No More Learning

On 11 June, 1947, Sir C. P. Ramaswami Aiyar declared that
the State of Travancore had decided to become an independent
sovereign State. On 12 June, 1947, a similar announcement was
made by the Nizam of Hyderabad. On 15 June, 1947, the All-
India Congress Committee laid down its policy towards the Indian
States. The Princes who had not joined the Indian Constituent
Assembly were invited to do the same and “co-operate in the build-
ing of the constitutional structure of free India in which the States
will be equal and autonomous sharers with other units of the Feder-
ation. ” The Congress also urged the States to hasten progress
towards responsible Government “so as to keep in line with the fast
changing situation in India and at the same time to produce content-
ment and self-reliance in their people”. The Congress rejected
the claim of the Princes to become independent. It claimed for
the people of the States the dominant voice in decisions concerning
them. The Congress Resolution declared that the All-India Con-
gress Committee did not admit the right of any State in India to
declare its independence and to live in isolation from the rest of
India. That would be a denial of the course of Indian history and
of the objectives of the Indian people today. Jawaharlal Nehru
also declared that the claim of the States to independence could not
be sustained as independence did not depend on a mere declar-
ation by a State but rested fundamentally on recognition by other
States. The lapse of paramountcy of the British Crown did not
make the Indian States independent. To quote him, “I should like


## p. 915 (#959) ############################################

INDIAN STATES AFTER JUNE 3 PLAN
915
to say and other countries to know that we shall not recognise the
independence of any State in India, further that any recognition of
any such independence by any Foreign Power will be considered
an unfriendly act. ”
The Indian Independence Act, 1947 was passed by the British
Parliament and it provided that "the suzerainty of His Majesty
over the Indian States lapsed with all its treaties and agreements in
force on that date”. The result was that the Indian States became
completely independent and the Governments of India and Pakistan
were not to inherit the rights and authority of the former Govern-
ment of India over the Indian States. The Act did not attempt a
solution of the problem of the Indian States but left the same to
be tackled by the new Dominions themselves. It appears that the
authors of the Act did not contemplate that the Indian States would
become independent States and thereby disrupt the unity of India.
Sir Hartley W. Shawcross, Attorney-General of England, observ-
ed thus in the British Parliament: "We do not propose to recognise
the States as separate international entities on August 15”.
The Congress was able to tackle the problem of the Indian States
successfully and the credit for that goes to Sardar Patel, Lord
Mountbatten and Mr. V. P. Menon. On the suggestion of Sardar
Patel, the States Ministry was set up and he himself became its
head. An Instrument of Accession was drawn up which was ac-
ceptable to the Princes. They were required to hand over to the
Indian Union only the subjects of defence, foreign relations and
communications. In other matters, their autonomy was to
be
scrupulously respected. Sardar Patel made it clear to the Princes
that it was not the desire of the Congress “to interfere in any
manner in the domestic affairs of the States. " He also appealed
to the patriotism of the Indian Princes thus: “We are at a moment-
ous stage in the history of India. By common endeavour we can
raise the country to a new greatness while lack of unity will expose
us to fresh calamities. I hope the Indian States will bear in mind
that the alternative to co-operation in the general interest is anarchy
and chaos which will overwhelm great and small alike in common
ruin if we are unable to act together in the minimum of common
tasks. Let not the future generations curse us for having had the
opportunity but failed to turn it to our mutual advantage. In-
stead, let it to be our proud privilege to leave a legacy of mutually
beneficial relationship which would raise this Sacred Land to its
proper place among the nations of the world and turn it into an
abode of peace and prosperity. ” Addressing the Chamber of Princes
on 25 July, 1947, Lord Mountbatten also endorsed the appeal of
Sardar Patel and advised the Indian States to accede to one or the


## p. 916 (#960) ############################################

916
THE INDIAN STATES SINCE 1919
other of the Dominions before 15 August, 1947. He pointed out
that if nothing was put in the place of co-ordinated administration
that had grown up under the British rule, only chaos would result
and that was bound to hurt the States most. No State could live
in isolation. The subjects which were proposed to be vested in the
Federation were the subjects which the States could not handle
themselves. The States had not administered their external re-
lations or their defence and were not in a position to handle them
in the future. Communications were a means of maintaining the
life-blood of the whole sub-continent. The three subjects were such
which could be left to be handled on their behalf “for their conven-
ience and advantage by a larger organisation. ” Lord Mountbatten
also stressed the factors that were to be taken into consideration by
the States while acceding to any Dominion. “There are certain
geographical compulsions which cannot be evaded. ” “The vast
majority of States were irretrievably linked up with India. ” He
concluded his address thus: “I am not asking any State to make in-
tolerable sacrifice of either its internal autonomy or independence.
My scheme leaves you with all the practical independence that you
can possibly use and make you free of all those subjects which you
cannot possibly manage of your own. You cannot run away from
the Dominion Government which is your neighbour any more than
you can run away from the subjects for whose welfare you
responsible. ”
The net result of all the efforts was that by 15 August 1947, with
the exception of Junagadh, Hyderabad and Kashmir, as many as
136 salute and fully jurisdictional States acceded to the Indian
Union. On 15 August, Lord Mountbaten paid the following tri-
bute to Sardar Patel: “Thanks to that far-sighted statesman, Sardar
Vallabhabhai Patel, Minister-in-charge of the States Department, a
scheme was produced which appeared to me to be equally in the
interests of the States as of the Dominion of India. It is a great
triumph for the realism and sense of responsibility of the rulers
and the Governments of the States as well as for the Government
of India that it was possible to produce an Instrument of Acces-
sion, which was equally acceptable to both sides, and one more-
over so simple and straightforward that within less than 3 weeks,
practically all the States concerned had signed the Instrument of
Accession. "
are
JUNAGADH
Junagadh was an important state in the group of the Kathiawar


## p. 917 (#961) ############################################

STATE OF JUNAGADH
917
states. It was bounded by other Indian states except the South
and South-west where the Arabian Sea lies. This state had no
geographical contiguity with Pakistan. The distance between Port
Veraval of Junagadh and Karachi is about 300 miles. The area
of the state was 3,337 square miles and its population according to
the census of 1941 was 6,70,719. More than 80% of the people
were Hindus. There were many islands of the Junagadh state in
the states of Gondal, Bhavnagar and Navanagar. Parts of the
states which had acceded to India were interspersed with Junagadh
territory and access to them was possible only through Junagadh.
The railways and posts and telegraphs of the state were an integral
part of the Indian system. The railway police, telegraphs and
telephones were administerd by the Government of India. The
Nawab of the state lived a life of luxury and his chief pre-occupation
in life was dogs of which he had hundreds.
There was speculation that Junagadh was going to join Pakistan
and the Nawab took pains to contradict it. The following press
nute was issued by the Government of Junagadh on 11 April 1947:
“What Junagadh pre-eminently stands for is the solidarity of
Kathiawar and would welcome the formation of a self-contained
group of Kathiawar States. Such a group while providing for the
autonomy and entity of individual States and their subjects would
be a suitable basis for co-operation in matters of common concern
generally and co-ordination where necessary. ”
A similar repudi-
ation was issued on 22 April, 1947.
Sir Shah Nawaz Bhutto, a Muslim League politician of Karachi,
was appointed a member of the State Council of Ministers of
Junagadh. In May 1947, he was appointed the Dewan of the
state. The Nawab of Junagadh came under the influence of the
Muslim League.
The Government of India sent an Instrument of Accession to
the Nawab of Junagadh for his signatures. On 13 August, 1947,
Sir Shah Nawaz sent the reply that the matter was under consider-
ation. In spite of it, the Government of Junagadh issued the
following communique on 15 August, 1947, announcing her acces-
sion to Pakistan: “The Government of Junagadh has during the
"
past few weeks been faced with the problem of making its choice
between accession to the Dominion of India and accession to the
Dominion of Pakistan. It has had to take into very careful con-
sideration every aspect of this problem. Its main pre-occupation
has been to adopt a course that would, in the long run, make the
largest contribution towards the permanent welfare and prosperity
of the people of Junagadh and help to preserve the integrity of the
State and to safeguard its independence and autonomy over the


## p. 918 (#962) ############################################

918
THE INDIAN STATES SINCE 1919
largest possible field. After anxious consideration and the careful
balancing of all factors the Government of the State has decided to
accede to Pakistan and hereby announces its decision to that effect.
The State is confident that its decision will be welcomed by all loyal
subjects of the State who have its real welfare and prosperity at
heart. ”
The Government of Junagadh did not communicate to the Gov-
ernment of India the fact of its accession to Pakistan. There was a
lot of correspondence between the Governments of India and Pakis-
tan about Junagadh and ultimately on 13 September, 1947, the
Government of Pakistan informed the Government of India that she
had accepted the accession of Junagadh to Pakistan and also signed
a Standstill Agreement. There is no doubt about the fact that
there were prolonged secret negotiations between the Nawab and
the Dewan on the one hand and the Government of Pakistan and
Mr. M. A. Jinnah on the other. When the Nawab and the Dewan
ran away from the state, many letters fell into the hands of the
Government of India and in one of those letters, it was stated that
Sir Shah Nawaz Bhutto had written to Mr. Jinnah about the in-
terview he granted him on 16 July, 1947 in which Mr. Jinnah had
advised the Nawab to keep out under any circumstances until 15
August. There was also a reference to the assurances of Mr.
Jinnah that he would not allow Junagadh to starve as “Veraval is
not far from Karachi. ” There was also the following passage in
one of those letters: “Junagadh stands all alone surrounded by
Hindu rulers' territories and British Indian Congress provinces.
We are of course connected by sea with Pakistan. If geographical
position by land was fairly considered, Kutch, Jamnagar and other
territories adjoining Junagadh geographically should be considered
connected with Pakistan as they once in the past actually formed
part of Sind. Though the Muslim population of Junagadh is
nearly 20% and non-Muslims form 80 per cent, 7 lakh Muslims
of Kathiawar survived because of Junagadh. I consider that no
sacrifice is too great to preserve the prestige, honour and rule of
His Highness and to protect Islam and the Muslims of Kathiawar. "
The accession of Junagadh to Pakistan was condemned by the
rulers of the other states of Kathiawar. Jam Saheb of Nawanagar
and the rulers of Bhavnagar, Dhrangadhra, Morvi, Porbandar,
Gondal and Wankaner sent their protests. The reply of the Nawab
was in these words: “The Indian Independence Act did not and
does not require a ruler to consult his people before deciding on
accession. I think we are making an unnecessary fetish of the argu-
ment of geographical contiguity. Even then, this is sufficiently


## p. 919 (#963) ############################################

STATE OF JUNAGADH
919
provided by Junagadh's sea coast with several ports which can keep
connection with Pakistan. "
The Jam Saheb of Nawanagar told the Government of India
that if the latter did not take immediate and effective steps to
protect the other Kathiawar states, the people would lose all faith
in the Government of India. There were also rumours that
Pakistan had offered to give military assistance to Junagadh. On
17 September, 1947, the Government of India decided to disperse
around Junagadh troops of the acceding states. However, there
were strict orders that the State of Junagadh was not to be occupied.
On 24 September 1947, the Government of India decided that a
brigade should be suitably dispersed in Kathiawar to protect the
states which had acceded to the Indian Union. It was also de-
cided to send troops to the states of Mangrol and Babariawad. On
September 25, 1947, the Prime Minister of Pakistan sent a tele-
gram to the Government of India in which it was asserted that the
Nawab of Junagadh had every right to accede to Pakistan regard-
less of the territorial location of his state.
The situation in Junagadh was deteriorating day by day. More
than a lac of Hindus ran away from the state of Junagadh. Law
and order in the whole of Kathiawar practically collapsed. It was
at this stage that the Congress leaders of Kathiawar announced in
Bombay on 25 September, 1947, the establishment of a provisional
Government (Arzi Hakumat) of Junagadh. The provisional Gov-
ernment consisted of 6 members with Samaldas Gandhi as Presi-
dent "with all power, authority and jurisdiction heretofore vested
in and exercised by the Nawab of Junagadh prior to 15 September
1947. ” When Samaldas Gandhi and his colleague journeyed from
Bombay to Rajkot, they were greeted by large crowds at the way-
side railway stations. They set up their headquarters at Rajkot
and enrolled a large number of volunteers. Junagadh troops entered
the State of Mangrol which had acceded to the Dominion of India.
It was then decided to send Indian troops to occupy the State of
Mangrol. It was found that the Khan of Manavadar was arrest-
ing local leaders and harassing the people. In order to prevent a
flare up in the state, that state was also taken over on 22 October,
1947.
When the Nawab of Junagadh found that help from Pakistan
was not enough to keep him on the throne, he ran away from the
state towards the end of October, 1947. He took with him to
Karachi not only the members of his family but also all his jewellery
and all the available cash in the state treasury. Although the
Nawab ran away, Sir Shah Nawaz continued as Dewan of the state
of Junagadh. On 27 October, 1947, Sir Shah Nawaz wrote the


## p. 920 (#964) ############################################

920
THE INDIAN STATES SINCE 1919
following letter to Mr. Jinnah: “Our principal sources of revenue,
railways and customs, have gone to the bottom. Food situation is
terribly embarrassing though Pakistan has come to our rescue with
a generous allotment of foodgrains. There has been a harsh treat-
ment of Muslims travelling on Kathiawar railway lines who have
been subjected to several kinds of hardships and humiliations.
Added to this, His Highness and the royal family have had to leave
because our secret service gave us information in advance of seri-
ous consequences to their presence and safety. Though immedi-
ately after accession, His Highness and myself received hundreds of
messages chiefly from Muslims congratulating us on the decision,
today our brethren are indifferent and cold. Muslims of Kathia-
war seem to have lost all enthusiasm for Pakistan. ” Again, “No
doubt Your Excellency's Government offered us seven companies
of Crown Police but we felt that if they were to come and be con-
fronted by the vast enemy forces arrayed against us it would be
sheer wastage of human material and equipment. The situation
has therefore so worsened that responsible Muslims and others have
come to press me to seek a solution of the impasse. I do not wish
to say much more. My Senior Member of Council, Capt. Harvey
Jones, must have apprised you of the serious state of things. The
question is delicate but I feel it must be settled honourably to the
satisfaction of all. It is impossible for me to court any further
bloodshed, hardship and persecution of loyal people. Myself I
do not mind what suffering is imposed on me but I do not wish to
take the responsibility any further if it can be avoided for thousands
of His Highness' subjects. I should therefore suggest that you
immediately arrange for a conference of the representatives of the
two Dominions to decide the Junagadh issue. ”
Finding his position precarious, Sir Shah Nawaz opened negotia-
tions with Samaldas Gandhi on 7 November, 1947 through Cap-
tain Harvey Jones, Senior Member of the Junagadh State Council,
requesting Samaldas Gandhi to take over the reins of Government
and restore law and order in the State. However, the Muslims of
Junagadh prevailed upon Shah Nawaz to hand over the Govern-
ment not to Samaldas Gandhi but to Mr. Buch who at that time
was the Regional Commissioner, Western India and Gujarat States.
It was under these circumstances that Mr. Buch took over the
administration of Junagadhon 9 November, 1947. Sir Shah
Nawaz had already left for Karachi a day earlier.
As soon as normal conditions were restored, the Government of
India arranged a referendum of the people of Junagadh with regard
to the question of accession. Shri C. B. Nagarkar, I. C. S. , super-
vised the referendum which took place on 20 February, 1948. Out


## p. 921 (#965) ############################################

STATE OF HYDERABAD
921
of a total of 2,01,457 registered voters, 1,90,870 exercised their right
of vote. Only 91 voters voted for accession to Pakistan. A refe-
rendum was also held in the States of Mangrol, Manavadar, Baba-
riawad, Bantwa, and Sardargarh. Out of 31,434 votes cast for all
these states, only 39 voted for accession to Pakistan. It was in this
way that the problem of Junagadh was solved.
HYDERABAD
Geographically, Hyderabad occupied a pivotal position in the
heart of India. This State was surrounded by the Central Provin-
ces in the North, Bombay in the West and Madras on the East and
South. Its population was nearly 60 million and the annual reve-
nue was Rs. 26 crores. Its area was more than 82,000 sq. miles.
It had its own coinage, paper currency and stamps. Although the
Hindus formed more than 85% of the total population of Hyder-
abad, their representation in the Civil Services and the army was
practically nil and the Government machinery was a monopoly of
the Muslims. ' Although it was a very important State, it was not
given any privileged position by the British Government. The lat-
ter asserted its right to intervene in its affairs whenever it consider-
ed to be necessary. After the announcement of 3rd June, 1947
plan by the British Government, the Nizam of Hyderabad issued a
firman declaring his intention not to send his representatives to the
Constituent Assembly of either India or Pakistan. He made it
clear that after 15 August, 1947, he would be a completely inde-
pendent sovereign ruler. The intention of the Nizam was to make
Hyderabad a Dominion of the Commonwealth of Nations.
On July 11, 1947, the Nizam sent a delegation to Delhi to meet
Lord Mountbatten. One of the members of the delegation was
Sir Valter Monckton. The discussions centred round three points:
the retrocession of Berar to the Nizam, the grant of Dominion
Status to Hyderabad and the accession of the State of Hyderabad
to the Indian Union. The delegation was told that it was not pos-
sible to hand over Berar to the Nizam. The delegation was also
told that it was not possible to grant Dominion Status to Hyder-
abad. The members of the delegation went to the extent of saying
that if the Nizam was pressed hard, he might join Pakistan. The
delegation was told that the Government would not enter into a
Stand-still agreement without the State of Hyderabad acceding to
India. The Nizam asked for two months to consider his position
and that time was allowed to him. Lord Mountbatten was hope-
ful that ultimately Hyderabad would accede to India.
On 8 August, 1947, the Nizam wrote to Lord Mountbatten that


## p. 922 (#966) ############################################

922
THE INDIAN STATES SINCE 1919
he could not think of bringing Hyderabad into an organic Union
with either India or Pakistan. He was, however, prepared to enter into
a treaty with India which would conform to all-India standards so
far as railway communications were concerned. Hyderabad would
also contribute an agreed number of troops for the defence of
India. He was prepared to conduct the foreign policy of his State
in general conformity with the foreign policy of India. All this
was to be done on the condition that in the event of a war between
India and Pakistan, Hyderabad would remain neutral. Hyder-
abad was also to have the right to appoint Agents-General wher-
ever it thought fit. There was also to be a provision in the treaty
that if India seceded from the British Commonwealth, Hyderabad
was free to review the situation de novo. Sir Walter Monckton
resigned as Constitutional Adviser to the Nizam as there was a vio-
lent attack upon him in the Hyderabad press but he was persuaded
to continue by Lord Mountbatten.
The suggestion of Sir Walter Monckton was that the Nizam
could be persuaded to enter into a treaty provided the term “Instru-
ment of Accession” was substituted by the term “Articles of Asso-
ciation. ” However, this was not acceptable to Sardar Patel who
insisted on the Nizam acceding to the Dominion of India. His
view was that if the Nizam was given a special treatment, that
would be mis-interpreted by the rulers of the Indian States who had
already acceded to the Dominion of India. The view of Sardar
Patel was that the Nizam must refer the question of accession to
the people of his State and act according to their decision. Lord
Mountbatten offered to the Nizam to have the referendum under
the supervision of British Officers. However, that offer was reject-
ed by the Nizam. On 18 September, 1947, the Nizam wrote that
short of accession, Hyderabad was ready and willing to enter into
a treaty of association with India. At the same time, the Nizam
contacted Mr. M. A. Jinnah with a view to secure the services of
Sir Zafrullah Khan as the President of his Executive Council.
However, he was not successful in that. The Nizam pointed out
to the Government of India that if Hyderabad acceded to the
Dominion of India, the Muslims who formed about half the popula-
tion of Hyderabad city would not tolerate it and they would create
such a trouble as would not be possible to control. Sir Walter
Monckton wrote to Lord Mountbatten that the attitude of the
Nizam had stiffened and he was not prepared to reconsider the
question of accession. He would prefer the negotiations to break
down rather than accept accession. That was due to the influence
of Pakistan on the Nizam and the latter wanted him to go to
Karachi to have an interview with Mr. Jinnah.


## p. 923 (#967) ############################################

STATE OF HYDERABAD
923
There were protracted negotiations in which Sir Walter Monck-
ton and Sir Sultan Ahmed, besides others, participated. Ultimate-
ly, drafts were prepared which were acceptable to the Government
of India and the delegation sent by the Nizam. Those drafts were
taken by the delegation to Hyderabad on 22 October, 1947, for the
approval of the Nizam with the promise that they would come
back on 26 October, 1947. The Nizam referred the matter to his
Executive Council for advice and the Executive Council advised
the Nizam to accept those drafts. The Nizam approved the deci-
sion of the Executive Council but postponed the signing of the
agreement till 26 October, 1947. At about 3 o'clock in the morn-
ing of 26 October, 1947, a crowd estimated at about 25,000 to
30,000 surrounded the houses of Sir Walter Monckton, Nawab of
Chhattari and Sir Sultan Ahmed. They shouted that the delega-
tion would not go to Delhi. The result was that the Nizam order-
ed that the delegation should not go to Delhi. The advice of
Qasim Razvi to the Nizam was that as the hands of the Indian
Union were full with other problems, they would not be able to
take action against Hyderabad and the Nizam could afford not to
accede to the Indian Union. Although Sir Walter Monckton, Sir
Sultan Ahmed and the Nawab of Chhattari suggested to the Nizam
that the advice of Qasim Razvi was likely to lead to disaster, the
Nizam was inclined to listen to Qasim Razvi and hence all of
them tendered their resignations. The Nizam sent a letter to Lord
Mountbatten in which he said that if negotiations with the Govern-
ment of India broke down, he would immediately negotiate and
conclude an agreement with Pakistan. As a matter of fact, the
Nizam had already sent two persons to Karachi and they had come
back with a reply from Pakistan. Lord Mountbatten was very
unhappy about the change in the attitude of the Nizam. He did
not like the replacement of the old delegation by a new one. He
told the members of the new delegation that it was not wise on
the part of the Nizam to threaten to conclude a Stand-still Agree-
ment with Pakistan if he failed to sign one with India. He ex-
pressed the view that the time had come for the Nizam to take a
final decision one way or the other. India would be put to some
inconvenience if no Stand-still Agreement was signed but that would
ultimately prove to be disastrous for the Nizam. Lord Mount-
batten tried to remove the impression that India was weak and
hence could not give full attention to the problem of Hyderabad.
Kasim Razvi also visited Delhi and met Sardar Patel. In his
interviews, he declared that Hyderabad would never surrender
her independence and if the Government of India insisted on a
plebiscite, the sword would be the final arbiter.
a


## p. 924 (#968) ############################################

924
THE INDIAN STATES SINCE 1919
In spite of the difficulties in the way, a Stand-still Agreement
was signed between the Government of India and the Nizam on
29 November, 1947. It was provided that until new arrangements
were made, all the agreements and administrative arrangements
on matters of common concern, including defence, external affairs
and communications which had existed between the Crown Repre-
sentative and the Nizam before the transfer of power, would be
continued as between the Government of India and the Nizam.
The Government of India and the Nizam also agreed to appoint
their agents in Hyderabad and Delhi respectively and give them
every facility for the discharge of their functions. The Govern-
ment of India was not to exercise any paramountcy function in
their relations with Hyderabad. Nothing in the Agreement was
to create, in favour of either party, any right continuing after its
termination, or derogate from any right which, but for the Agree-
ment, would have been exercisable by either party after the date
of its termination. Any dispute arising out of the Agreement was
to be referred to two arbitrators, one to be appointed by each of
the parties and an umpire to be selected by those arbitrators. The
Agreement was to come into force immediately and was to remain
in force for a period of one year.
The Stand-still Agreement was taken in different lights. Lord
Mountbatten hoped that the Agreement would provide a basis for
a satisfactory long term solution. He hoped that before the Stand-
still Agreement expired, it would be possible for Hyderabad to
accede to India. The view of Jawaharlal Nehru was that the
Agreement would purchase communal peace in the south for at
least one year. Sardar Patel was doubtful about the bona fides of
the Government of Hyderabad. The Nizam and his advisers took
the Agreement as something which gave them breathing space in
which they were to secure the withdrawal of the Indian troops from
Hyderabad and ultimately become independent.
Shri K. M. Munshi was appointed as India's Agent-General in
Hyderabad. Unfortunately, the attitude of the Nizam Govern-
ment towards him was positively hostile from the very beginning.
He was not given even a building for his residence or office. Ulti-
mately, two of the buildings belonging to the Indian army were
put at his disposal.
The Nizam began to press for the speedy withdrawal of the
Indian troops and the supply of arms and ammunitions for the
Hyderabad army and police. The Nizam also issued two Ordi-
nances by which he put restrictions on the export of all precious
metals from Hyderabad to India and also made Indian currency
as not legal tender in the Hyderabad State. The Government of


## p. 925 (#969) ############################################

STATE OF HYDERABAD
925
SO
Hyderabad also advanced a loan of Rs. 20 crores to Pakistan in the
form of Government of India's Securities. The Government of
India protested against these developments but nothing was done to
remove the objection. At this time, the activities of the Razakars
increased tremendously. Kasim Razvi and his followers made all
kinds of objectionable speeches with the object of inflaming com-
munal passions inside and outside of Hyderabad. Razvi declared
that the Razakars were the liberators of the Muslims of India. The
Razakars began to attack the neighbouring provinces like Madras,
Bombay, and the Central Provinces. The situation became
serious that the common saying was that the Razakars ruled by
day and the Communists ruled by night. The Government of
Madras asked for military help to save its people from the raids
of Razakars. This state of affairs continued for many months.
Shri K. M. Munshi was practically a prisoner in his house in
Hyderabad. El Edroos, the Commander-in-Chief for the Hydera-
bad forces, called upon the people in a radio talk to be ready for
any emergency. In his speech delivered on 31 March, 1948 on the
occasion of the inauguration of the Hyderabad Weapons Week,
Kasim Razvi urged the Muslims of Hyderabad not to sheathe their
swords until their objective for Islamic supremacy was achieved.
He asked them to march forward with the Koran in one hand and
the swor in the er to hound out the enemy.
He also declared
that "the forty-five million Muslims in the Indian Union would be
columnists in
any
showdown. ” On 12 April, 1948,
Kasim Razvi declared, “The day is not far off when the waves of
the Bay of Bengal will be washing the feet of our Sovereign. " He
went to the extent of saying that he would plant the Asaf Jahi Flag
on the Red Fort in Delhi. When Laik Ali, the new Prime Minister
of Hyderabad, met Sardar Patel, the latter referred to the speech
of Kasim Razvi and asserted that such things could not be tolerated.
To quote Sardar Patel, “You know as well as I do where power
resides and with whom the fate of the negotiations must finally lie
in Hyderabad. The gentleman (Kasim Razvi) who seems to
dominate Hyderabad has given his answer. He has categorically
stated that if the Indian Dominion comes to Hyderabad it will find
nothing but the bones and ashes of one and a half crores of Hindus.
If that is the position, then it seriously undermines the whole future
of the Nizam and his dynasty. I am speaking to you plainly be-
cause I do not want you to be under any misapprehension. The
Hyderabad problem will have to be settled as has been done in the
case of other States. No other way is possible.
No other way is possible. We cannot agree
to the continuance of an isolated spot which would destroy the
very Union which we have built up with our blood and toil. At
our fifth


## p. 926 (#970) ############################################

926
THE INDIAN STATES SINCE 1919
the same time, we do wish to maintain friendly relations and to seek
a friendly solution. That does not mean that we shall ever agree to
Hyderabad's independence. If its demand to maintain an inde-
pendent status is persisted in, it is bound to fail. ”
The view of Lord Mountbatten was that if he could persuade the
Nizam to visit Delhi, it would be possible to bring him round and
with that object in view, he sent him an invitation to visit Delhi.
However, that invitation was refused by the Nizam. Lord Mount-
batten sent his Press Attache to Hyderabad to meet the Nizam,
study the situation and make a report to him. The report sub-
mitted by the Press Attache was that the Nizam was the keyman
in the situation and nothing was being done without his approval.
He also reported that the Nizam was in a mood of aggressive
fatalism.
The situation on the border began to worsen. On the evening
of 22 May, 1948, the mail train from Madras to Bombay was
attacked at Gangapur Station inside the Hyderabad State. The
attack was made by a party of men equipped with daggers, hockey
sticks and lathis. The Government of India took a very serious
view of the matter.
Lord Mountbatten made very serious efforts to settle the matter
before his departure in June, 1948. He put personal pressure on
Sardar Patel to agree to the four changes suggested by the Hydera-
bad delegation. In spite of that, the Nizam put forward other
demands which were not acceptable to the Government of India
and the result was that in spite of his best efforts, Lord Mountbatten
left India on 21 June, 1948 without solving the Hyderabad problem.
After the departure of Lord Mountbatten, the relations between
India and Hyderabad began to worsen. Charges of border raids
and breaches of the Stand-still Agreement were made on both sides.
Sidney Cotton, an Australian, was employed by the Hyderabad
Government to smuggle arms and ammunitions into Hyderabad.
The Government of Pakistan began to cash a portion of the Rs. 20
crores of the Government of India Securities which the Govern-
ment of Hyderabad had offered to the Government of Pakistan as
a loan. There was a reign of terror. People were being killed and
their eyes were being taken out. Women were being raped and
houses were being burnt down in large numbers. The situation
was becoming intolerable. Both the press and the public opinion
in India accused the Government of India of inaction in the face
of repeated violations of Indian territory. The stories brought by
the evacuees from Hyderabad made the people indignant. Attacks
on the through trains created panic. It was under these circum-
stances that the Government of India decided to take action.


## p. 927 (#971) ############################################

STATE OF JAMMU AND KASHMIR
927
In the early hours of 13 September, 1948, Indian forces com-
manded by Major-General J. N. Chaudhuri under the direction of
Lt. General Maharaj Shri Rajendrasinhji who was then the General
Officer Commanding-in-Chief, Southern Command, entered the
Hyderabad State. There was some stiff resistance on the first
and second day and after that the same collapsed. On the evening
of 17 September, 1948, the Hyderabad Army surrendered. On
18 September, 1948, the Indian troops entered Hyderabad city.
The police action lasted for 108 hours. It was learnt that if action
had not been taken on 13 September, 1948, Lt. T. T. Moore who
was captured with his jeep full of explosives, would have destroyed
all the important bridges in the State and it would have been very
difficult for the Indian army to move forward.
On 18 September, 1948, Major-General Chaudhuri took charge
as Military Governor. On 19 September, Kasim Razvi
arrested. The Razakars were disbanded and many of them were
detained under the Public Safety Regulations. Strong action was
taken against the Communists and their resistance was crushed.
The administration under Major-General Chauduri lasted up to
December, 1949 when Shri M. K. Vellodi, I. C. S. , took over as
Chief Minister. In 1950, four representatives of the Hyderabad
State Congress were appoined as Ministers. In March, 1952,
general elections were held and a Congress Ministry was installed
with the Nizam as a constitutional head. In 1956 was passed the
States Reorganisation Act by which the State of Hyderabad was
split up and it ceased to exist. Most of its territories went to the
State of Andhra Pradesh.
was
STATE OF JAMMU AND KASHMIR
The State of Jammu and Kashmir had strategic importance on
account of its international boundaries. To the East was Tibet,
to the North-East was the Sinkiang province of China and to the
North-West was Afghanistan. Gilgit was a part of the territory
of the State of Jammu and Kashmir. The majority of the popu-
lation of the State of Jammu and Kashmir consisted of Muslims
although the Buddhists were in majority in Ladakh. At the be-
ginning of 1947, Maharaja Hari Singh was the ruler of the State
and Pt. Ram Chandra Kak was its Prime Minister.
After the announcement of June 3 Plan, Lord Mountbatten
visited Kashmir and for four days discussed the question of acces-
sion of the State of Jammu and Kashmir with Maharaja Hari
Singh. He told him that independence was not practicable and
the State would not be recognised as a Dominion by the British


## p. 928 (#972) ############################################

928
THE INDIAN STATES SINCE 1919
Government. He gave an assurance to the Maharaja that up to
15 August, 1947, he could join any Dominion and there would be
no difficulty. Even if he acceded to Pakistan, India would not
raise any objection. However, it was desirable to ascertain the
wishes of the people before acceding to any Dominion as the
majority of its people were Muslims. Lord Mountbatten failed in
his mission as the Maharaja refused to commit himself. After 15
August, 1947, Lord Ismay went to Srinagar and tried to persuade
the Maharaja to join one Dominion or the other but his mission
also failed.
It cannot be denied that it was not easy for the Maharaja to
make a decision. He was himself a Hindu and he would not like
to join Pakistan at once. Moreover, he was not sure of the fate
of his Hindu subjects in the event of his joining Pakistan. There
was also the possibility of the opposition from the National Con-
ference which was the most powerful and vocal organisation in the
State. If he acceded to India, there was also the possibility of ad-
verse reactions in Gilgit and certain other areas which were contigu-
ous to Pakistan. Moreover, the road communications were with
Pakistan. Till the declaration of the Radcliffe Award, there was
no land communication between India and the State of Jammu
and Kashmir. Moreover, Maharaja Hari Singh was thinking in
terms of becoming an independent ruler.
Shortly before 15 August, 1947, Pt. Ram Chandra Kak was re-
placed by Major-General Janak Singh as Prime Minister. The
Government of Jammu and Kashmir announced its intention of
entering into Stand-still Agreements both with India and Pakistan.
India was not enthusiastic about it even after the announcement of
the Radcliffe Award which connected India with the State by road.
Pakistan signed a Stand-still Agreement but with an ulterior motive.
In spite of the Agreement, the Pakistan authorities cut off the sup-
ply of food, petrol and other essential commodities. Restrictions
were put on the transit of travel between Kashmir and Pakistan.
Goods belonging to the State lying in the towns of Pakistan were
not allowed to be transported to the State of Jammu and Kashmir.
The State had practically no petrol for its transport organisation.
Military pressure was put on Jammu and Kashmir to accede to
Pakistan. Mr. M. A. Jinnah sent his British Military Secre-
tary thrice to Srinagar to bring about Kashmir's accession to
Pakistan. Mr. Jinnah also wrote to Maharaja to allow him to
spend the summer in Kashmir on account of his bad health and
offered to make his own arrangements. Major Shah was sent to
Kashmir to arouse the people in favour of Pakistan and also to
intimidate the Maharaja to accede to Pakistan. There were hit


## p. 929 (#973) ############################################

STATE OF JAMMU AND KASHMIR
929
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in
and run border raids on the State. It was under these circum-
stances that Mr. Justice Mehr Chand Mahajan took over as the
Prime Minister of the State.
On 15 October, 1947, the new Prime Minister complained to the
British Prime Minister that the Government of Pakistan had broken
the Stand-still Agreement by discontinuing the supply of essential
articles and by stopping, without any reason, the railway service
from Sialkot to Jammu. He also pointed out that the whole of
the State border from Gurdaspur to Gilgit was threatened with
invasion and the same had already started in Poonch. He request-
ed the British Prime Minister to advise the Government of Pakistan
to deal fairly with the State of Jammu and Kashmir. However,
he got no reply. On 18 October, 1947, a protest was sent to the
Governor-General and the Prime Minister of Pakistan against the
breaches of the Stand-still Agreement and the raids on the State.
Mr. M. A. Jinnah, Governor-General of Pakistan, sent a reply on
20 October, 1947 in which he protested against the tone and langu-
age of the communication.
The all-out invasion of Kashmir started on 22 October, 1947.
The raiders included Afridis, Wazirs, Mahsuds, Swathis and the
soldiers of the Pakistan Army on leave. They were led by regular
officers who knew Kashmir well. They advanced from Abbottabad
in North-Western Frontier Province along the Jhelum Valley Road.
They captured Garhi and Domel and arrived at the gates of
Muzaffarabad. All the Muslims in the State Battalion at Muzaffara-
bad deserted and acted as advance guard to the raiders' column.
They marched towards Baramula, along the road leading to Srinagar.
All the Muslims in the State Forces deserted and joined the raiders.
Brigadier Rajinder Singh, Chief of Staff of the State Forces, gather-
ed together about 150 men and proceeded towards Uri. He en-
gaged the raiders for two days and in the rear-guard action destroy-
ed the Uri Bridge. Not only the Brigadier himself but all his men
were cut to pieces in the battle. On 24 October, 1947, the raiders
captured the Mahura Power House which supplied electricity to
Srinagar, and that plunged Srinagar in darkness. The raiders de-
clared that they would reach Srinagar on 26 October, 1947 and
celebrate the Id celebrations in the Srinagar mosque.
Such was the critical situation when the Government of India
received an appeal for help from the Maharaja of Jammu and
Kashmir on 24 October, 1947.