms of imprisonment.
It is stated that Mr. Jackson arrested Ganesh Savarkar on the
instigation of Sir Curzon Willie who had laid a ring of spies around
the India House to watch the activities of the Indian students. He
also dictated the British policies concerning India. At the instiga-
tion of V. D. Savarkar, Sir Curzon Willie was shot dead on July 1,
1909, by one Madan Lal Dhingra. When he was arrested, a chit
was recovered from his pocket and it read as follows: "I attempted
to shed English blood intentionally and with purpose as a humble
protest against the inhuman transportation and hanging of Indian
youth. ” At the time of his trial, he made the following statement:
“I admit the other day I attempted to shed English blood as an
humble revenge for the inhuman happenings and deportations of
the Indian patriotic youths. And in this I have consulted with
none but my own conscience. I have conspired with none but with
my own duty. I believe that a nation held in bondage with the
help of bayonets, is in a state of perpetual war and since the guns
are denied to me, I drew forth my pistol and attacked by surprise.
What could a son poor in wealth and intellect like me offer to the
Mother except my own blood! My only prayer to God is that I
may again return to the same Mother and die in the same cause
till the Mother is freed for the service of humanity ard glory of
God. Vande Mataram. ” Madan Lal was sentenced to death and
hanged on August 16, 1909. On November 9, 1909, an attempt
was made to blow up the carriage in which Lord and Lady Minto
were driving through the city of Ahmedabad. Two cocoanut


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750
THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT IN INDIA
bombs were thrown but they did not explode in time.
When all this was happening, V. D. Savarkar was in Paris and
he decided to go back to London to resume his work. Shyamji
Krishna Varma and Lala Hardayal and Madame Cama tried to
dissuade him from taking the risk but he refused to accept their
advice and went to London. As soon as he reached London, he
was arrested on March 13, 1910. Apprehending his death to be
near, Savarkar wrote the following letter to his brother's wife:
“We had taken a solemn pledge to free our country from political
slavery. We are proud to lay down our lives one by one to attain
our goal. It is a great day from the day of the fruition of all
my aspirations. I am extremely glad that I have done my bit to
free my mother from the shackles of bondage. Oh my Mother-
land! I have already offered at your feet my youth, my pleasures,
my sweet home, my purse and my brother and sister. Here am I
ready to offer my body. Thanked be they who have dedicated
their lives to the service of the nation. Dear sister-in-law, enter-
tain such thoughts and hold on to your pledge and add lustre to
the fair name of the family. ” The view of the Government of
India was that V. D. Savarkar had a hand in the Nasik Conspiracy
and consequently orders were passed for his removal to India.
He tried to escape when his ship was near the Port of Marseilles.
He jumped into the sea and successfully reached the shore but
was illegally caught by British officers on the French soil. On
reaching India, he was put up for trial. He was convicted and
sentenced to 50 years' imprisonment and transportation on March
22, 1911. He was sent to the Andamans at the age of 28 It is
stated that when the Jailor came to know that he was put in Jail
for 50 years, he exclaimed: "Oh God! Fifty years. ” The reply of
Savarkar was “why worry! fifty years. Is the British ruie going to
survive these fifty years? " In 1924, Savarkar was brought to India
along with his brother Ganesh. He was released in 1937 when the
Congress Ministry came to power.
Sardar Singh Rana was closely associated with the editing of
the papers like the Vande Mataram, Indian Freedom and Talwar.
He gave money when Hem Chandra was sent to Russia by the
revolutionaries to learn the technique of making the bomb.