Allusions to Louis XII of France
(1498-1515), to Ferdinand the Catholic (1479-1516), to Philip, king of
Aragon (1504-1516), and Sigismund, king of Poland (1506-1548), are all
consistent with the composition of the treatise some years earlier.
(1498-1515), to Ferdinand the Catholic (1479-1516), to Philip, king of
Aragon (1504-1516), and Sigismund, king of Poland (1506-1548), are all
consistent with the composition of the treatise some years earlier.
Erasmus
ERASMUS
AGAINST WAR
ERASMUS
AGAINST WAR
[Illustration]
WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY
J·W·MACKAIL
THE MERRYMOUNT PRESS
BOSTON, MDCCCCVII
Copyright, 1907, by D. B. Updike
CONTENTS
Introduction ix
Against War 3
INTRODUCTION
The Treatise on War, of which the earliest English translation is here
reprinted, was among the most famous writings of the most illustrious
writer of his age. Few people now read Erasmus; he has become for the
world in general a somewhat vague name. Only by some effort of the
historical imagination is it possible for those who are not professed
scholars and students to realize the enormous force which he was at a
critical period in the history of civilization. The free institutions and
the material progress of the modern world have alike their roots in
humanism. Humanism as a movement of the human mind culminated in the age,
and even in a sense in the person, of Erasmus. Its brilliant flower was of
an earlier period; its fruits developed and matured later; but it was in
his time, and in him, that the fruit set! The earlier sixteenth century is
not so romantic as its predecessors, nor so rich in solid achievement as
others that have followed it. As in some orchard when spring is over, the
blossom lies withered on the grass, and the fruit has long to wait before
it can ripen on the boughs. Yet here, in the dull, hot midsummer days, is
the central and critical period of the year's growth.
The life of Erasmus is accessible in many popular forms as well as in more
learned and formal works. To recapitulate it here would fall beyond the
scope of a preface. But in order to appreciate this treatise fully it is
necessary to realize the time and circumstances in which it appeared, and
to recall some of the main features of its author's life and work up to
the date of its composition.
That date can be fixed with certainty, from a combination of external and
internal evidence, between the years 1513 and 1515; in all probability it
was the winter of 1514-15. It was printed in the latter year, in the
"editio princeps" of the enlarged and rewritten Adagia then issued from
Froben's great printing-works at Basel. The stormy decennate of Pope
Julius II had ended in February, 1513. To his successor, Giovanni de'
Medici, who succeeded to the papal throne under the name of Leo X, the
treatise is particularly addressed. The years which ensued were a time
singularly momentous in the history of religion, of letters, and of the
whole life of the civilized world. The eulogy of Leo with which Erasmus
ends indicates the hopes then entertained of a new Augustan age of peace
and reconciliation. The Reformation was still capable of being regarded as
an internal and constructive force, within the framework of the society
built up by the Middle Ages. The final divorce between humanism and the
Church had not yet been made. The long and disastrous epoch of the wars of
religion was still only a dark cloud on the horizon. The Renaissance was
really dead, but few yet realized the fact. The new head of the Church was
a lover of peace, a friend of scholars, a munificent patron of the arts.
This treatise shows that Erasmus, to a certain extent, shared or strove to
share in an illusion widely spread among the educated classes of Europe.
With a far keener instinct for that which the souls of men required, an
Augustinian monk from Wittenberg, who had visited Rome two years earlier,
had turned away from the temple where a corpse lay swathed in gold and
half hid in the steam of incense. With a far keener insight into the real
state of things, Machiavelli was, at just this time, composing The Prince.
In one form or another, the subject of his impassioned pleading for peace
among beings human, civilized, and Christian, had been long in Erasmus's
mind. In his most celebrated single work, the Praise of Folly, he had
bitterly attacked the attitude towards war habitual, and evilly
consecrated by usage, among kings and popes. The same argument had formed
the substance of a document addressed by him, under the title of
Anti-Polemus, to Pope Julius in 1507. Much of the substance, much even of
the phraseology of that earlier work is doubtless repeated here. Beyond
the specific reference to Pope Leo, the other notes of time in the
treatise now before us are few and faint. Allusions to Louis XII of France
(1498-1515), to Ferdinand the Catholic (1479-1516), to Philip, king of
Aragon (1504-1516), and Sigismund, king of Poland (1506-1548), are all
consistent with the composition of the treatise some years earlier. At the
end of it he promises to treat of the matter more largely when he
publishes the Anti-Polemus. But this intention was never carried into
effect. Perhaps Erasmus had become convinced of its futility; for the
events of the years which followed soon showed that the new Augustan age
was but a false dawn over which night settled more stormily and profoundly
than before.
For ten or a dozen years Erasmus had stood at the head of European
scholarship. His name was as famous in France and England as in the Low
Countries and Germany. The age was indeed one of those in which the
much-abused term of the republic of letters had a real and vital meaning.
The nationalities of modern Europe had already formed themselves; the
notion of the Empire had become obsolete, and if the imperial title was
still coveted by princes, it was under no illusion as to the amount of
effective supremacy which it carried with it, or as to any life yet
remaining in the mediaeval doctrine of the unity of Christendom whether as
a church or as a state. The discovery of the new world near the end of
the previous century precipitated a revolution in European politics
towards which events had long been moving, and finally broke up the
political framework of the Middle Ages. But the other great event of the
same period, the invention and diffusion of the art of printing, had
created a new European commonwealth of the mind. The history of the
century which followed it is a history in which the landmarks are found
less in battles and treaties than in books.
The earlier life of the man who occupies the central place in the literary
and spiritual movement of his time in no important way differs from the
youth of many contemporary scholars and writers. Even the illegitimacy of
his birth was an accident shared with so many others that it does not mark
him out in any way from his fellows. His early education at Utrecht, at
Deventer, at Herzogenbosch; his enforced and unhappy novitiate in a house
of Augustinian canons near Gouda; his secretaryship to the bishop of
Cambray, the grudging patron who allowed rather than assisted him to
complete his training at the University of Paris--all this was at the time
mere matter of common form. It is with his arrival in England in 1497, at
the age of thirty-one, that his effective life really begins.
For the next twenty years that life was one of restless movement and
incessant production. In England, France, the Low Countries, on the upper
Rhine, and in Italy, he flitted about gathering up the whole intellectual
movement of the age, and pouring forth the results in that admirable Latin
which was not only the common language of scholars in every country, but
the single language in which he himself thought instinctively and wrote
freely. Between the Adagia of 1500 and the Colloquia of 1516 comes a mass
of writings equivalent to the total product of many fertile and
industrious pens. He worked in the cause of humanism with a sacred fury,
striving with all his might to connect it with all that was living in the
old and all that was developing in the newer world. In his travels no less
than in his studies the aspect of war must have perpetually met him as at
once the cause and the effect of barbarism; it was the symbol of
everything to which humanism in its broader as well as in its narrower
aspect was utterly opposed and repugnant. He was a student at Paris in the
ominous year of the first French invasion of Italy, in which the death of
Pico della Mirandola and Politian came like a symbol of the death of the
Italian Renaissance itself. Charles VIII, as has often been said, brought
back the Renaissance to France from that expedition; but he brought her
back a captive chained to the wheels of his cannon. The epoch of the
Italian wars began. A little later (1500) Sandro Botticelli painted that
amazing Nativity which is one of the chief treasures of the London
National Gallery. Over it in mystical Greek may still be read the
painter's own words: "This picture was painted by me Alexander amid the
confusions of Italy at the time prophesied in the Second Woe of the
Apocalypse, when Satan shall be loosed upon the earth. " In November, 1506,
Erasmus was at Bologna, and saw the triumphal entry of Pope Julius into
the city at the head of a great mercenary army. Two years later the league
of Cambray, a combination of folly, treachery and shame which filled even
hardened politicians with horror, plunged half Europe into a war in which
no one was a gainer and which finally ruined Italy: "bellum quo nullum,"
says the historian, "vel atrocius vel diuturnius in Italia post exactos
Gothos majores nostri meminerunt. " In England Erasmus found, on his first
visit, a country exhausted by the long and desperate struggle of the Wars
of the Roses, out of which she had emerged with half her ruling class
killed in battle or on the scaffold, and the whole fabric of society to
reconstruct. The Empire was in a state of confusion and turmoil no less
deplorable and much more extensive. The Diet of 1495 had indeed, by an
expiring effort towards the suppression of absolute anarchy, decreed the
abolition of private war. But in a society where every owner of a castle,
every lord of a few square miles of territory, could conduct public war on
his own account, the prohibition was of little more than formal value.
Humanism had been introduced by the end of the fifteenth century in some
of the German universities, but too late to have much effect on the rising
fury of religious controversy. The very year in which this treatise
against war was published gave to the world another work of even wider
circulation and more profound consequences. The famous Epistolae
Obscurorum Virorum, first published in 1515, and circulated rapidly among
all the educated readers of Europe, made an open breach between the
humanists and the Church. That breach was never closed; nor on the other
hand could the efforts of well-intentioned reformers like Melancthon bring
humanism into any organic relation with the reformed movement. When mutual
exhaustion concluded the European struggle, civilization had to start
afresh; it took a century more to recover the lost ground. The very idea
of humanism had long before then disappeared.
War, pestilence, the theologians: these were the three great enemies with
which Erasmus says he had throughout life to contend. It was during the
years he spent in England that he was perhaps least harassed by them. His
three periods of residence there--a fourth, in 1517, appears to have been
of short duration and not marked by any very notable incident--were of the
utmost importance in his life. During the first, in his residence between
the years 1497 and 1499 at London and Oxford, the English Renaissance, if
the name be fully applicable to so partial and inconclusive a movement,
was in the promise and ardour of its brief spring. It was then that
Erasmus made the acquaintance of those great Englishmen whose names cannot
be mentioned with too much reverence: Colet, Grocyn, Latimer, Linacre.
These men were the makers of modern England to a degree hardly realized.
They carried the future in their hands. Peace had descended upon a weary
country; and the younger generation was full of new hopes. The Enchiridion
Militis Christiani, written soon after Erasmus returned to France,
breathes the spirit of one who had not lost hope in the reconciliation of
the Church and the world, of the old and new. When Erasmus made his second
visit to England, in 1506, that fair promise had grown and spread. Colet
had become dean of Saint Paul's; and through him, as it would appear,
Erasmus now made the acquaintance of another great man with whom he soon
formed as close an intimacy, Thomas More.
His Italian journey followed: he was in Italy nearly three years, at
Turin, Bologna, Venice, Padua, Siena, Rome. It was in the first of these
years that Albert Dürer was also in Italy, where he met Bellini and was
recognized by the Italian masters as the head of a new transalpine art in
no way inferior to their own. The year after Erasmus left Italy,
Botticelli, the last survivor of the ancient world, died at Florence.
Meanwhile, Henry VIII, a prince, young, handsome, generous, pious, had
succeeded to the throne of England. A golden age was thought to have
dawned. Lord Mountjoy, who had been the pupil of Erasmus at Paris, and
with whom he had first come to England, lost no time in urging Henry to
send for the most brilliant and famous of European scholars, and attach
him to his court. The king, who had already met and admired him, needed no
pressing. In the letter which Henry himself wrote to Erasmus entreating
him to take up his residence in England, the language employed was that of
sincere admiration; nor was there any conscious insincerity in the main
motive which he urged. "It is my earnest wish," wrote the king, "to
restore Christ's religion to its primitive purity. " The history of the
English Reformation supplies a strange commentary on these words.
But the first few years of the new reign (1509-1513), which coincide with
the third and longest sojourn of Erasmus in England, were a time in which
high hopes might not seem unreasonable. While Italy was ravaged by war and
the rest of Europe was in uneasy ferment, England remained peaceful and
prosperous. The lust of the eyes and the pride of life were indeed the
motive forces of the court; but alongside of these was a real desire for
reform, and a real if very imperfect attempt to cultivate the nobler arts
of peace, to establish learning, and to purify religion. Colet's great
foundation of Saint Paul's School in 1510 is one of the landmarks of
English history. Erasmus joined the founder and the first high master,
Colet and Lily, in composing the schoolbooks to be used in it. He had
already written, in More's house at Chelsea, where pure religion reigned
alongside of high culture, the Encomium Moriae, in which all his immense
gifts of eloquence and wit were lavished on the cause of humanism and the
larger cause of humanity. That war was at once a sin, a scandal, and a
folly was one of the central doctrines of the group of eminent Englishmen
with whom he was now associated. It was a doctrine held by them with some
ambiguity and in varying degrees. In the Utopia (1516) More condemns wars
of aggression, while taking the common view as to wars of so-called
self-defence. In 1513, when Henry, swept into the seductive scheme for a
partition of France by a European confederacy, was preparing for the first
of his many useless and inglorious continental campaigns, Colet spoke out
more freely. He preached before the court against war itself as barbarous
and unchristian, and did not spare either kings or popes who dealt
otherwise. Henry was disturbed; he sent for Colet, and pressed him hard on
the point whether he meant that all wars were unjustifiable. Colet was in
advance of his age, but not so far in advance of it as this. He gave some
kind of answer which satisfied the king. The preparations for war went
forward; the Battle of Spurs plunged the court and all the nation into the
intoxication of victory; while at Flodden-edge, in the same autumn, the
ancestral allies of France sustained the most crushing defeat recorded in
Scottish history. When both sides in a war have invoked God's favour, the
successful side is ready enough to believe that its prayers have been
answered and its action accepted by God.
Erasmus was now reader in Greek and professor of divinity at Cambridge;
but Cambridge was far away from the centre of European thought and of
literary activities. He left England before the end of the year for Basel,
where the greater part of his life thenceforth was passed. Froben had made
Basel the chief literary centre of production for the whole of Europe.
Through Froben's printing-presses Erasmus could reach a wider audience
than was allowed him at any court, however favourable to pure religion and
the new learning. It was at this juncture that he made an eloquent and
far-reaching appeal, on a matter which lay very near his heart, to the
conscience of Christendom.
The Adagia, that vast work which was, at least to his own generation,
Erasmus's foremost title to fame, has long ago passed into the rank of
those monuments of literature "dont la reputation s'affermira toujours
parcequ'on ne les lit guère. " So far as Erasmus is more than a name for
most modern readers, it is on slighter and more popular works that any
direct knowledge of him is grounded on the Colloquies, which only ceased
to be a schoolbook within living memory, on the Praise of Folly, and on
selections from the enormous masses of his letters. An Oxford scholar of
the last generation, whose profound knowledge of humanistic literature was
accompanied by a gift of terse and pointed expression, describes the
Adagia in a single sentence, as "a manual of the wit and wisdom of the
ancient world for the use of the modern, enlivened by commentary in
Erasmus's finest vein. " In its first form, the Adagiorum Collectanea, it
was published by him at Paris in 1500, just after his return from England.
In the author's epistle dedicatory to Mountjoy he ascribes to him and to
Richard Charnock, the prior of Saint Mary's College in Oxford, the
inspiration of the work. It consists of a series of between eight and nine
hundred comments in brief essays, each suggested by some terse or
proverbial phrase from an ancient Latin author. The work gave full scope
for the display, not only of the immense treasures of his learning, but of
those other qualities, the combination of which raised their author far
above all other contemporary writers, his keen wit, his copiousness and
facility, his complete control of Latin as a living language. It met with
an enthusiastic reception, and placed him at once at the head of European
men of letters. Edition after edition poured from the press. It was ten
times reissued at Paris within a generation. Eleven editions were
published at Strasburg between 1509 and 1521. Within the same years it was
reprinted at Erfurt, The Hague, Cologne, Mayence, Leyden, and elsewhere.
The Rhine valley was the great nursery of letters north of the Alps, and
along the Rhine from source to sea the book spread and was multiplied.
This success induced Erasmus to enlarge and complete his labours. The
Adagiorum Chiliades, the title of the work in its new form, was part of
the work of his residence in Italy in the years 1506-9, and was published
at Venice by Aldus in September, 1508. The enlarged collection, to all
intents and purposes a new work, consists of no less than three thousand
two hundred and sixty heads. In a preface, Erasmus speaks slightingly of
the Adagiorum Collectanea, with that affectation from which few authors
are free, as a little collection carelessly made. "Some people got hold of
it," he adds, (and here the affectation becomes absolute untruth,) "and
had it printed very incorrectly. " In the new work, however, much of the
old disappears, much more is partially or wholly recast; and such of the
old matter as is retained is dispersed at random among the new. In the
Collectanea the commentaries had all been brief: here many are expanded
into substantial treatises covering four or five pages of closely printed
folio.
The Aldine edition had been reprinted at Basel by Froben in 1513. Shortly
afterwards Erasmus himself took up his permanent residence there. Under
his immediate supervision there presently appeared what was to all intents
and purposes the definitive edition of 1515. It is a book of nearly seven
hundred folio pages, and contains, besides the introductory matter, three
thousand four hundred and eleven headings. In his preface Erasmus gives
some details with regard to its composition. Of the original Paris work he
now says, no doubt with truth, that it was undertaken by him hastily and
without enough method. When preparing the Venice edition he had better
realized the magnitude of the enterprise, and was better fitted for it by
reading and learning, more especially by the mass of Greek manuscripts,
and of newly printed Greek first editions, to which he had access at
Venice and in other parts of Italy. In England also, owing very largely to
the kindness of Archbishop Warham, more leisure and an ampler library had
been available.
Among several important additions made in the edition of 1515, this essay,
the text of which is the proverbial phrase "Dulce bellum inexpertis," is
at once the longest and the most remarkable. The adage itself, with a few
lines of commentary, had indeed been in the original collection; but the
treatise, in itself a substantial work, now appeared for the first time.
It occupied a conspicuous place as the first heading in the fourth Chiliad
of the complete work; and it was at once singled out from the rest as of
special note and profound import. Froben was soon called upon for a
separate edition. This appeared in April, 1517, in a quarto of twenty
pages. This little book, the Bellum Erasmi as it was called for the sake
of brevity, ran like wildfire from reader to reader. Half the scholarly
presses of Europe were soon employed in reprinting it. Within ten years it
had been reissued at Louvain, twice at Strasburg, twice at Mayence, at
Leipsic, twice at Paris, twice at Cologne, at Antwerp, and at Venice.
German translations of it were published at Basel and at Strasburg in 1519
and 1520. It soon made its way to England, and the translation here
utilized was issued by Berthelet, the king's printer, in the winter of
1533-4.
Whether the translation be by Richard Taverner, the translator and editor,
a few years later, of an epitome or selection of the Chiliades, or by some
other hand, there are no direct means of ascertaining; nor except for
purposes of curiosity is the question an important one. The version wholly
lacks distinction. It is a work of adequate scholarship but of no
independent literary merit. English prose was then hardly formed. The
revival of letters had reached the country, but for political and social
reasons which are readily to be found in any handbook of English history,
it had found a soil, fertile indeed, but not yet broken up. Since Chaucer,
English poetry had practically stood still, and except where poetry has
cleared the way, prose does not in ordinary circumstances advance. A few
adventurers in setting forth had appeared. More's Utopia, one of the
earliest of English prose classics, is a classic in virtue of its style as
well as of its matter. Berners's translation of Froissart, published in
1523, was the first and one of the finest of that magnificent series of
translations which from this time onwards for about a century were
produced in an almost continuous stream, and through which the secret of
prose was slowly wrung from older and more accomplished languages.
Latimer, about the same time, showed his countrymen how a vernacular
prose, flexible, well knit, and nervous, might be written without its
lines being traced on any ancient or foreign model. Coverdale, the
greatest master of English prose whom the century produced, whose name has
just missed the immortality that is secure for his work, must have
substantially completed that magnificent version of the Bible which
appeared in 1535, and to which the authorized version of the seventeenth
century owes all that one work of genius can owe to another. It is not
with these great men that the translator of this treatise can be compared.
But he wrought, after his measure, on the same structure as they.
It is then to the original Latin, not to this rude and stammering version,
that scholars must turn now, as still more certainly they turned then, for
the mind of Erasmus; for with him, even more eminently than with other
authors, the style is the man, and his Latin is the substance, not merely
the dress, of his thought. When he wrote it he was about forty-eight years
of age. He was still in the fullness of his power. If he was often
crippled by delicate health, that was no more than he had habitually been
from boyhood. In this treatise we come very near the real man, with his
strange mixture of liberalism and orthodoxy, of clear-sighted courage and
a delicacy which nearly always might be mistaken for timidity.
His text is that (in the translator's words) "nothing is either more
wicked or more wretched, nothing doth worse become a man (I will not say a
Christian man) than war. " War was shocking to Erasmus alike on every side
of his remarkably complex and sensitive nature. It was impious; it was
inhuman; it was ugly; it was in every sense of the word barbarous, to one
who before all things and in the full sense of the word was civilized and
a lover of civilization. All these varied aspects of the case, seen by
others singly and partially, were to him facets of one truth, rays of one
light. His argument circles and flickers among them, hardly pausing to
enforce one before passing insensibly to another. In the splendid
vindication of the nature of man with which the treatise opens, the tone
is rather that of Cicero than of the New Testament. The majesty of man
resides above all in his capacity to "behold the very pure strength and
nature of things;" in essence he is no fallen and corrupt creature, but a
piece of workmanship such as Shakespeare describes him through the mouth
of Hamlet. He was shaped to this heroic mould "by Nature, or rather god,"
so the Tudor translation reads, and the use of capital letters, though
only a freak of the printer, brings out with a singular suggestiveness the
latent pantheism which underlies the thought of all the humanists. To this
wonderful creature strife and warfare are naturally repugnant. Not only is
his frame "weak and tender," but he is "born to love and amity. " His chief
end, the object to which all his highest and most distinctively human
powers are directed, is coöperant labour in the pursuit of knowledge. War
comes out of ignorance, and into ignorance it leads; of war comes contempt
of virtue and of godly living. In the age of Machiavelli the word "virtue"
had a double and sinister meaning; but here it is taken in its nobler
sense. Yet, the argument continues, for "virtue," even in the Florentine
statesman's sense, war gives but little room. It is waged mainly for "vain
titles or childish wrath;" it does not foster, in those responsible for
it, any one of the nobler excellences. The argument throughout this part
of the treatise is, both in its substance and in its ornament, wholly
apart from the dogmas of religion. The furies of war are described as
rising out of a very pagan hell. The apostrophe of Nature to mankind
immediately suggests the spirit as well as the language of Lucretius.
Erasmus had clearly been reading the De Rerum Natura, and borrows some of
his finest touches from that miraculous description of the growth of
civilization in the fifth book, which is one of the noblest contributions
of antiquity towards a real conception of the nature of the world and of
man. The progressive degeneration of morality, because, as its scope
becomes higher, practice falls further and further short of it, is
insisted upon by both these great thinkers in much the same spirit and
with much the same illustrations. The rise of empires, "of which there was
never none yet in any nation, but it was gotten with the great shedding of
man's blood," is seen by both in the same light. But Erasmus passes on to
the more expressly religious aspect of the whole matter in the great
double climax with which he crowns his argument, the wickedness of a
Christian fighting against another man, the horror of a Christian fighting
against another Christian. "Yea, and with a thing so devilish," he breaks
out in a mingling of intense scorn and profound pity, "we mingle Christ. "
From this passionate appeal he passes to the praises of peace. Why should
men add the horrors of war to all the other miseries and dangers of life?
Why should one man's gain be sought only through another's loss? All
victories in war are Cadmean; not only from their cost in blood and
treasure, but because we are in very truth "the members of one body,"
"redeemed with Christ's blood. " Such was the clear, unmistakable teaching
of our Lord himself, such of his apostles. But the doctrine of Christ has
been "plied to worldly opinion. " Worldly men, philosophers following "the
sophistries of Aristotle," worst of all, divines and theologians
themselves, have corrupted the Gospel to the heathenish doctrine that
"every man must first provide for himself. " The very words of Scripture
are wrested to this abuse. Self-defence is held to excuse any violence.
Allusions to Louis XII of France
(1498-1515), to Ferdinand the Catholic (1479-1516), to Philip, king of
Aragon (1504-1516), and Sigismund, king of Poland (1506-1548), are all
consistent with the composition of the treatise some years earlier. At the
end of it he promises to treat of the matter more largely when he
publishes the Anti-Polemus. But this intention was never carried into
effect. Perhaps Erasmus had become convinced of its futility; for the
events of the years which followed soon showed that the new Augustan age
was but a false dawn over which night settled more stormily and profoundly
than before.
For ten or a dozen years Erasmus had stood at the head of European
scholarship. His name was as famous in France and England as in the Low
Countries and Germany. The age was indeed one of those in which the
much-abused term of the republic of letters had a real and vital meaning.
The nationalities of modern Europe had already formed themselves; the
notion of the Empire had become obsolete, and if the imperial title was
still coveted by princes, it was under no illusion as to the amount of
effective supremacy which it carried with it, or as to any life yet
remaining in the mediaeval doctrine of the unity of Christendom whether as
a church or as a state. The discovery of the new world near the end of
the previous century precipitated a revolution in European politics
towards which events had long been moving, and finally broke up the
political framework of the Middle Ages. But the other great event of the
same period, the invention and diffusion of the art of printing, had
created a new European commonwealth of the mind. The history of the
century which followed it is a history in which the landmarks are found
less in battles and treaties than in books.
The earlier life of the man who occupies the central place in the literary
and spiritual movement of his time in no important way differs from the
youth of many contemporary scholars and writers. Even the illegitimacy of
his birth was an accident shared with so many others that it does not mark
him out in any way from his fellows. His early education at Utrecht, at
Deventer, at Herzogenbosch; his enforced and unhappy novitiate in a house
of Augustinian canons near Gouda; his secretaryship to the bishop of
Cambray, the grudging patron who allowed rather than assisted him to
complete his training at the University of Paris--all this was at the time
mere matter of common form. It is with his arrival in England in 1497, at
the age of thirty-one, that his effective life really begins.
For the next twenty years that life was one of restless movement and
incessant production. In England, France, the Low Countries, on the upper
Rhine, and in Italy, he flitted about gathering up the whole intellectual
movement of the age, and pouring forth the results in that admirable Latin
which was not only the common language of scholars in every country, but
the single language in which he himself thought instinctively and wrote
freely. Between the Adagia of 1500 and the Colloquia of 1516 comes a mass
of writings equivalent to the total product of many fertile and
industrious pens. He worked in the cause of humanism with a sacred fury,
striving with all his might to connect it with all that was living in the
old and all that was developing in the newer world. In his travels no less
than in his studies the aspect of war must have perpetually met him as at
once the cause and the effect of barbarism; it was the symbol of
everything to which humanism in its broader as well as in its narrower
aspect was utterly opposed and repugnant. He was a student at Paris in the
ominous year of the first French invasion of Italy, in which the death of
Pico della Mirandola and Politian came like a symbol of the death of the
Italian Renaissance itself. Charles VIII, as has often been said, brought
back the Renaissance to France from that expedition; but he brought her
back a captive chained to the wheels of his cannon. The epoch of the
Italian wars began. A little later (1500) Sandro Botticelli painted that
amazing Nativity which is one of the chief treasures of the London
National Gallery. Over it in mystical Greek may still be read the
painter's own words: "This picture was painted by me Alexander amid the
confusions of Italy at the time prophesied in the Second Woe of the
Apocalypse, when Satan shall be loosed upon the earth. " In November, 1506,
Erasmus was at Bologna, and saw the triumphal entry of Pope Julius into
the city at the head of a great mercenary army. Two years later the league
of Cambray, a combination of folly, treachery and shame which filled even
hardened politicians with horror, plunged half Europe into a war in which
no one was a gainer and which finally ruined Italy: "bellum quo nullum,"
says the historian, "vel atrocius vel diuturnius in Italia post exactos
Gothos majores nostri meminerunt. " In England Erasmus found, on his first
visit, a country exhausted by the long and desperate struggle of the Wars
of the Roses, out of which she had emerged with half her ruling class
killed in battle or on the scaffold, and the whole fabric of society to
reconstruct. The Empire was in a state of confusion and turmoil no less
deplorable and much more extensive. The Diet of 1495 had indeed, by an
expiring effort towards the suppression of absolute anarchy, decreed the
abolition of private war. But in a society where every owner of a castle,
every lord of a few square miles of territory, could conduct public war on
his own account, the prohibition was of little more than formal value.
Humanism had been introduced by the end of the fifteenth century in some
of the German universities, but too late to have much effect on the rising
fury of religious controversy. The very year in which this treatise
against war was published gave to the world another work of even wider
circulation and more profound consequences. The famous Epistolae
Obscurorum Virorum, first published in 1515, and circulated rapidly among
all the educated readers of Europe, made an open breach between the
humanists and the Church. That breach was never closed; nor on the other
hand could the efforts of well-intentioned reformers like Melancthon bring
humanism into any organic relation with the reformed movement. When mutual
exhaustion concluded the European struggle, civilization had to start
afresh; it took a century more to recover the lost ground. The very idea
of humanism had long before then disappeared.
War, pestilence, the theologians: these were the three great enemies with
which Erasmus says he had throughout life to contend. It was during the
years he spent in England that he was perhaps least harassed by them. His
three periods of residence there--a fourth, in 1517, appears to have been
of short duration and not marked by any very notable incident--were of the
utmost importance in his life. During the first, in his residence between
the years 1497 and 1499 at London and Oxford, the English Renaissance, if
the name be fully applicable to so partial and inconclusive a movement,
was in the promise and ardour of its brief spring. It was then that
Erasmus made the acquaintance of those great Englishmen whose names cannot
be mentioned with too much reverence: Colet, Grocyn, Latimer, Linacre.
These men were the makers of modern England to a degree hardly realized.
They carried the future in their hands. Peace had descended upon a weary
country; and the younger generation was full of new hopes. The Enchiridion
Militis Christiani, written soon after Erasmus returned to France,
breathes the spirit of one who had not lost hope in the reconciliation of
the Church and the world, of the old and new. When Erasmus made his second
visit to England, in 1506, that fair promise had grown and spread. Colet
had become dean of Saint Paul's; and through him, as it would appear,
Erasmus now made the acquaintance of another great man with whom he soon
formed as close an intimacy, Thomas More.
His Italian journey followed: he was in Italy nearly three years, at
Turin, Bologna, Venice, Padua, Siena, Rome. It was in the first of these
years that Albert Dürer was also in Italy, where he met Bellini and was
recognized by the Italian masters as the head of a new transalpine art in
no way inferior to their own. The year after Erasmus left Italy,
Botticelli, the last survivor of the ancient world, died at Florence.
Meanwhile, Henry VIII, a prince, young, handsome, generous, pious, had
succeeded to the throne of England. A golden age was thought to have
dawned. Lord Mountjoy, who had been the pupil of Erasmus at Paris, and
with whom he had first come to England, lost no time in urging Henry to
send for the most brilliant and famous of European scholars, and attach
him to his court. The king, who had already met and admired him, needed no
pressing. In the letter which Henry himself wrote to Erasmus entreating
him to take up his residence in England, the language employed was that of
sincere admiration; nor was there any conscious insincerity in the main
motive which he urged. "It is my earnest wish," wrote the king, "to
restore Christ's religion to its primitive purity. " The history of the
English Reformation supplies a strange commentary on these words.
But the first few years of the new reign (1509-1513), which coincide with
the third and longest sojourn of Erasmus in England, were a time in which
high hopes might not seem unreasonable. While Italy was ravaged by war and
the rest of Europe was in uneasy ferment, England remained peaceful and
prosperous. The lust of the eyes and the pride of life were indeed the
motive forces of the court; but alongside of these was a real desire for
reform, and a real if very imperfect attempt to cultivate the nobler arts
of peace, to establish learning, and to purify religion. Colet's great
foundation of Saint Paul's School in 1510 is one of the landmarks of
English history. Erasmus joined the founder and the first high master,
Colet and Lily, in composing the schoolbooks to be used in it. He had
already written, in More's house at Chelsea, where pure religion reigned
alongside of high culture, the Encomium Moriae, in which all his immense
gifts of eloquence and wit were lavished on the cause of humanism and the
larger cause of humanity. That war was at once a sin, a scandal, and a
folly was one of the central doctrines of the group of eminent Englishmen
with whom he was now associated. It was a doctrine held by them with some
ambiguity and in varying degrees. In the Utopia (1516) More condemns wars
of aggression, while taking the common view as to wars of so-called
self-defence. In 1513, when Henry, swept into the seductive scheme for a
partition of France by a European confederacy, was preparing for the first
of his many useless and inglorious continental campaigns, Colet spoke out
more freely. He preached before the court against war itself as barbarous
and unchristian, and did not spare either kings or popes who dealt
otherwise. Henry was disturbed; he sent for Colet, and pressed him hard on
the point whether he meant that all wars were unjustifiable. Colet was in
advance of his age, but not so far in advance of it as this. He gave some
kind of answer which satisfied the king. The preparations for war went
forward; the Battle of Spurs plunged the court and all the nation into the
intoxication of victory; while at Flodden-edge, in the same autumn, the
ancestral allies of France sustained the most crushing defeat recorded in
Scottish history. When both sides in a war have invoked God's favour, the
successful side is ready enough to believe that its prayers have been
answered and its action accepted by God.
Erasmus was now reader in Greek and professor of divinity at Cambridge;
but Cambridge was far away from the centre of European thought and of
literary activities. He left England before the end of the year for Basel,
where the greater part of his life thenceforth was passed. Froben had made
Basel the chief literary centre of production for the whole of Europe.
Through Froben's printing-presses Erasmus could reach a wider audience
than was allowed him at any court, however favourable to pure religion and
the new learning. It was at this juncture that he made an eloquent and
far-reaching appeal, on a matter which lay very near his heart, to the
conscience of Christendom.
The Adagia, that vast work which was, at least to his own generation,
Erasmus's foremost title to fame, has long ago passed into the rank of
those monuments of literature "dont la reputation s'affermira toujours
parcequ'on ne les lit guère. " So far as Erasmus is more than a name for
most modern readers, it is on slighter and more popular works that any
direct knowledge of him is grounded on the Colloquies, which only ceased
to be a schoolbook within living memory, on the Praise of Folly, and on
selections from the enormous masses of his letters. An Oxford scholar of
the last generation, whose profound knowledge of humanistic literature was
accompanied by a gift of terse and pointed expression, describes the
Adagia in a single sentence, as "a manual of the wit and wisdom of the
ancient world for the use of the modern, enlivened by commentary in
Erasmus's finest vein. " In its first form, the Adagiorum Collectanea, it
was published by him at Paris in 1500, just after his return from England.
In the author's epistle dedicatory to Mountjoy he ascribes to him and to
Richard Charnock, the prior of Saint Mary's College in Oxford, the
inspiration of the work. It consists of a series of between eight and nine
hundred comments in brief essays, each suggested by some terse or
proverbial phrase from an ancient Latin author. The work gave full scope
for the display, not only of the immense treasures of his learning, but of
those other qualities, the combination of which raised their author far
above all other contemporary writers, his keen wit, his copiousness and
facility, his complete control of Latin as a living language. It met with
an enthusiastic reception, and placed him at once at the head of European
men of letters. Edition after edition poured from the press. It was ten
times reissued at Paris within a generation. Eleven editions were
published at Strasburg between 1509 and 1521. Within the same years it was
reprinted at Erfurt, The Hague, Cologne, Mayence, Leyden, and elsewhere.
The Rhine valley was the great nursery of letters north of the Alps, and
along the Rhine from source to sea the book spread and was multiplied.
This success induced Erasmus to enlarge and complete his labours. The
Adagiorum Chiliades, the title of the work in its new form, was part of
the work of his residence in Italy in the years 1506-9, and was published
at Venice by Aldus in September, 1508. The enlarged collection, to all
intents and purposes a new work, consists of no less than three thousand
two hundred and sixty heads. In a preface, Erasmus speaks slightingly of
the Adagiorum Collectanea, with that affectation from which few authors
are free, as a little collection carelessly made. "Some people got hold of
it," he adds, (and here the affectation becomes absolute untruth,) "and
had it printed very incorrectly. " In the new work, however, much of the
old disappears, much more is partially or wholly recast; and such of the
old matter as is retained is dispersed at random among the new. In the
Collectanea the commentaries had all been brief: here many are expanded
into substantial treatises covering four or five pages of closely printed
folio.
The Aldine edition had been reprinted at Basel by Froben in 1513. Shortly
afterwards Erasmus himself took up his permanent residence there. Under
his immediate supervision there presently appeared what was to all intents
and purposes the definitive edition of 1515. It is a book of nearly seven
hundred folio pages, and contains, besides the introductory matter, three
thousand four hundred and eleven headings. In his preface Erasmus gives
some details with regard to its composition. Of the original Paris work he
now says, no doubt with truth, that it was undertaken by him hastily and
without enough method. When preparing the Venice edition he had better
realized the magnitude of the enterprise, and was better fitted for it by
reading and learning, more especially by the mass of Greek manuscripts,
and of newly printed Greek first editions, to which he had access at
Venice and in other parts of Italy. In England also, owing very largely to
the kindness of Archbishop Warham, more leisure and an ampler library had
been available.
Among several important additions made in the edition of 1515, this essay,
the text of which is the proverbial phrase "Dulce bellum inexpertis," is
at once the longest and the most remarkable. The adage itself, with a few
lines of commentary, had indeed been in the original collection; but the
treatise, in itself a substantial work, now appeared for the first time.
It occupied a conspicuous place as the first heading in the fourth Chiliad
of the complete work; and it was at once singled out from the rest as of
special note and profound import. Froben was soon called upon for a
separate edition. This appeared in April, 1517, in a quarto of twenty
pages. This little book, the Bellum Erasmi as it was called for the sake
of brevity, ran like wildfire from reader to reader. Half the scholarly
presses of Europe were soon employed in reprinting it. Within ten years it
had been reissued at Louvain, twice at Strasburg, twice at Mayence, at
Leipsic, twice at Paris, twice at Cologne, at Antwerp, and at Venice.
German translations of it were published at Basel and at Strasburg in 1519
and 1520. It soon made its way to England, and the translation here
utilized was issued by Berthelet, the king's printer, in the winter of
1533-4.
Whether the translation be by Richard Taverner, the translator and editor,
a few years later, of an epitome or selection of the Chiliades, or by some
other hand, there are no direct means of ascertaining; nor except for
purposes of curiosity is the question an important one. The version wholly
lacks distinction. It is a work of adequate scholarship but of no
independent literary merit. English prose was then hardly formed. The
revival of letters had reached the country, but for political and social
reasons which are readily to be found in any handbook of English history,
it had found a soil, fertile indeed, but not yet broken up. Since Chaucer,
English poetry had practically stood still, and except where poetry has
cleared the way, prose does not in ordinary circumstances advance. A few
adventurers in setting forth had appeared. More's Utopia, one of the
earliest of English prose classics, is a classic in virtue of its style as
well as of its matter. Berners's translation of Froissart, published in
1523, was the first and one of the finest of that magnificent series of
translations which from this time onwards for about a century were
produced in an almost continuous stream, and through which the secret of
prose was slowly wrung from older and more accomplished languages.
Latimer, about the same time, showed his countrymen how a vernacular
prose, flexible, well knit, and nervous, might be written without its
lines being traced on any ancient or foreign model. Coverdale, the
greatest master of English prose whom the century produced, whose name has
just missed the immortality that is secure for his work, must have
substantially completed that magnificent version of the Bible which
appeared in 1535, and to which the authorized version of the seventeenth
century owes all that one work of genius can owe to another. It is not
with these great men that the translator of this treatise can be compared.
But he wrought, after his measure, on the same structure as they.
It is then to the original Latin, not to this rude and stammering version,
that scholars must turn now, as still more certainly they turned then, for
the mind of Erasmus; for with him, even more eminently than with other
authors, the style is the man, and his Latin is the substance, not merely
the dress, of his thought. When he wrote it he was about forty-eight years
of age. He was still in the fullness of his power. If he was often
crippled by delicate health, that was no more than he had habitually been
from boyhood. In this treatise we come very near the real man, with his
strange mixture of liberalism and orthodoxy, of clear-sighted courage and
a delicacy which nearly always might be mistaken for timidity.
His text is that (in the translator's words) "nothing is either more
wicked or more wretched, nothing doth worse become a man (I will not say a
Christian man) than war. " War was shocking to Erasmus alike on every side
of his remarkably complex and sensitive nature. It was impious; it was
inhuman; it was ugly; it was in every sense of the word barbarous, to one
who before all things and in the full sense of the word was civilized and
a lover of civilization. All these varied aspects of the case, seen by
others singly and partially, were to him facets of one truth, rays of one
light. His argument circles and flickers among them, hardly pausing to
enforce one before passing insensibly to another. In the splendid
vindication of the nature of man with which the treatise opens, the tone
is rather that of Cicero than of the New Testament. The majesty of man
resides above all in his capacity to "behold the very pure strength and
nature of things;" in essence he is no fallen and corrupt creature, but a
piece of workmanship such as Shakespeare describes him through the mouth
of Hamlet. He was shaped to this heroic mould "by Nature, or rather god,"
so the Tudor translation reads, and the use of capital letters, though
only a freak of the printer, brings out with a singular suggestiveness the
latent pantheism which underlies the thought of all the humanists. To this
wonderful creature strife and warfare are naturally repugnant. Not only is
his frame "weak and tender," but he is "born to love and amity. " His chief
end, the object to which all his highest and most distinctively human
powers are directed, is coöperant labour in the pursuit of knowledge. War
comes out of ignorance, and into ignorance it leads; of war comes contempt
of virtue and of godly living. In the age of Machiavelli the word "virtue"
had a double and sinister meaning; but here it is taken in its nobler
sense. Yet, the argument continues, for "virtue," even in the Florentine
statesman's sense, war gives but little room. It is waged mainly for "vain
titles or childish wrath;" it does not foster, in those responsible for
it, any one of the nobler excellences. The argument throughout this part
of the treatise is, both in its substance and in its ornament, wholly
apart from the dogmas of religion. The furies of war are described as
rising out of a very pagan hell. The apostrophe of Nature to mankind
immediately suggests the spirit as well as the language of Lucretius.
Erasmus had clearly been reading the De Rerum Natura, and borrows some of
his finest touches from that miraculous description of the growth of
civilization in the fifth book, which is one of the noblest contributions
of antiquity towards a real conception of the nature of the world and of
man. The progressive degeneration of morality, because, as its scope
becomes higher, practice falls further and further short of it, is
insisted upon by both these great thinkers in much the same spirit and
with much the same illustrations. The rise of empires, "of which there was
never none yet in any nation, but it was gotten with the great shedding of
man's blood," is seen by both in the same light. But Erasmus passes on to
the more expressly religious aspect of the whole matter in the great
double climax with which he crowns his argument, the wickedness of a
Christian fighting against another man, the horror of a Christian fighting
against another Christian. "Yea, and with a thing so devilish," he breaks
out in a mingling of intense scorn and profound pity, "we mingle Christ. "
From this passionate appeal he passes to the praises of peace. Why should
men add the horrors of war to all the other miseries and dangers of life?
Why should one man's gain be sought only through another's loss? All
victories in war are Cadmean; not only from their cost in blood and
treasure, but because we are in very truth "the members of one body,"
"redeemed with Christ's blood. " Such was the clear, unmistakable teaching
of our Lord himself, such of his apostles. But the doctrine of Christ has
been "plied to worldly opinion. " Worldly men, philosophers following "the
sophistries of Aristotle," worst of all, divines and theologians
themselves, have corrupted the Gospel to the heathenish doctrine that
"every man must first provide for himself. " The very words of Scripture
are wrested to this abuse. Self-defence is held to excuse any violence.
"Peter fought," they say, "in the garden,"--yes, and that same night he
denied his Master! "But punishment of wrong is a divine ordinance. " In war
the punishment falls on the innocent. "But the law of nature bids us repel
violence by violence. " What is the law of Christ? "But may not a prince go
to war justly for his right? " Did any war ever lack a title? "But what of
wars against the Turk? " Such wars are of Turk against Turk; let us
overcome evil with good, let us spread the Gospel by doing what the Gospel
commands: did Christ say, Hate them that hate you?
Then, with the tact of an accomplished orator, he lets the tension relax,
and drops to a lower tone. Even apart from all that has been urged, even
if war were ever justifiable, think of the price that has to be paid for
it. On this ground alone an unjust peace is far preferable to a just war.
(These had been the very words of Colet to the king of England. ) Men go to
war under fine pretexts, but really to get riches, to satisfy hatred, or
to win the poor glory of destroying. The hatred is but exasperated; the
glory is won by and for the dregs of mankind; the riches are in the most
prosperous event swallowed up ten times over. Yet if it be impossible but
war should be, if there may be sometimes a "colour of equity" in it, and
if the tyrant's plea, necessity, be ever well-founded, at least, so
Erasmus ends, let it be conducted mercifully. Let us live in fervent
desire of the peace that we may not fully attain. Let princes restrain
their peoples; let churchmen above all be peacemakers. So the treatise
passes to its conclusion with that eulogy of the Medicean pope already
mentioned, which perhaps was not wholly undeserved. To the modern world
the name of Leo X has come down marked with a note of censure or even of
ignominy. It is fair to remember that it did not bear quite the same
aspect to its contemporaries, nor to the ages which immediately followed.
Under Rodrigo Borgia it might well seem to others than to the Florentine
mystic that antichrist was enthroned, and Satan let loose upon earth. The
eight years of Leo's pontificate (1513-21) were at least a period of
outward splendour and of a refinement hitherto unknown. The corruption,
half veiled by that refinement and splendour, was deep and mortal, but the
collapse did not come till later. By comparison with the disastrous reign
of Clement VII, his bastard cousin, that of Giovanni de' Medici seemed a
last gleam of light before blackness descended on the world. Even the
licence of a dissolute age was contrasted to its favour with the gloom,
"tristitia," that settled down over Europe with the great Catholic
reaction. The age of Leo X has descended to history as the age of Bembo,
Sannazaro, Lascaris, of the Stanze of the Vatican, of Raphael's Sistine
Madonna and Titian's Assumption; of the conquest of Mexico and the
circumnavigation of Magellan; of Magdalen Tower and King's College Chapel.
It was an interval of comparative peace before a long epoch of wars more
cruel and more devastating than any within the memory of men. The general
European conflagration did not break out until ten years after Erasmus's
death; though it had then long been foreseen as inevitable. But he lived
to see the conquest of Rhodes by Soliman, the sack of Rome, the breach
between England and the papacy, the ill-omened marriage of Catherine de'
Medici to the heir of the French throne. Humanism had done all that it
could, and failed. In the sanguinary era of one hundred years between the
outbreak of the civil war in the Empire and the Peace of Westphalia, the
Renaissance followed the Middle Ages to the grave, and the modern world
was born.
The mere fact of this treatise having been translated into English and
published by the king's printer shows, in an age when the literary product
of England was as yet scanty, that it had some vogue and exercised some
influence. But only a few copies of the work are known to exist; and it
was never reprinted.
AGAINST WAR
ERASMUS
AGAINST WAR
[Illustration]
WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY
J·W·MACKAIL
THE MERRYMOUNT PRESS
BOSTON, MDCCCCVII
Copyright, 1907, by D. B. Updike
CONTENTS
Introduction ix
Against War 3
INTRODUCTION
The Treatise on War, of which the earliest English translation is here
reprinted, was among the most famous writings of the most illustrious
writer of his age. Few people now read Erasmus; he has become for the
world in general a somewhat vague name. Only by some effort of the
historical imagination is it possible for those who are not professed
scholars and students to realize the enormous force which he was at a
critical period in the history of civilization. The free institutions and
the material progress of the modern world have alike their roots in
humanism. Humanism as a movement of the human mind culminated in the age,
and even in a sense in the person, of Erasmus. Its brilliant flower was of
an earlier period; its fruits developed and matured later; but it was in
his time, and in him, that the fruit set! The earlier sixteenth century is
not so romantic as its predecessors, nor so rich in solid achievement as
others that have followed it. As in some orchard when spring is over, the
blossom lies withered on the grass, and the fruit has long to wait before
it can ripen on the boughs. Yet here, in the dull, hot midsummer days, is
the central and critical period of the year's growth.
The life of Erasmus is accessible in many popular forms as well as in more
learned and formal works. To recapitulate it here would fall beyond the
scope of a preface. But in order to appreciate this treatise fully it is
necessary to realize the time and circumstances in which it appeared, and
to recall some of the main features of its author's life and work up to
the date of its composition.
That date can be fixed with certainty, from a combination of external and
internal evidence, between the years 1513 and 1515; in all probability it
was the winter of 1514-15. It was printed in the latter year, in the
"editio princeps" of the enlarged and rewritten Adagia then issued from
Froben's great printing-works at Basel. The stormy decennate of Pope
Julius II had ended in February, 1513. To his successor, Giovanni de'
Medici, who succeeded to the papal throne under the name of Leo X, the
treatise is particularly addressed. The years which ensued were a time
singularly momentous in the history of religion, of letters, and of the
whole life of the civilized world. The eulogy of Leo with which Erasmus
ends indicates the hopes then entertained of a new Augustan age of peace
and reconciliation. The Reformation was still capable of being regarded as
an internal and constructive force, within the framework of the society
built up by the Middle Ages. The final divorce between humanism and the
Church had not yet been made. The long and disastrous epoch of the wars of
religion was still only a dark cloud on the horizon. The Renaissance was
really dead, but few yet realized the fact. The new head of the Church was
a lover of peace, a friend of scholars, a munificent patron of the arts.
This treatise shows that Erasmus, to a certain extent, shared or strove to
share in an illusion widely spread among the educated classes of Europe.
With a far keener instinct for that which the souls of men required, an
Augustinian monk from Wittenberg, who had visited Rome two years earlier,
had turned away from the temple where a corpse lay swathed in gold and
half hid in the steam of incense. With a far keener insight into the real
state of things, Machiavelli was, at just this time, composing The Prince.
In one form or another, the subject of his impassioned pleading for peace
among beings human, civilized, and Christian, had been long in Erasmus's
mind. In his most celebrated single work, the Praise of Folly, he had
bitterly attacked the attitude towards war habitual, and evilly
consecrated by usage, among kings and popes. The same argument had formed
the substance of a document addressed by him, under the title of
Anti-Polemus, to Pope Julius in 1507. Much of the substance, much even of
the phraseology of that earlier work is doubtless repeated here. Beyond
the specific reference to Pope Leo, the other notes of time in the
treatise now before us are few and faint. Allusions to Louis XII of France
(1498-1515), to Ferdinand the Catholic (1479-1516), to Philip, king of
Aragon (1504-1516), and Sigismund, king of Poland (1506-1548), are all
consistent with the composition of the treatise some years earlier. At the
end of it he promises to treat of the matter more largely when he
publishes the Anti-Polemus. But this intention was never carried into
effect. Perhaps Erasmus had become convinced of its futility; for the
events of the years which followed soon showed that the new Augustan age
was but a false dawn over which night settled more stormily and profoundly
than before.
For ten or a dozen years Erasmus had stood at the head of European
scholarship. His name was as famous in France and England as in the Low
Countries and Germany. The age was indeed one of those in which the
much-abused term of the republic of letters had a real and vital meaning.
The nationalities of modern Europe had already formed themselves; the
notion of the Empire had become obsolete, and if the imperial title was
still coveted by princes, it was under no illusion as to the amount of
effective supremacy which it carried with it, or as to any life yet
remaining in the mediaeval doctrine of the unity of Christendom whether as
a church or as a state. The discovery of the new world near the end of
the previous century precipitated a revolution in European politics
towards which events had long been moving, and finally broke up the
political framework of the Middle Ages. But the other great event of the
same period, the invention and diffusion of the art of printing, had
created a new European commonwealth of the mind. The history of the
century which followed it is a history in which the landmarks are found
less in battles and treaties than in books.
The earlier life of the man who occupies the central place in the literary
and spiritual movement of his time in no important way differs from the
youth of many contemporary scholars and writers. Even the illegitimacy of
his birth was an accident shared with so many others that it does not mark
him out in any way from his fellows. His early education at Utrecht, at
Deventer, at Herzogenbosch; his enforced and unhappy novitiate in a house
of Augustinian canons near Gouda; his secretaryship to the bishop of
Cambray, the grudging patron who allowed rather than assisted him to
complete his training at the University of Paris--all this was at the time
mere matter of common form. It is with his arrival in England in 1497, at
the age of thirty-one, that his effective life really begins.
For the next twenty years that life was one of restless movement and
incessant production. In England, France, the Low Countries, on the upper
Rhine, and in Italy, he flitted about gathering up the whole intellectual
movement of the age, and pouring forth the results in that admirable Latin
which was not only the common language of scholars in every country, but
the single language in which he himself thought instinctively and wrote
freely. Between the Adagia of 1500 and the Colloquia of 1516 comes a mass
of writings equivalent to the total product of many fertile and
industrious pens. He worked in the cause of humanism with a sacred fury,
striving with all his might to connect it with all that was living in the
old and all that was developing in the newer world. In his travels no less
than in his studies the aspect of war must have perpetually met him as at
once the cause and the effect of barbarism; it was the symbol of
everything to which humanism in its broader as well as in its narrower
aspect was utterly opposed and repugnant. He was a student at Paris in the
ominous year of the first French invasion of Italy, in which the death of
Pico della Mirandola and Politian came like a symbol of the death of the
Italian Renaissance itself. Charles VIII, as has often been said, brought
back the Renaissance to France from that expedition; but he brought her
back a captive chained to the wheels of his cannon. The epoch of the
Italian wars began. A little later (1500) Sandro Botticelli painted that
amazing Nativity which is one of the chief treasures of the London
National Gallery. Over it in mystical Greek may still be read the
painter's own words: "This picture was painted by me Alexander amid the
confusions of Italy at the time prophesied in the Second Woe of the
Apocalypse, when Satan shall be loosed upon the earth. " In November, 1506,
Erasmus was at Bologna, and saw the triumphal entry of Pope Julius into
the city at the head of a great mercenary army. Two years later the league
of Cambray, a combination of folly, treachery and shame which filled even
hardened politicians with horror, plunged half Europe into a war in which
no one was a gainer and which finally ruined Italy: "bellum quo nullum,"
says the historian, "vel atrocius vel diuturnius in Italia post exactos
Gothos majores nostri meminerunt. " In England Erasmus found, on his first
visit, a country exhausted by the long and desperate struggle of the Wars
of the Roses, out of which she had emerged with half her ruling class
killed in battle or on the scaffold, and the whole fabric of society to
reconstruct. The Empire was in a state of confusion and turmoil no less
deplorable and much more extensive. The Diet of 1495 had indeed, by an
expiring effort towards the suppression of absolute anarchy, decreed the
abolition of private war. But in a society where every owner of a castle,
every lord of a few square miles of territory, could conduct public war on
his own account, the prohibition was of little more than formal value.
Humanism had been introduced by the end of the fifteenth century in some
of the German universities, but too late to have much effect on the rising
fury of religious controversy. The very year in which this treatise
against war was published gave to the world another work of even wider
circulation and more profound consequences. The famous Epistolae
Obscurorum Virorum, first published in 1515, and circulated rapidly among
all the educated readers of Europe, made an open breach between the
humanists and the Church. That breach was never closed; nor on the other
hand could the efforts of well-intentioned reformers like Melancthon bring
humanism into any organic relation with the reformed movement. When mutual
exhaustion concluded the European struggle, civilization had to start
afresh; it took a century more to recover the lost ground. The very idea
of humanism had long before then disappeared.
War, pestilence, the theologians: these were the three great enemies with
which Erasmus says he had throughout life to contend. It was during the
years he spent in England that he was perhaps least harassed by them. His
three periods of residence there--a fourth, in 1517, appears to have been
of short duration and not marked by any very notable incident--were of the
utmost importance in his life. During the first, in his residence between
the years 1497 and 1499 at London and Oxford, the English Renaissance, if
the name be fully applicable to so partial and inconclusive a movement,
was in the promise and ardour of its brief spring. It was then that
Erasmus made the acquaintance of those great Englishmen whose names cannot
be mentioned with too much reverence: Colet, Grocyn, Latimer, Linacre.
These men were the makers of modern England to a degree hardly realized.
They carried the future in their hands. Peace had descended upon a weary
country; and the younger generation was full of new hopes. The Enchiridion
Militis Christiani, written soon after Erasmus returned to France,
breathes the spirit of one who had not lost hope in the reconciliation of
the Church and the world, of the old and new. When Erasmus made his second
visit to England, in 1506, that fair promise had grown and spread. Colet
had become dean of Saint Paul's; and through him, as it would appear,
Erasmus now made the acquaintance of another great man with whom he soon
formed as close an intimacy, Thomas More.
His Italian journey followed: he was in Italy nearly three years, at
Turin, Bologna, Venice, Padua, Siena, Rome. It was in the first of these
years that Albert Dürer was also in Italy, where he met Bellini and was
recognized by the Italian masters as the head of a new transalpine art in
no way inferior to their own. The year after Erasmus left Italy,
Botticelli, the last survivor of the ancient world, died at Florence.
Meanwhile, Henry VIII, a prince, young, handsome, generous, pious, had
succeeded to the throne of England. A golden age was thought to have
dawned. Lord Mountjoy, who had been the pupil of Erasmus at Paris, and
with whom he had first come to England, lost no time in urging Henry to
send for the most brilliant and famous of European scholars, and attach
him to his court. The king, who had already met and admired him, needed no
pressing. In the letter which Henry himself wrote to Erasmus entreating
him to take up his residence in England, the language employed was that of
sincere admiration; nor was there any conscious insincerity in the main
motive which he urged. "It is my earnest wish," wrote the king, "to
restore Christ's religion to its primitive purity. " The history of the
English Reformation supplies a strange commentary on these words.
But the first few years of the new reign (1509-1513), which coincide with
the third and longest sojourn of Erasmus in England, were a time in which
high hopes might not seem unreasonable. While Italy was ravaged by war and
the rest of Europe was in uneasy ferment, England remained peaceful and
prosperous. The lust of the eyes and the pride of life were indeed the
motive forces of the court; but alongside of these was a real desire for
reform, and a real if very imperfect attempt to cultivate the nobler arts
of peace, to establish learning, and to purify religion. Colet's great
foundation of Saint Paul's School in 1510 is one of the landmarks of
English history. Erasmus joined the founder and the first high master,
Colet and Lily, in composing the schoolbooks to be used in it. He had
already written, in More's house at Chelsea, where pure religion reigned
alongside of high culture, the Encomium Moriae, in which all his immense
gifts of eloquence and wit were lavished on the cause of humanism and the
larger cause of humanity. That war was at once a sin, a scandal, and a
folly was one of the central doctrines of the group of eminent Englishmen
with whom he was now associated. It was a doctrine held by them with some
ambiguity and in varying degrees. In the Utopia (1516) More condemns wars
of aggression, while taking the common view as to wars of so-called
self-defence. In 1513, when Henry, swept into the seductive scheme for a
partition of France by a European confederacy, was preparing for the first
of his many useless and inglorious continental campaigns, Colet spoke out
more freely. He preached before the court against war itself as barbarous
and unchristian, and did not spare either kings or popes who dealt
otherwise. Henry was disturbed; he sent for Colet, and pressed him hard on
the point whether he meant that all wars were unjustifiable. Colet was in
advance of his age, but not so far in advance of it as this. He gave some
kind of answer which satisfied the king. The preparations for war went
forward; the Battle of Spurs plunged the court and all the nation into the
intoxication of victory; while at Flodden-edge, in the same autumn, the
ancestral allies of France sustained the most crushing defeat recorded in
Scottish history. When both sides in a war have invoked God's favour, the
successful side is ready enough to believe that its prayers have been
answered and its action accepted by God.
Erasmus was now reader in Greek and professor of divinity at Cambridge;
but Cambridge was far away from the centre of European thought and of
literary activities. He left England before the end of the year for Basel,
where the greater part of his life thenceforth was passed. Froben had made
Basel the chief literary centre of production for the whole of Europe.
Through Froben's printing-presses Erasmus could reach a wider audience
than was allowed him at any court, however favourable to pure religion and
the new learning. It was at this juncture that he made an eloquent and
far-reaching appeal, on a matter which lay very near his heart, to the
conscience of Christendom.
The Adagia, that vast work which was, at least to his own generation,
Erasmus's foremost title to fame, has long ago passed into the rank of
those monuments of literature "dont la reputation s'affermira toujours
parcequ'on ne les lit guère. " So far as Erasmus is more than a name for
most modern readers, it is on slighter and more popular works that any
direct knowledge of him is grounded on the Colloquies, which only ceased
to be a schoolbook within living memory, on the Praise of Folly, and on
selections from the enormous masses of his letters. An Oxford scholar of
the last generation, whose profound knowledge of humanistic literature was
accompanied by a gift of terse and pointed expression, describes the
Adagia in a single sentence, as "a manual of the wit and wisdom of the
ancient world for the use of the modern, enlivened by commentary in
Erasmus's finest vein. " In its first form, the Adagiorum Collectanea, it
was published by him at Paris in 1500, just after his return from England.
In the author's epistle dedicatory to Mountjoy he ascribes to him and to
Richard Charnock, the prior of Saint Mary's College in Oxford, the
inspiration of the work. It consists of a series of between eight and nine
hundred comments in brief essays, each suggested by some terse or
proverbial phrase from an ancient Latin author. The work gave full scope
for the display, not only of the immense treasures of his learning, but of
those other qualities, the combination of which raised their author far
above all other contemporary writers, his keen wit, his copiousness and
facility, his complete control of Latin as a living language. It met with
an enthusiastic reception, and placed him at once at the head of European
men of letters. Edition after edition poured from the press. It was ten
times reissued at Paris within a generation. Eleven editions were
published at Strasburg between 1509 and 1521. Within the same years it was
reprinted at Erfurt, The Hague, Cologne, Mayence, Leyden, and elsewhere.
The Rhine valley was the great nursery of letters north of the Alps, and
along the Rhine from source to sea the book spread and was multiplied.
This success induced Erasmus to enlarge and complete his labours. The
Adagiorum Chiliades, the title of the work in its new form, was part of
the work of his residence in Italy in the years 1506-9, and was published
at Venice by Aldus in September, 1508. The enlarged collection, to all
intents and purposes a new work, consists of no less than three thousand
two hundred and sixty heads. In a preface, Erasmus speaks slightingly of
the Adagiorum Collectanea, with that affectation from which few authors
are free, as a little collection carelessly made. "Some people got hold of
it," he adds, (and here the affectation becomes absolute untruth,) "and
had it printed very incorrectly. " In the new work, however, much of the
old disappears, much more is partially or wholly recast; and such of the
old matter as is retained is dispersed at random among the new. In the
Collectanea the commentaries had all been brief: here many are expanded
into substantial treatises covering four or five pages of closely printed
folio.
The Aldine edition had been reprinted at Basel by Froben in 1513. Shortly
afterwards Erasmus himself took up his permanent residence there. Under
his immediate supervision there presently appeared what was to all intents
and purposes the definitive edition of 1515. It is a book of nearly seven
hundred folio pages, and contains, besides the introductory matter, three
thousand four hundred and eleven headings. In his preface Erasmus gives
some details with regard to its composition. Of the original Paris work he
now says, no doubt with truth, that it was undertaken by him hastily and
without enough method. When preparing the Venice edition he had better
realized the magnitude of the enterprise, and was better fitted for it by
reading and learning, more especially by the mass of Greek manuscripts,
and of newly printed Greek first editions, to which he had access at
Venice and in other parts of Italy. In England also, owing very largely to
the kindness of Archbishop Warham, more leisure and an ampler library had
been available.
Among several important additions made in the edition of 1515, this essay,
the text of which is the proverbial phrase "Dulce bellum inexpertis," is
at once the longest and the most remarkable. The adage itself, with a few
lines of commentary, had indeed been in the original collection; but the
treatise, in itself a substantial work, now appeared for the first time.
It occupied a conspicuous place as the first heading in the fourth Chiliad
of the complete work; and it was at once singled out from the rest as of
special note and profound import. Froben was soon called upon for a
separate edition. This appeared in April, 1517, in a quarto of twenty
pages. This little book, the Bellum Erasmi as it was called for the sake
of brevity, ran like wildfire from reader to reader. Half the scholarly
presses of Europe were soon employed in reprinting it. Within ten years it
had been reissued at Louvain, twice at Strasburg, twice at Mayence, at
Leipsic, twice at Paris, twice at Cologne, at Antwerp, and at Venice.
German translations of it were published at Basel and at Strasburg in 1519
and 1520. It soon made its way to England, and the translation here
utilized was issued by Berthelet, the king's printer, in the winter of
1533-4.
Whether the translation be by Richard Taverner, the translator and editor,
a few years later, of an epitome or selection of the Chiliades, or by some
other hand, there are no direct means of ascertaining; nor except for
purposes of curiosity is the question an important one. The version wholly
lacks distinction. It is a work of adequate scholarship but of no
independent literary merit. English prose was then hardly formed. The
revival of letters had reached the country, but for political and social
reasons which are readily to be found in any handbook of English history,
it had found a soil, fertile indeed, but not yet broken up. Since Chaucer,
English poetry had practically stood still, and except where poetry has
cleared the way, prose does not in ordinary circumstances advance. A few
adventurers in setting forth had appeared. More's Utopia, one of the
earliest of English prose classics, is a classic in virtue of its style as
well as of its matter. Berners's translation of Froissart, published in
1523, was the first and one of the finest of that magnificent series of
translations which from this time onwards for about a century were
produced in an almost continuous stream, and through which the secret of
prose was slowly wrung from older and more accomplished languages.
Latimer, about the same time, showed his countrymen how a vernacular
prose, flexible, well knit, and nervous, might be written without its
lines being traced on any ancient or foreign model. Coverdale, the
greatest master of English prose whom the century produced, whose name has
just missed the immortality that is secure for his work, must have
substantially completed that magnificent version of the Bible which
appeared in 1535, and to which the authorized version of the seventeenth
century owes all that one work of genius can owe to another. It is not
with these great men that the translator of this treatise can be compared.
But he wrought, after his measure, on the same structure as they.
It is then to the original Latin, not to this rude and stammering version,
that scholars must turn now, as still more certainly they turned then, for
the mind of Erasmus; for with him, even more eminently than with other
authors, the style is the man, and his Latin is the substance, not merely
the dress, of his thought. When he wrote it he was about forty-eight years
of age. He was still in the fullness of his power. If he was often
crippled by delicate health, that was no more than he had habitually been
from boyhood. In this treatise we come very near the real man, with his
strange mixture of liberalism and orthodoxy, of clear-sighted courage and
a delicacy which nearly always might be mistaken for timidity.
His text is that (in the translator's words) "nothing is either more
wicked or more wretched, nothing doth worse become a man (I will not say a
Christian man) than war. " War was shocking to Erasmus alike on every side
of his remarkably complex and sensitive nature. It was impious; it was
inhuman; it was ugly; it was in every sense of the word barbarous, to one
who before all things and in the full sense of the word was civilized and
a lover of civilization. All these varied aspects of the case, seen by
others singly and partially, were to him facets of one truth, rays of one
light. His argument circles and flickers among them, hardly pausing to
enforce one before passing insensibly to another. In the splendid
vindication of the nature of man with which the treatise opens, the tone
is rather that of Cicero than of the New Testament. The majesty of man
resides above all in his capacity to "behold the very pure strength and
nature of things;" in essence he is no fallen and corrupt creature, but a
piece of workmanship such as Shakespeare describes him through the mouth
of Hamlet. He was shaped to this heroic mould "by Nature, or rather god,"
so the Tudor translation reads, and the use of capital letters, though
only a freak of the printer, brings out with a singular suggestiveness the
latent pantheism which underlies the thought of all the humanists. To this
wonderful creature strife and warfare are naturally repugnant. Not only is
his frame "weak and tender," but he is "born to love and amity. " His chief
end, the object to which all his highest and most distinctively human
powers are directed, is coöperant labour in the pursuit of knowledge. War
comes out of ignorance, and into ignorance it leads; of war comes contempt
of virtue and of godly living. In the age of Machiavelli the word "virtue"
had a double and sinister meaning; but here it is taken in its nobler
sense. Yet, the argument continues, for "virtue," even in the Florentine
statesman's sense, war gives but little room. It is waged mainly for "vain
titles or childish wrath;" it does not foster, in those responsible for
it, any one of the nobler excellences. The argument throughout this part
of the treatise is, both in its substance and in its ornament, wholly
apart from the dogmas of religion. The furies of war are described as
rising out of a very pagan hell. The apostrophe of Nature to mankind
immediately suggests the spirit as well as the language of Lucretius.
Erasmus had clearly been reading the De Rerum Natura, and borrows some of
his finest touches from that miraculous description of the growth of
civilization in the fifth book, which is one of the noblest contributions
of antiquity towards a real conception of the nature of the world and of
man. The progressive degeneration of morality, because, as its scope
becomes higher, practice falls further and further short of it, is
insisted upon by both these great thinkers in much the same spirit and
with much the same illustrations. The rise of empires, "of which there was
never none yet in any nation, but it was gotten with the great shedding of
man's blood," is seen by both in the same light. But Erasmus passes on to
the more expressly religious aspect of the whole matter in the great
double climax with which he crowns his argument, the wickedness of a
Christian fighting against another man, the horror of a Christian fighting
against another Christian. "Yea, and with a thing so devilish," he breaks
out in a mingling of intense scorn and profound pity, "we mingle Christ. "
From this passionate appeal he passes to the praises of peace. Why should
men add the horrors of war to all the other miseries and dangers of life?
Why should one man's gain be sought only through another's loss? All
victories in war are Cadmean; not only from their cost in blood and
treasure, but because we are in very truth "the members of one body,"
"redeemed with Christ's blood. " Such was the clear, unmistakable teaching
of our Lord himself, such of his apostles. But the doctrine of Christ has
been "plied to worldly opinion. " Worldly men, philosophers following "the
sophistries of Aristotle," worst of all, divines and theologians
themselves, have corrupted the Gospel to the heathenish doctrine that
"every man must first provide for himself. " The very words of Scripture
are wrested to this abuse. Self-defence is held to excuse any violence.
Allusions to Louis XII of France
(1498-1515), to Ferdinand the Catholic (1479-1516), to Philip, king of
Aragon (1504-1516), and Sigismund, king of Poland (1506-1548), are all
consistent with the composition of the treatise some years earlier. At the
end of it he promises to treat of the matter more largely when he
publishes the Anti-Polemus. But this intention was never carried into
effect. Perhaps Erasmus had become convinced of its futility; for the
events of the years which followed soon showed that the new Augustan age
was but a false dawn over which night settled more stormily and profoundly
than before.
For ten or a dozen years Erasmus had stood at the head of European
scholarship. His name was as famous in France and England as in the Low
Countries and Germany. The age was indeed one of those in which the
much-abused term of the republic of letters had a real and vital meaning.
The nationalities of modern Europe had already formed themselves; the
notion of the Empire had become obsolete, and if the imperial title was
still coveted by princes, it was under no illusion as to the amount of
effective supremacy which it carried with it, or as to any life yet
remaining in the mediaeval doctrine of the unity of Christendom whether as
a church or as a state. The discovery of the new world near the end of
the previous century precipitated a revolution in European politics
towards which events had long been moving, and finally broke up the
political framework of the Middle Ages. But the other great event of the
same period, the invention and diffusion of the art of printing, had
created a new European commonwealth of the mind. The history of the
century which followed it is a history in which the landmarks are found
less in battles and treaties than in books.
The earlier life of the man who occupies the central place in the literary
and spiritual movement of his time in no important way differs from the
youth of many contemporary scholars and writers. Even the illegitimacy of
his birth was an accident shared with so many others that it does not mark
him out in any way from his fellows. His early education at Utrecht, at
Deventer, at Herzogenbosch; his enforced and unhappy novitiate in a house
of Augustinian canons near Gouda; his secretaryship to the bishop of
Cambray, the grudging patron who allowed rather than assisted him to
complete his training at the University of Paris--all this was at the time
mere matter of common form. It is with his arrival in England in 1497, at
the age of thirty-one, that his effective life really begins.
For the next twenty years that life was one of restless movement and
incessant production. In England, France, the Low Countries, on the upper
Rhine, and in Italy, he flitted about gathering up the whole intellectual
movement of the age, and pouring forth the results in that admirable Latin
which was not only the common language of scholars in every country, but
the single language in which he himself thought instinctively and wrote
freely. Between the Adagia of 1500 and the Colloquia of 1516 comes a mass
of writings equivalent to the total product of many fertile and
industrious pens. He worked in the cause of humanism with a sacred fury,
striving with all his might to connect it with all that was living in the
old and all that was developing in the newer world. In his travels no less
than in his studies the aspect of war must have perpetually met him as at
once the cause and the effect of barbarism; it was the symbol of
everything to which humanism in its broader as well as in its narrower
aspect was utterly opposed and repugnant. He was a student at Paris in the
ominous year of the first French invasion of Italy, in which the death of
Pico della Mirandola and Politian came like a symbol of the death of the
Italian Renaissance itself. Charles VIII, as has often been said, brought
back the Renaissance to France from that expedition; but he brought her
back a captive chained to the wheels of his cannon. The epoch of the
Italian wars began. A little later (1500) Sandro Botticelli painted that
amazing Nativity which is one of the chief treasures of the London
National Gallery. Over it in mystical Greek may still be read the
painter's own words: "This picture was painted by me Alexander amid the
confusions of Italy at the time prophesied in the Second Woe of the
Apocalypse, when Satan shall be loosed upon the earth. " In November, 1506,
Erasmus was at Bologna, and saw the triumphal entry of Pope Julius into
the city at the head of a great mercenary army. Two years later the league
of Cambray, a combination of folly, treachery and shame which filled even
hardened politicians with horror, plunged half Europe into a war in which
no one was a gainer and which finally ruined Italy: "bellum quo nullum,"
says the historian, "vel atrocius vel diuturnius in Italia post exactos
Gothos majores nostri meminerunt. " In England Erasmus found, on his first
visit, a country exhausted by the long and desperate struggle of the Wars
of the Roses, out of which she had emerged with half her ruling class
killed in battle or on the scaffold, and the whole fabric of society to
reconstruct. The Empire was in a state of confusion and turmoil no less
deplorable and much more extensive. The Diet of 1495 had indeed, by an
expiring effort towards the suppression of absolute anarchy, decreed the
abolition of private war. But in a society where every owner of a castle,
every lord of a few square miles of territory, could conduct public war on
his own account, the prohibition was of little more than formal value.
Humanism had been introduced by the end of the fifteenth century in some
of the German universities, but too late to have much effect on the rising
fury of religious controversy. The very year in which this treatise
against war was published gave to the world another work of even wider
circulation and more profound consequences. The famous Epistolae
Obscurorum Virorum, first published in 1515, and circulated rapidly among
all the educated readers of Europe, made an open breach between the
humanists and the Church. That breach was never closed; nor on the other
hand could the efforts of well-intentioned reformers like Melancthon bring
humanism into any organic relation with the reformed movement. When mutual
exhaustion concluded the European struggle, civilization had to start
afresh; it took a century more to recover the lost ground. The very idea
of humanism had long before then disappeared.
War, pestilence, the theologians: these were the three great enemies with
which Erasmus says he had throughout life to contend. It was during the
years he spent in England that he was perhaps least harassed by them. His
three periods of residence there--a fourth, in 1517, appears to have been
of short duration and not marked by any very notable incident--were of the
utmost importance in his life. During the first, in his residence between
the years 1497 and 1499 at London and Oxford, the English Renaissance, if
the name be fully applicable to so partial and inconclusive a movement,
was in the promise and ardour of its brief spring. It was then that
Erasmus made the acquaintance of those great Englishmen whose names cannot
be mentioned with too much reverence: Colet, Grocyn, Latimer, Linacre.
These men were the makers of modern England to a degree hardly realized.
They carried the future in their hands. Peace had descended upon a weary
country; and the younger generation was full of new hopes. The Enchiridion
Militis Christiani, written soon after Erasmus returned to France,
breathes the spirit of one who had not lost hope in the reconciliation of
the Church and the world, of the old and new. When Erasmus made his second
visit to England, in 1506, that fair promise had grown and spread. Colet
had become dean of Saint Paul's; and through him, as it would appear,
Erasmus now made the acquaintance of another great man with whom he soon
formed as close an intimacy, Thomas More.
His Italian journey followed: he was in Italy nearly three years, at
Turin, Bologna, Venice, Padua, Siena, Rome. It was in the first of these
years that Albert Dürer was also in Italy, where he met Bellini and was
recognized by the Italian masters as the head of a new transalpine art in
no way inferior to their own. The year after Erasmus left Italy,
Botticelli, the last survivor of the ancient world, died at Florence.
Meanwhile, Henry VIII, a prince, young, handsome, generous, pious, had
succeeded to the throne of England. A golden age was thought to have
dawned. Lord Mountjoy, who had been the pupil of Erasmus at Paris, and
with whom he had first come to England, lost no time in urging Henry to
send for the most brilliant and famous of European scholars, and attach
him to his court. The king, who had already met and admired him, needed no
pressing. In the letter which Henry himself wrote to Erasmus entreating
him to take up his residence in England, the language employed was that of
sincere admiration; nor was there any conscious insincerity in the main
motive which he urged. "It is my earnest wish," wrote the king, "to
restore Christ's religion to its primitive purity. " The history of the
English Reformation supplies a strange commentary on these words.
But the first few years of the new reign (1509-1513), which coincide with
the third and longest sojourn of Erasmus in England, were a time in which
high hopes might not seem unreasonable. While Italy was ravaged by war and
the rest of Europe was in uneasy ferment, England remained peaceful and
prosperous. The lust of the eyes and the pride of life were indeed the
motive forces of the court; but alongside of these was a real desire for
reform, and a real if very imperfect attempt to cultivate the nobler arts
of peace, to establish learning, and to purify religion. Colet's great
foundation of Saint Paul's School in 1510 is one of the landmarks of
English history. Erasmus joined the founder and the first high master,
Colet and Lily, in composing the schoolbooks to be used in it. He had
already written, in More's house at Chelsea, where pure religion reigned
alongside of high culture, the Encomium Moriae, in which all his immense
gifts of eloquence and wit were lavished on the cause of humanism and the
larger cause of humanity. That war was at once a sin, a scandal, and a
folly was one of the central doctrines of the group of eminent Englishmen
with whom he was now associated. It was a doctrine held by them with some
ambiguity and in varying degrees. In the Utopia (1516) More condemns wars
of aggression, while taking the common view as to wars of so-called
self-defence. In 1513, when Henry, swept into the seductive scheme for a
partition of France by a European confederacy, was preparing for the first
of his many useless and inglorious continental campaigns, Colet spoke out
more freely. He preached before the court against war itself as barbarous
and unchristian, and did not spare either kings or popes who dealt
otherwise. Henry was disturbed; he sent for Colet, and pressed him hard on
the point whether he meant that all wars were unjustifiable. Colet was in
advance of his age, but not so far in advance of it as this. He gave some
kind of answer which satisfied the king. The preparations for war went
forward; the Battle of Spurs plunged the court and all the nation into the
intoxication of victory; while at Flodden-edge, in the same autumn, the
ancestral allies of France sustained the most crushing defeat recorded in
Scottish history. When both sides in a war have invoked God's favour, the
successful side is ready enough to believe that its prayers have been
answered and its action accepted by God.
Erasmus was now reader in Greek and professor of divinity at Cambridge;
but Cambridge was far away from the centre of European thought and of
literary activities. He left England before the end of the year for Basel,
where the greater part of his life thenceforth was passed. Froben had made
Basel the chief literary centre of production for the whole of Europe.
Through Froben's printing-presses Erasmus could reach a wider audience
than was allowed him at any court, however favourable to pure religion and
the new learning. It was at this juncture that he made an eloquent and
far-reaching appeal, on a matter which lay very near his heart, to the
conscience of Christendom.
The Adagia, that vast work which was, at least to his own generation,
Erasmus's foremost title to fame, has long ago passed into the rank of
those monuments of literature "dont la reputation s'affermira toujours
parcequ'on ne les lit guère. " So far as Erasmus is more than a name for
most modern readers, it is on slighter and more popular works that any
direct knowledge of him is grounded on the Colloquies, which only ceased
to be a schoolbook within living memory, on the Praise of Folly, and on
selections from the enormous masses of his letters. An Oxford scholar of
the last generation, whose profound knowledge of humanistic literature was
accompanied by a gift of terse and pointed expression, describes the
Adagia in a single sentence, as "a manual of the wit and wisdom of the
ancient world for the use of the modern, enlivened by commentary in
Erasmus's finest vein. " In its first form, the Adagiorum Collectanea, it
was published by him at Paris in 1500, just after his return from England.
In the author's epistle dedicatory to Mountjoy he ascribes to him and to
Richard Charnock, the prior of Saint Mary's College in Oxford, the
inspiration of the work. It consists of a series of between eight and nine
hundred comments in brief essays, each suggested by some terse or
proverbial phrase from an ancient Latin author. The work gave full scope
for the display, not only of the immense treasures of his learning, but of
those other qualities, the combination of which raised their author far
above all other contemporary writers, his keen wit, his copiousness and
facility, his complete control of Latin as a living language. It met with
an enthusiastic reception, and placed him at once at the head of European
men of letters. Edition after edition poured from the press. It was ten
times reissued at Paris within a generation. Eleven editions were
published at Strasburg between 1509 and 1521. Within the same years it was
reprinted at Erfurt, The Hague, Cologne, Mayence, Leyden, and elsewhere.
The Rhine valley was the great nursery of letters north of the Alps, and
along the Rhine from source to sea the book spread and was multiplied.
This success induced Erasmus to enlarge and complete his labours. The
Adagiorum Chiliades, the title of the work in its new form, was part of
the work of his residence in Italy in the years 1506-9, and was published
at Venice by Aldus in September, 1508. The enlarged collection, to all
intents and purposes a new work, consists of no less than three thousand
two hundred and sixty heads. In a preface, Erasmus speaks slightingly of
the Adagiorum Collectanea, with that affectation from which few authors
are free, as a little collection carelessly made. "Some people got hold of
it," he adds, (and here the affectation becomes absolute untruth,) "and
had it printed very incorrectly. " In the new work, however, much of the
old disappears, much more is partially or wholly recast; and such of the
old matter as is retained is dispersed at random among the new. In the
Collectanea the commentaries had all been brief: here many are expanded
into substantial treatises covering four or five pages of closely printed
folio.
The Aldine edition had been reprinted at Basel by Froben in 1513. Shortly
afterwards Erasmus himself took up his permanent residence there. Under
his immediate supervision there presently appeared what was to all intents
and purposes the definitive edition of 1515. It is a book of nearly seven
hundred folio pages, and contains, besides the introductory matter, three
thousand four hundred and eleven headings. In his preface Erasmus gives
some details with regard to its composition. Of the original Paris work he
now says, no doubt with truth, that it was undertaken by him hastily and
without enough method. When preparing the Venice edition he had better
realized the magnitude of the enterprise, and was better fitted for it by
reading and learning, more especially by the mass of Greek manuscripts,
and of newly printed Greek first editions, to which he had access at
Venice and in other parts of Italy. In England also, owing very largely to
the kindness of Archbishop Warham, more leisure and an ampler library had
been available.
Among several important additions made in the edition of 1515, this essay,
the text of which is the proverbial phrase "Dulce bellum inexpertis," is
at once the longest and the most remarkable. The adage itself, with a few
lines of commentary, had indeed been in the original collection; but the
treatise, in itself a substantial work, now appeared for the first time.
It occupied a conspicuous place as the first heading in the fourth Chiliad
of the complete work; and it was at once singled out from the rest as of
special note and profound import. Froben was soon called upon for a
separate edition. This appeared in April, 1517, in a quarto of twenty
pages. This little book, the Bellum Erasmi as it was called for the sake
of brevity, ran like wildfire from reader to reader. Half the scholarly
presses of Europe were soon employed in reprinting it. Within ten years it
had been reissued at Louvain, twice at Strasburg, twice at Mayence, at
Leipsic, twice at Paris, twice at Cologne, at Antwerp, and at Venice.
German translations of it were published at Basel and at Strasburg in 1519
and 1520. It soon made its way to England, and the translation here
utilized was issued by Berthelet, the king's printer, in the winter of
1533-4.
Whether the translation be by Richard Taverner, the translator and editor,
a few years later, of an epitome or selection of the Chiliades, or by some
other hand, there are no direct means of ascertaining; nor except for
purposes of curiosity is the question an important one. The version wholly
lacks distinction. It is a work of adequate scholarship but of no
independent literary merit. English prose was then hardly formed. The
revival of letters had reached the country, but for political and social
reasons which are readily to be found in any handbook of English history,
it had found a soil, fertile indeed, but not yet broken up. Since Chaucer,
English poetry had practically stood still, and except where poetry has
cleared the way, prose does not in ordinary circumstances advance. A few
adventurers in setting forth had appeared. More's Utopia, one of the
earliest of English prose classics, is a classic in virtue of its style as
well as of its matter. Berners's translation of Froissart, published in
1523, was the first and one of the finest of that magnificent series of
translations which from this time onwards for about a century were
produced in an almost continuous stream, and through which the secret of
prose was slowly wrung from older and more accomplished languages.
Latimer, about the same time, showed his countrymen how a vernacular
prose, flexible, well knit, and nervous, might be written without its
lines being traced on any ancient or foreign model. Coverdale, the
greatest master of English prose whom the century produced, whose name has
just missed the immortality that is secure for his work, must have
substantially completed that magnificent version of the Bible which
appeared in 1535, and to which the authorized version of the seventeenth
century owes all that one work of genius can owe to another. It is not
with these great men that the translator of this treatise can be compared.
But he wrought, after his measure, on the same structure as they.
It is then to the original Latin, not to this rude and stammering version,
that scholars must turn now, as still more certainly they turned then, for
the mind of Erasmus; for with him, even more eminently than with other
authors, the style is the man, and his Latin is the substance, not merely
the dress, of his thought. When he wrote it he was about forty-eight years
of age. He was still in the fullness of his power. If he was often
crippled by delicate health, that was no more than he had habitually been
from boyhood. In this treatise we come very near the real man, with his
strange mixture of liberalism and orthodoxy, of clear-sighted courage and
a delicacy which nearly always might be mistaken for timidity.
His text is that (in the translator's words) "nothing is either more
wicked or more wretched, nothing doth worse become a man (I will not say a
Christian man) than war. " War was shocking to Erasmus alike on every side
of his remarkably complex and sensitive nature. It was impious; it was
inhuman; it was ugly; it was in every sense of the word barbarous, to one
who before all things and in the full sense of the word was civilized and
a lover of civilization. All these varied aspects of the case, seen by
others singly and partially, were to him facets of one truth, rays of one
light. His argument circles and flickers among them, hardly pausing to
enforce one before passing insensibly to another. In the splendid
vindication of the nature of man with which the treatise opens, the tone
is rather that of Cicero than of the New Testament. The majesty of man
resides above all in his capacity to "behold the very pure strength and
nature of things;" in essence he is no fallen and corrupt creature, but a
piece of workmanship such as Shakespeare describes him through the mouth
of Hamlet. He was shaped to this heroic mould "by Nature, or rather god,"
so the Tudor translation reads, and the use of capital letters, though
only a freak of the printer, brings out with a singular suggestiveness the
latent pantheism which underlies the thought of all the humanists. To this
wonderful creature strife and warfare are naturally repugnant. Not only is
his frame "weak and tender," but he is "born to love and amity. " His chief
end, the object to which all his highest and most distinctively human
powers are directed, is coöperant labour in the pursuit of knowledge. War
comes out of ignorance, and into ignorance it leads; of war comes contempt
of virtue and of godly living. In the age of Machiavelli the word "virtue"
had a double and sinister meaning; but here it is taken in its nobler
sense. Yet, the argument continues, for "virtue," even in the Florentine
statesman's sense, war gives but little room. It is waged mainly for "vain
titles or childish wrath;" it does not foster, in those responsible for
it, any one of the nobler excellences. The argument throughout this part
of the treatise is, both in its substance and in its ornament, wholly
apart from the dogmas of religion. The furies of war are described as
rising out of a very pagan hell. The apostrophe of Nature to mankind
immediately suggests the spirit as well as the language of Lucretius.
Erasmus had clearly been reading the De Rerum Natura, and borrows some of
his finest touches from that miraculous description of the growth of
civilization in the fifth book, which is one of the noblest contributions
of antiquity towards a real conception of the nature of the world and of
man. The progressive degeneration of morality, because, as its scope
becomes higher, practice falls further and further short of it, is
insisted upon by both these great thinkers in much the same spirit and
with much the same illustrations. The rise of empires, "of which there was
never none yet in any nation, but it was gotten with the great shedding of
man's blood," is seen by both in the same light. But Erasmus passes on to
the more expressly religious aspect of the whole matter in the great
double climax with which he crowns his argument, the wickedness of a
Christian fighting against another man, the horror of a Christian fighting
against another Christian. "Yea, and with a thing so devilish," he breaks
out in a mingling of intense scorn and profound pity, "we mingle Christ. "
From this passionate appeal he passes to the praises of peace. Why should
men add the horrors of war to all the other miseries and dangers of life?
Why should one man's gain be sought only through another's loss? All
victories in war are Cadmean; not only from their cost in blood and
treasure, but because we are in very truth "the members of one body,"
"redeemed with Christ's blood. " Such was the clear, unmistakable teaching
of our Lord himself, such of his apostles. But the doctrine of Christ has
been "plied to worldly opinion. " Worldly men, philosophers following "the
sophistries of Aristotle," worst of all, divines and theologians
themselves, have corrupted the Gospel to the heathenish doctrine that
"every man must first provide for himself. " The very words of Scripture
are wrested to this abuse. Self-defence is held to excuse any violence.
"Peter fought," they say, "in the garden,"--yes, and that same night he
denied his Master! "But punishment of wrong is a divine ordinance. " In war
the punishment falls on the innocent. "But the law of nature bids us repel
violence by violence. " What is the law of Christ? "But may not a prince go
to war justly for his right? " Did any war ever lack a title? "But what of
wars against the Turk? " Such wars are of Turk against Turk; let us
overcome evil with good, let us spread the Gospel by doing what the Gospel
commands: did Christ say, Hate them that hate you?
Then, with the tact of an accomplished orator, he lets the tension relax,
and drops to a lower tone. Even apart from all that has been urged, even
if war were ever justifiable, think of the price that has to be paid for
it. On this ground alone an unjust peace is far preferable to a just war.
(These had been the very words of Colet to the king of England. ) Men go to
war under fine pretexts, but really to get riches, to satisfy hatred, or
to win the poor glory of destroying. The hatred is but exasperated; the
glory is won by and for the dregs of mankind; the riches are in the most
prosperous event swallowed up ten times over. Yet if it be impossible but
war should be, if there may be sometimes a "colour of equity" in it, and
if the tyrant's plea, necessity, be ever well-founded, at least, so
Erasmus ends, let it be conducted mercifully. Let us live in fervent
desire of the peace that we may not fully attain. Let princes restrain
their peoples; let churchmen above all be peacemakers. So the treatise
passes to its conclusion with that eulogy of the Medicean pope already
mentioned, which perhaps was not wholly undeserved. To the modern world
the name of Leo X has come down marked with a note of censure or even of
ignominy. It is fair to remember that it did not bear quite the same
aspect to its contemporaries, nor to the ages which immediately followed.
Under Rodrigo Borgia it might well seem to others than to the Florentine
mystic that antichrist was enthroned, and Satan let loose upon earth. The
eight years of Leo's pontificate (1513-21) were at least a period of
outward splendour and of a refinement hitherto unknown. The corruption,
half veiled by that refinement and splendour, was deep and mortal, but the
collapse did not come till later. By comparison with the disastrous reign
of Clement VII, his bastard cousin, that of Giovanni de' Medici seemed a
last gleam of light before blackness descended on the world. Even the
licence of a dissolute age was contrasted to its favour with the gloom,
"tristitia," that settled down over Europe with the great Catholic
reaction. The age of Leo X has descended to history as the age of Bembo,
Sannazaro, Lascaris, of the Stanze of the Vatican, of Raphael's Sistine
Madonna and Titian's Assumption; of the conquest of Mexico and the
circumnavigation of Magellan; of Magdalen Tower and King's College Chapel.
It was an interval of comparative peace before a long epoch of wars more
cruel and more devastating than any within the memory of men. The general
European conflagration did not break out until ten years after Erasmus's
death; though it had then long been foreseen as inevitable. But he lived
to see the conquest of Rhodes by Soliman, the sack of Rome, the breach
between England and the papacy, the ill-omened marriage of Catherine de'
Medici to the heir of the French throne. Humanism had done all that it
could, and failed. In the sanguinary era of one hundred years between the
outbreak of the civil war in the Empire and the Peace of Westphalia, the
Renaissance followed the Middle Ages to the grave, and the modern world
was born.
The mere fact of this treatise having been translated into English and
published by the king's printer shows, in an age when the literary product
of England was as yet scanty, that it had some vogue and exercised some
influence. But only a few copies of the work are known to exist; and it
was never reprinted.
