This was a
grievous embarrassment to Philip, that we should
nave a powerful state confederated with us, spies on
the incidents of his fortune.
grievous embarrassment to Philip, that we should
nave a powerful state confederated with us, spies on
the incidents of his fortune.
Demosthenes - Leland - Orations
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? 66
ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
toils have earned; as all commerce is shut out from
the coast of Macedon by the war.
Hence, one may perceive how his subjects in gene-
ral are affected to Philip. But then his auxiliaries
and the soldiers of his phalanx1 have the character
of wonderful forces trained completely to war. And
yet I can affirm, on the credit of a person from that
country incapable of falsehood, that they have no
such superiority; for, as he assures me, if any man
of experience in military affairs should be found
among them, he dismisses all such, from an ambition
of having every great action ascribed wholly to him-
self (for, besides his other passions, the man hath
this ambition in the highest degree). And if any per-
son, from a sense of decency or other virtuous prin-
ciple, betrays a dislike of his daily intemperance, and
riotings, and obscenities,2 he losers all favour and re-
gard ; so that none are left about him but wretches
who subsist on rapine and flattery, and who, when
heated with wine, do not scruple to descend to such
instances of revelry as it would shock you to repeat.
Nor can the truth of this be doubted; for they whom
we all conspired to drive from hence as infamous and
abandoned,--Callias, the public servant,3 and others
of the same stamp, buffoons, composers of lewd songs,
1 The soldiers of his phalanx. ]--In the original ireS^/atpot, fellow-
soldiers, a term invented for the encouragement of this* "body, and to
reconcile them to all the severities of their duty. Such kind of familiar-
ities cost but little, and are often of considerable service to a prince. --
Tovrreil.
2 Obscenities-! -- In the original xopoafftcy/oiic. Certain lascivious
dances, so called from the name of a salyr said to have invented them.
Theophrastus mentions it as a part of the character of a man utterly
abandoned, that, when inflamed by wine, he is even capable of dancing
the chnrdax.
In this description of the dissolute manners of Philip and his court,
one would imagine that the orator had aggravated a little ; yet we have
the whole description still more heightened in his*ory. The learned
reader will find it in Athenffius, book vi. --Tourreil.
3 The public servant. ]--One of those public slaves who attended the
Athenian generals in the field. They chose slaves for this business,
that if there was occasion for their evidence on any public inquiry into
the conduct of the war, they might be put to the torture, from which free
citizens were exempted. --Ulpian.
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? riRST OLYNTHIAC ORATION.
67
in which they ridicule their companions,--these are
the persons whom he entertains and caresses. And
these things, Athenians, trifling as they may appear
to some, are to men of just discernment great indica-
tions of the weakness both of his mind and fortune.
At present, his successes cast a shade over them; for
prosperity hath great power to veil such baseness
from observation. But let his arms meet with the
least disgrace, and all his actions will be exposed
This is a truth of which he himself, Athenians, will
in my opinion soon convince you, if the gods favour
us, and you exert your vigour; for as in our bodies,
while a man is in health, he feels no effect of any in-
ward weakness, but when disease attacks him every
thing becomes sensible, in the vessels, in the joints,
or in whatever other part his frame may be disordered,
--so in states and monarchies, while they carry on a
war abroad their defects escape the general eye; but
when once it approaches their own territory, then
they are all detected.
If there be any one among you who, from Philip's
good fortune, concludes that he must prove a formi-
dable enemy, such reasoning is not unworthy a man
of prudence. Fortune hath great influence, nay, the
whole influence, in all human affairs; but then, were
I to choose, I should prefer the fortune of Athens (if
you yourselves will assert your own cause with the
least degree of vigour) to this man's fortune ; for we
have many better reasons to depend on the favour of
Heaven than this man. But our present state is, in
my opinion, a state of total inactivity; and he who
will not exert his own strength cannot apply for aid
either to his friends or to the gods. It is not then
surprising, that he who is himself even amid the
dangers and labours of the field, who is every where,
whom no opportunity escapes, to whom no season is
unfavourable, should be superior to you who are
whol. y engaged in contriving delays, and framing
decrees, and inquiring after news. I am not sur
Vol. I. --F
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? 68 ORATIONS OF PEMOSTHENES.
prised at this; for the contrary must have been sur ?
prising, if we, who never act in any single instance as
becomes a state engaged in war, should conquer him
who in every instance acts with an indefatigable vigi-
lance. This, indeed, surprises me,--that you who'
fought the cause of Greece against Lacedsemon, and
generously declined all the many favourable oppor-
tunities of aggrandizing yourselves; who, to secure
their property to others, parted with your own by
your contributions, and bravely exposed yourselves
in battle, should now decline the service of the field
and delay the necessary supplies when called to the
defence of your own rights; that you, in whom Greece
in general and each particular state hath often found
protection, should sit down quiet spectators of your
own private wrongs. This, I say, surprises me; and
one thing more, that not a man among you can reflect
how long a time we have been at war with Philip,
and in what measures this time hath all been wasted.
You are not to be informed, that in delaying, in hoping
that others would assert our cause, in accusing each
other, in impeaching, then again entertaining hopes,
in such measures as are now pursued, that time hath
been entirely wasted. And are you so devoid of
apprehension as to imagine, when our state hath been
reduced from greatness to wretchedness, that the
very same conduct will raise us from wretchedness
to greatness? No: this is not reasonable; it is not
natural; for it is much easier to defend than to ac-
quire dominions. But now, the war hath left us
nothing to defend: we must acquire. And to this
work you yourselves alone are equal.
This, then, is my opinion: you should raise sup-
plies ; you should take the field with alacrity. Prose-
cutions should be all suspended until you have re-
covered your affairs; let each man's sentence be
determined by his actions; honour those who have
1 See note 1, p. 38.
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? FIRST OLYNTHIAC ORATION. 69
deserved applause; let the iniquitous meet their pun-
ishment ; let there be no pretences, no deficiencies on
your part; for you cannot bring the actions of others
to a severe scrutiny unless you have first been care-
ful of your own duty. What, indeed, can be the rea-
son, think ye, that every man whom ye have sent out
at the head of an army hath deserted your service,
and sought out some private expedition, if we must
speak ingenuously of these our generals also ? The
reason is this: when engaged in the service of the
state, the prize for which they fight is yours. Thus,
should Amphipolis be now taken, you instantly pos-
sess yourselves of it: the commanders have all the
danger, the rewards they do not share. But in their
private enterprises the dangers are less; the acqui-
sitions are all shared by the generals and soldiers,
as were Lampsacus, Sigaeum,1 and those vessels
which they plundered. Thus are they all determined
by their private interest. And when you turn your
eyes to the wretched state of your affairs, you bring
your generals to a trial, you grant them leave-to
speak, you hear the necessities they plead, and then
acquit them. Nothing then remains for us but to be
distracted with endless contests and divisions (some
urging these, some those measures), and to feel the
public calamity; for in former times, Athenians, you
divided into classes2 to raise supplies. Now the
1 Lampsacus, Sigeum, &c. ]--Chares received these two cities of Asia
Minor from the satrap Artabazus, in return for his service (see note 2,
p. 41). This general, instead of employing the fleet he had been in-
trusted with for the recovery of Amphipolis, according to his instruc-
tions, joined with some pirates, and committed considerable outrages in
the >Egean Sea. He was accused of this at his return, but escaped by
flying from public justice until his faction grew powerful enough to rein
state him in his former command. --Tourreil.
2 Classes, Sec. )--"Zvupopiai. Each of the ten tribes elected one hun-
dred and twenty of the richer citizens out of their own body, who were
obliged to* perform the public duties, and to raise supplies for the exi-
gences of the state out of their private fortunes. The twelve hundred
persons thus chosen were divided into two parts, and each of these into
ten classes, called vvnfiopiai. These were again subdivided into two
parts, according to the estates of those who composed them. And thus,
But of the ten first classes were appointed the Three Hundred, that is,
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? 70
OftAlIONS OF DEHOSTHENES.
business of these classes is to govern; each hath an
orator at its head, and a general who is his creature
The Three Hundred are assistants to these ; and the
rest of you divide, some to this, some to that party
You must rectify these disorders; you must appear
yourselves; you must leave the power of speaking,
of advising, and of acting open to every citizen. But
if you suffer some persons to issue out their mandates
as with a royal' authority^-if one set of men be forced
to fit out ships, to raise supplies, to take up arms,
while others are only to make decrees agains them,
without any charge, any employment besides, it is
not possible that any thing can be effected season-
ably and successfully; forthe injured party ever will
desert you, and then your sole resource will be to
make them feel your resentment instead of your
enemies.
To sum up all, my sentiments are these:--That
every man should contribute in proportion to his for-
tune; that all should take the field in their turns,
until all have served ; that whoever appears in this
place should be allowed to speak; and that when you
give your voices, your true interest only should de-
termine you, not the authority of this or the othei
speaker. Pursue this course, and then your applause
will not be lavished on some orator the moment he
concludes: you yourselves will share it hereafter
when you find how greatly you have advanced the
interests of your state.
such a nnmber of the wealthy citizens, who were on all occasions ta
supply the commonwealth with money, and with the rest of the twelve
hundred to perform all extraordinary duties in their turns It seems,
however, that in the time of Demosthenes these classes sought pretences
to avoid their duty, and contended for the power of throwing the whole
weight of public business on each other.
l As with a royal, Jfcc]--Enbulns, Aristophon, Hyperides, and Lycur-
gus governed every thing with an absolute power in the assemblies.
The conduct of military affairs was entirely engrossed by Diopithes,
Menestheus, Leosthenes, and Chares. Thin the administration of affairs
was shared among a few men, as it were, by lot; so that the popular
government degenerated into an oligarchy (See Piutarch in Phoriov
Tourreil
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? THE SECOND OLYNTHIAC ORATION:
PRONOUNCED IN THE SAME YEAR.
INTRODUCTION.
To remove the impression made on the minds of the Athenians by tho
preceding oration, Demades, and other popular leaders in the interest of
Philip, rose up and opposed the propositions of Demosthenes with all
their eloquence. Their opposition, however, proved ineffectual; for the
assembly decreed that relief should be sent to the Olynthians, and thirty
galleys and two thousand forces were accordingly despatched under the
command of Chares. But these succours, consisting entirely of merce-
naries, and commanded by a general of no great reputation, could not be
of considerable service; and were besides suspected, and scarcely less
dreaded by the Olynthians than the Macedonians themselves. In the
oiean time, the progress of Philip's arms could meet with little interrup-
tion. He reduced several places in the region of Chalcis, razed the for
cress of Zeira, and, having twice defeated the Olynthians in the field, at
last shut them up in their city. In this emergency they again applied to
the Athenians, and pressed for fresh and effectual succours. In thefol
lowing oration Demosthenes endeavours to support this petition, and to
prove that both the honour and the interest of the Athenians demanded
their immediate compliance. As the expense of the armament was the
great point of difficulty, he recommends the abrogation of such laws as
prevented the proper settlement of the funds necessary for carrying on a
war of such importance. The nature of these laws will come imme-
diately to be explained.
It appears, from the beginning of this oration, that other speakers had
risen before Demosthenes, and inveighed loudly against Philip. Full of
the national prejudices, or disposed to flatter the Athenians in their no-
tions of. the dignity and importance of their state, they breathed nothing
but indignation against the enemy, and possibly, with some contempt of
his present enterprises, proposed to the Athenians to correct his arro-
gance by an invasion of his own kingdom. Demosthenes, on the con-
trary, insists on the necessity of self-defence, endeavours to rouse his
bearers from their security by the terror of impending danger, and affect*
to consider the defence of Olynthus as the last and oMv means of pre-
serving the very being of Athens
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? OLYNTHIAC THE SECOND.
I am by no means affected in the same mannei,
Athenians, when I review the state of our affairs, and
when I attend to those speakers who have now
declared their sentiments. They insist that we
should punish Philip : but our affairs, situated as they
now appear, warn us to guard against the dangers
with which we ourselves are threatened. Thus far,
therefore, I must differ from these speakers, that I
apprehend they have not proposed the proper object
of your attention. There was a time, indeed, I know
it well, when the state could have possessed her own
dominions in security, and sent out her armies to
inflict chastisement on Philip. I myself have seen
that time when we enjoyed such power. But now,
I am persuaded, we should confine ourselves to the
protection of our allies. When this is once effected;
then we may consider the punishment his outrages
have merited. But, till the first great point be well
secured, it is weakness to debate about our more
'emote concernments.
And now, Athenians, if ever we stood in need of
mature deliberation and counsel, the present juncture
calls loudly for them. To point out the course to be
pursued on this emergency I do not think the greatest
difficulty: but I am in doubt in what manner to pro
pose my sentiments; for all that I have observed, and
all that I have heard, convince me that most of youi
misfortunes have proceeded from a want of inclina
tion to pursue the necessary measures, not from igno
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? SECOND OLYNTHIAC ORATION. 73
ranee of them. Let me entreat you, that, if I now
speak with an unusual holdness, you may bear it,
considering only whether I speak truth, and with a
sincere intention to advance your future interests;
for you now see, that by some orators, who study but
to gain your favour, our affairs have been reduced to
the extremity of distress.
I think it necessary, in the first place, to recall
some late transactions to your thoughts. --You may
remember, Athenians, that about three or four years
since you received advice that Philip was in Thrace,
and had laid siege to the fortress of Heraea. It was
then the month of November. 1 Great commotions
and debates arose: it was resolved to send out
forty galleys; that all citizens under the age of five-
and-forty2 should themselves embark: and that sixty
talents should be raised. Thus it was agreed:
that year passed away; then came in the months
July,3 August, September. In this last month, with
great difficulty, when the mysteries had first been
celebrated, you sent out Charidemus,4 with just ten
vessels, unmanned, and five talents of silver. For
when reports came of the sickness and the death of
1 Of November. ]--The reducing the Attic months to the Julian has
occasioned some dispute among the learned. As I thought it best to
make use of Roman names in the translation, I have followed the
reduction of Scaliger.
2 Under the age of five-and forty, &c. ]--This expresses their zeal, and
their apprehensions of the danger; for by the laws of Athens a citizen
was exempted from military service at the age of forty, except on some
very urgent occasion.
3 July, &c. ]--That is, the first months of the next year; for the reader
is to observe, that the Attic year commenced on that new moon whose
full moon immediately succeeded the summer solstice.
* Charidemus. ]--That is, the worst of all your generals; a foreigner,
a soldier of fortune, who had sometimes fought against you, sometimes
betrayed your cause, and who, on many occasions, had proved himself
unworthy of the confidence you reposed in him. --Monsieur Tourreil
translates this passage thus: "Ce fut en ce dernier mois qu'immediate.
ment apres la celebration des mysteres, vous depechates d'ici Chari-
deme," &c. Here there are two unfortunate words, which express haste
and expedition : whereas the description in the original labours on in the
slowest and heaviest manner possible. Every single word marks out the
tediousness or the meanness of their armament. --
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? 74 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
Philip (both-of these were affirmed), you laid aside
your intended armament, imagining that at such a
juncture there was no need -of succours. And yet
this was the very critical moment; for, had they
been despatched with the same alacrity with which
they were granted, Philip would not have then
escaped, to become that formidable enemy he now
appears.
But what was then done cannot be amended.
Now, we have the opportunity of another war: that
war I mean which hath induced me to bring these
transactions into view, that you may not once more
fall into the same errors. How then shall we im-
prove this opportunity 1 This is the only question.
For, if you are not resolved to assist with all the
force you can command, you are really serving under
Philip; you are fighting on his side. The Olynthians
are a people whose power was thought considerable.
Thus were the circumstances of affairs: Philip could
not confide in them: they looked with equal sus-
picion on Philip. We and they then entered into mu-
tual engagements of peace and alliance.
This was a
grievous embarrassment to Philip, that we should
nave a powerful state confederated with us, spies on
the incidents of his fortune. It was agreed that we
should by all means engage this people in a war wi:h
him. And now, what we all so earnestly desired is
effected: the manner is of no moment. What then
remains for us, Athenians, but to send immediate and
effectual succours, I cannot see : for besides the dis-
grace that must attend us, if any of our interests are
supinely disregarded, I have no small apprehensions
of the consequence (the Thebans1 affected as they
are towards us, and the Phocians exhausted of their
1 The Thebans, &c. ]--They had a mortal hatred to the Athenians, as
they had favoured Lacedsemon after the battles of Leuctra and Maminea,
and had lately taken part with the Phocians against them in the sacred
war. [And even before these times, at the conclusion of the Pelopon-
neaian war, the Thebans strenuously contended for the utter extirpation
of Athens. \-Tourreil.
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? SECOND OLYNTHIAC ORATION. 75
treasures), if Philip be left at full liberty to lead his
armies into these territories, when his present enter-
prises are accomplished. If any one among you can
be so far immersed in indolence as to suffer this, he
must choose to be witness of the misery of his own
country rather than to hear of that which strangers
suffer, and to seek assistance for himself when it is
now in his power to grant assistance to others.
That this must be the consequence if we do not
exert ourselves on the present occasion, there can
scarcely remain the least doubt among us.
But as to the necessity of sending succours: this,
it may be said, we are agreed in; this is our resolu-
tion. But how shall we be enabled 1 that is the point
to be explained. --Be not surprised, Athenians, if my
sentiments on this occasion seem repugnant to the
general sense of this assembly. Appoint magistrates
for1 the inspection of your laws: not in order to
enact any new law; you have already a sufficient
number; but to repeal those whose ill effects you
now experience. I mean the laws relating to the
theatrical funds2 (thus openly I declare it), and some
1 Magistrates for, Ac. )--In the original voiwdtras. So were thoflt-
citizens called who were intrusted by the people with the regulation of
their '. aws. They were chosen by lot, to the number of 1001, that their
votes might not be equal. Every citizen, at certain times, and in certain
assemblies, had usually a right to complain of any law. The president
of the assembly proposed the complaint to the people: five advocates
were allowed to plead in defence of the law; and after hearing them,
the people r^rred the affair to the uomothetae. --Tourreil.
2 The theatrical funds. ]--The Athenians, as well as the other Greeks,
were ever passionately fond of the entertainments of the theatre. Dis-
putes for places soon became remarkably inconvenient, and called for a
regulation. The magistrates therefore ordered that a small price should
he paid for places to reimburse the builders of the theatre, which as yet
knew not that magnificence which riches and luxury afterward intro-
duced. This purchasing of places began to be complained of by the
poorer citizens; and therefore Pericles, out of a pretended zeal for their
interest, proposed that a sum of money (which had been deposited in the
treasury after the war of Egina, when they had made a thirty yeara
peace with Lacedremon, and was intended as a public resource in cas
? f any invasion of Attica) should be distributed among the citizens, t
defray the expense of their entertainments in time of peace only. Th
proposal and the restriction were both agreed to: but as all Indulgence
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? 76
ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
about the soldiery. 1 By the first, the soldiers' pay
goes as theatrical expenses to the useless and inac-
tive ; the others screen those from justice who de-
cline the service of the field; and thus damp the
ardour of those disposed to serve us. When you
have repealed these, and rendered it consistent with
safety to advise you justly, then seek for some per-
son to propose that decree which2 you all are sensi-
ble the common good requires. But, until this be
done, expect not that any man will urge your true
interest, when, for urging your true interest, you
repay him with destruction. You will never find
such zeal; especially since the consequence can be
only this : he who offers his opinion, and moves for
your concurrence, suffers some unmerited calamity;
but your affairs are not in the" least advanced; nay,
this additional inconvenience must arise, that for the
future it will appear more dangerous to advise you
than even at present. And the authors of these laws
should also be the authors of their repeal: for it is not
just that the public favour should be bestowed on
them who, in framing these laws, have greatly in-
of this kind degenerate, sooner or later, into licentiousness, the people
began to consider this distribution as their unalienable property ; and,
the very year of the Olynthiac orations, Eubulus, a popular leader of a
party opposite to Demosthenes, prevailed to have a law passed, which
forbade any man, on pain of death, to make a motion, or proposal of a
decree, for restoring what was now called the theatrical funds to the
military, or any other public service. This is the law which Demos-
thenes here attacks.
l About the soldiery. ]--The laws of Solon exacted personal service
from every citizen, with the utmost rigour. Those which the orator
complains of must have been made when the state began to be corrupted.
3 That decree which, Ace]--A decree for the alienation of the theat-
rical funds. While Eubulus's law was in force such a decree cou'd not i
be proposed. The usefulness and necessity of it, however, the orator
ventures to insinuate; for the penalty was not understood as extending
to a man's barely declaring his sentiments, provided he did not make the
motion in form. In the latter part of this oration he seems to propose
another method of avoiding the ill consequences of the law of Eubulus;
and that is, that the theatrical distributions should be still continued ;
but that all those who were in public offices, and who usually received
their several salaries and appointments, should now serve the state
without fee or reward. The name only of these distributions would
have then remained.
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? SECOND OLYNTHIAC ORATION. 77
jured the community; and that the odium should fall
on him whose freedom and sincerity are of importan
service to us all. Until these regulations be made
you are not to think any man so great that he may
violate these laws with impunity; or so devoid of
reason as to plunge himself into open and foreseen
destruction
And be not ignorant of this, Athenians, that a
decree is of no significance unless attended with reso-
lution and alacrity to execute it: for, were decrees
if themselves sufficient to engage you to perform
your duty,--could they even execute the things which
they enact,--so many would not have been made to
so little, or rather to no good purpose ; nor would
the insolence of Philip have had so long a date : for,
if decrees can punish, he hath long since felt all their
fury. But they have no such power: for though
proposing and resolving be first in order; yet, in force
and efficacy, action is superior. Let this then be
your principal concern; the others you cannot want:
for you have men among you capable of advising,
and you are of all people most acute in apprehending.
Now, let your interest direct you, and it will be in
your power to be as remarkable for acting. What
season, indeed, what opportunity do you wait for
more favourable than the present? or when will you
exert your vigour, if not now, my countrymen ?
Hath not this man seized all those places that were
ours ? Should he become master of this country
too,1 must we not sink into the lowest state of infa-
my ? Are not they whom we have promised to assist
whenever they are engaged in war now attacked
themselves ? Is he not our enemy ? is he not in
possession of our dominions? is he not a barba-
rian ? 2 is he not every base thing words can express ?
1 Of this country too, &c. ]--That is, the country of Chalcis, where Philip
took two-and-thirty cities before he laid siege to Olymhus. --Tourreil.
8 A barbarian ? }--This was the term of reproach which the Greeks
applied to all other nations: nor were the Macedonians excepted. In
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? 78 , ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
If we are insensible to all this, if we almost aid hia
designs, Heavens! can we then ask to whom the
consequences are owing ? Yes, I know full well we
never will impute them to ourselves. Just as in the
dangers of the field, not one of those who fly will ac-
cuse himself; he will rather blame the general, or his
fellow-soldiers: yet every single man1 that fled was
accessary to the defeat: he who blames others might
have maintained his own post; and, had every man
maintained his, success must have ensued. Thus
then, in the present case, is there a man whose coun-
sel seems liable to objection 1 let the next rise, and
not inveigh against him, but declare his own opinion.
Doth another offer some more salutary counsel 1 pur-
sue it, in the name of Heaven! " But then it is not
pleasing," This is not the fault of the speaker, unless
in that he hath2 neglected to express his affection in
the time of Xerxes, Alexander, king of Macedon, could not be admitted
into the Olympic games until he had proved bis descent to be originally
from Argos : and when be came over from the Persian camp, to give the
Greeks notice of the motions of Mardonius, he justified his perfidy by
his ancient descent from Greece ; which he needed not to have had re-
course to if Macedon had not been theu considered as a part of the bar-
barian world. --Tourreil.
1 Yet every single man, &c. J--The orator did not foresee that, in ten
years after, he himself would be guilty of this very crime ; be branded
with a name of infamy, for casting away his shield at the battle of Chav
ronea, and have nothing to oppose to the reproaches of his enemies but a
weak and trifling pleasantry. --TourreiL
2 Unless in that he hath, &c. ]--This passage, which is translated
pretty exactly from the original, seems, at first view, to have something
of a forced and unnatural air. Indeed, it is not possible for us to perceive
fully and clearly the strength and propriety of every part of these orations.
To this it would be requisite to know the temper and disposition of the
hearers, at that particular time when each of them was delivered; an
also to have before us every thing said by other speakers in the debat
In many places we find very plain allusions to the speeches of other
orators; and it is not unreasonable to think, that there are other more
obscure ones which escape our observation. If we suppose, for instance,
that, in the present debate, before Demosthenes rose some other speaker
had nmused the people with flattering hopes, with professions of zeal
and affection, with passionate exclamations, and prayers to the gods for
such and such instances of public success; while at the same time he
neglected to point out such measures as were fit to be pursued, or per
haps recommended pernicious measures:--on such a supposition, I say,
this passage, considered as an indirect reproof of such a speaker, will
perhaps appear to have sufficient force and propriety.
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? SECOND OLYNTHIAC ORATION. 79
p. jyers and wishes. To pray is easy, Athenians,
and in one petition may be collected as many in-
stances of good fortune as we please. To determine
justly, when affairs are to be considered, is not so
easy. But what is most useful should ever be pre-
ferred to that which is agreeable, where both cannot
be obtained.
But if there be a man who will leave us the theat-
rical funds, and propose other subsidies for thtf ser-
vice of the war, are we not rather to attend to him 1
I grant it, Athenians, if that man can be found. But
I should account it wonderful, if it ever did, if it ever
can happen to any man on earth, that while he lav-
ishes his present possessions on unnecessary occa-
sions, some future funds should be procured to supply
his real necessities. But such proposals find a pow-
erful advocate in the breast of every hearer. So
that nothing is so easy as to deceive one's self; for
what we wish, that we readily believe: but such
expectations are oftentimes inconsistent with our
affairs. On this occasion, therefore, let your affairs
direct you; then will you be enabled to take the field;
then you will have your full pay. And men whose
judgments are well directed, and whose souls are
great, could not support the infamy which must
attend them, if obliged to desert any of the operations
of a war from the want of money: they could not,
after snatching up their arms, and marching against
the Corinthians' and Megareans,2 suffer Philip to
1 The Corinthians. ]--This alludes to an expedition that the Athenians
had made about an age before. Some time after the Persian war, when
the Greeks began to quarrel among themselves, Corinth and Megara had
some dispute about their boundaries. The better to support their quarrel,
the Megareans quitted the Lacedaemonians, and entered into an alliance
with At'aens. But as this state was then engaged both in Egypt and
Egina, the Corinthians imagined they would not be able to give any
assistance, and therefore invaded the territories of Megara. But the
Athenians came immediately to the assistance of their allies, although
they were obliged to commit the defence of their city to their old men
and boys ; and the Corinthians were repulsed. --Tourreil.
2 The Megareans. ]--This war happened twelve years after that men-
tioned in the precedinc note. The Megareane, after having put nn Atbo
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? 80 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
enslave the states of Greece, through the want of
provisions for their forces. I say not this wantonly,
to raise the resentment of some among you. No; I
am not so unhappily perverse, as to study to be hated,
when no good purpose can be answered by it; but it
is my opinion, that every honest speaker should prefer
the interest of the state to the favour of his hearers.
This (I am assured, and perhaps you need not be
informed) was the principle which actuated the pub-
lic conduct of those of our ancestors who spoke
in this assembly (men whom the present set of ora-
tors are ever ready to applaud, but whose example
they by no means imitate): such were Aristides,
Nicias, the former Demosthenes, and Pericles. But
since we have had speakers who, before their public
appearance, ask you--What do you desire ? what
shall I propose ? how can 1 oblige you? the interest
of our country hath been sacrificed to momentary
pleasure and popular favour. Thus have we been
distressed; thus have these men risen to greatness,
and you sunk into disgrace.
And here let me entreat your attention to a sum-
mary account of the conduct of your ancestors, and
of your own. I shall mention but a few things, and
these well known: for, if you would pursue the way
to happiness, you need not look abroad for leaders;
our own countrymen point it out. These, our ances-
tors, therefore, whom the orators never courted,
never treated with that indulgence with which you
are flattered, held the sovereignty of Greece, with
general consent, five-and-forty years;1 deposited
nian garrison to the sword tbat was stationed in their territory, joined
with Lacedasmon, and even with Corinth, their mortal enemy, against
whom th" Athenians had espoused their quarrel. This state, incensed
at the ingratitude of their revolt, determined to reduce them to reason.
They issued out a mandate, directing the Megareans to abstain from
cultivating a piece of ground consecrated to Ceres and Proserpine ; and,
on their refusing to comply, published an edict to exclude them from all
commerce in Attica, and bound their generals by an oath to invade their
territories once every year. --Tourreil.
t Five-and-forty years. ]--In Wolfius's edition it is sixty-five. But thia
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? SECOND OLYNTHIAC ORATION.
81
above ten thousand talents in our public treasury;
kept the king of this country in that subjection which
a barbarian owes to Greeks; erected monuments
of many and illustrious actions, which they them-
selves achieved by land and sea; in a word, are the
only persons who have transmitted to posterity such
glory as is superior to envy. Thus great do they
appear in the affairs of Greece. Let us now view
them within the city, both in their public and pri-
vate conduct. And, first, the edifices which their
administrations have given us, their decorations of
our temples, and the offerings deposited by them, are
so numerous and so magnificent that all the efforts
of posterity cannot exceed them. Then, in private
life, so exemplary was their moderation, their ad-
herence to the ancient manners so scrupulously
exact, that, if any of you ever discovered the house
of Aristides, or Miltiades, or any of the illustrious
men of those times, he must know that it was not
distinguished by the least extraordinary splendour:
for they did not so conduct the public business as to
aggrandize themselves ; their sole great object was
to exalt the state : and thus, by their faithful attach-
ment to Greece, by their piety to the gods, and by
that equality which they maintained among them-
selves, they were raised (and no wonder) to the sum-
mit of prosperity.
Such was the state of Athens at that time, when
the men I have mentioned were in power. But what
is your condition under these indulgent ministers
reading is found hi otTier copies, and is confirmed by the parallel passage in
theorationon regulating the commonwealth. The orator computes from
the death of Pausanias, when the supreme command was given to the
Athenians, to the beginning of the Peloponnesian war. Add to this the
27 years of that war, during which time the Athenians maintained their
power, though not with consent, and the whole will be 72 years com-
plete, and part of the 73d year. Agreeably to this last calculation,
Demosthenes says, ir. the third Philippic, that the Athenians commanded
in Greece 73 years. These two accounts are thus easily reconciled by
distinguishing the times of the voluntary and the involuntary obedienca
of the Greeks. --Tourrtil.
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? 82 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
vho now direct us ? Is it the same, or nearly the
ame? --Other things I shall pass over, though I
might expatiate on them.
? 66
ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
toils have earned; as all commerce is shut out from
the coast of Macedon by the war.
Hence, one may perceive how his subjects in gene-
ral are affected to Philip. But then his auxiliaries
and the soldiers of his phalanx1 have the character
of wonderful forces trained completely to war. And
yet I can affirm, on the credit of a person from that
country incapable of falsehood, that they have no
such superiority; for, as he assures me, if any man
of experience in military affairs should be found
among them, he dismisses all such, from an ambition
of having every great action ascribed wholly to him-
self (for, besides his other passions, the man hath
this ambition in the highest degree). And if any per-
son, from a sense of decency or other virtuous prin-
ciple, betrays a dislike of his daily intemperance, and
riotings, and obscenities,2 he losers all favour and re-
gard ; so that none are left about him but wretches
who subsist on rapine and flattery, and who, when
heated with wine, do not scruple to descend to such
instances of revelry as it would shock you to repeat.
Nor can the truth of this be doubted; for they whom
we all conspired to drive from hence as infamous and
abandoned,--Callias, the public servant,3 and others
of the same stamp, buffoons, composers of lewd songs,
1 The soldiers of his phalanx. ]--In the original ireS^/atpot, fellow-
soldiers, a term invented for the encouragement of this* "body, and to
reconcile them to all the severities of their duty. Such kind of familiar-
ities cost but little, and are often of considerable service to a prince. --
Tovrreil.
2 Obscenities-! -- In the original xopoafftcy/oiic. Certain lascivious
dances, so called from the name of a salyr said to have invented them.
Theophrastus mentions it as a part of the character of a man utterly
abandoned, that, when inflamed by wine, he is even capable of dancing
the chnrdax.
In this description of the dissolute manners of Philip and his court,
one would imagine that the orator had aggravated a little ; yet we have
the whole description still more heightened in his*ory. The learned
reader will find it in Athenffius, book vi. --Tourreil.
3 The public servant. ]--One of those public slaves who attended the
Athenian generals in the field. They chose slaves for this business,
that if there was occasion for their evidence on any public inquiry into
the conduct of the war, they might be put to the torture, from which free
citizens were exempted. --Ulpian.
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? riRST OLYNTHIAC ORATION.
67
in which they ridicule their companions,--these are
the persons whom he entertains and caresses. And
these things, Athenians, trifling as they may appear
to some, are to men of just discernment great indica-
tions of the weakness both of his mind and fortune.
At present, his successes cast a shade over them; for
prosperity hath great power to veil such baseness
from observation. But let his arms meet with the
least disgrace, and all his actions will be exposed
This is a truth of which he himself, Athenians, will
in my opinion soon convince you, if the gods favour
us, and you exert your vigour; for as in our bodies,
while a man is in health, he feels no effect of any in-
ward weakness, but when disease attacks him every
thing becomes sensible, in the vessels, in the joints,
or in whatever other part his frame may be disordered,
--so in states and monarchies, while they carry on a
war abroad their defects escape the general eye; but
when once it approaches their own territory, then
they are all detected.
If there be any one among you who, from Philip's
good fortune, concludes that he must prove a formi-
dable enemy, such reasoning is not unworthy a man
of prudence. Fortune hath great influence, nay, the
whole influence, in all human affairs; but then, were
I to choose, I should prefer the fortune of Athens (if
you yourselves will assert your own cause with the
least degree of vigour) to this man's fortune ; for we
have many better reasons to depend on the favour of
Heaven than this man. But our present state is, in
my opinion, a state of total inactivity; and he who
will not exert his own strength cannot apply for aid
either to his friends or to the gods. It is not then
surprising, that he who is himself even amid the
dangers and labours of the field, who is every where,
whom no opportunity escapes, to whom no season is
unfavourable, should be superior to you who are
whol. y engaged in contriving delays, and framing
decrees, and inquiring after news. I am not sur
Vol. I. --F
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? 68 ORATIONS OF PEMOSTHENES.
prised at this; for the contrary must have been sur ?
prising, if we, who never act in any single instance as
becomes a state engaged in war, should conquer him
who in every instance acts with an indefatigable vigi-
lance. This, indeed, surprises me,--that you who'
fought the cause of Greece against Lacedsemon, and
generously declined all the many favourable oppor-
tunities of aggrandizing yourselves; who, to secure
their property to others, parted with your own by
your contributions, and bravely exposed yourselves
in battle, should now decline the service of the field
and delay the necessary supplies when called to the
defence of your own rights; that you, in whom Greece
in general and each particular state hath often found
protection, should sit down quiet spectators of your
own private wrongs. This, I say, surprises me; and
one thing more, that not a man among you can reflect
how long a time we have been at war with Philip,
and in what measures this time hath all been wasted.
You are not to be informed, that in delaying, in hoping
that others would assert our cause, in accusing each
other, in impeaching, then again entertaining hopes,
in such measures as are now pursued, that time hath
been entirely wasted. And are you so devoid of
apprehension as to imagine, when our state hath been
reduced from greatness to wretchedness, that the
very same conduct will raise us from wretchedness
to greatness? No: this is not reasonable; it is not
natural; for it is much easier to defend than to ac-
quire dominions. But now, the war hath left us
nothing to defend: we must acquire. And to this
work you yourselves alone are equal.
This, then, is my opinion: you should raise sup-
plies ; you should take the field with alacrity. Prose-
cutions should be all suspended until you have re-
covered your affairs; let each man's sentence be
determined by his actions; honour those who have
1 See note 1, p. 38.
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? FIRST OLYNTHIAC ORATION. 69
deserved applause; let the iniquitous meet their pun-
ishment ; let there be no pretences, no deficiencies on
your part; for you cannot bring the actions of others
to a severe scrutiny unless you have first been care-
ful of your own duty. What, indeed, can be the rea-
son, think ye, that every man whom ye have sent out
at the head of an army hath deserted your service,
and sought out some private expedition, if we must
speak ingenuously of these our generals also ? The
reason is this: when engaged in the service of the
state, the prize for which they fight is yours. Thus,
should Amphipolis be now taken, you instantly pos-
sess yourselves of it: the commanders have all the
danger, the rewards they do not share. But in their
private enterprises the dangers are less; the acqui-
sitions are all shared by the generals and soldiers,
as were Lampsacus, Sigaeum,1 and those vessels
which they plundered. Thus are they all determined
by their private interest. And when you turn your
eyes to the wretched state of your affairs, you bring
your generals to a trial, you grant them leave-to
speak, you hear the necessities they plead, and then
acquit them. Nothing then remains for us but to be
distracted with endless contests and divisions (some
urging these, some those measures), and to feel the
public calamity; for in former times, Athenians, you
divided into classes2 to raise supplies. Now the
1 Lampsacus, Sigeum, &c. ]--Chares received these two cities of Asia
Minor from the satrap Artabazus, in return for his service (see note 2,
p. 41). This general, instead of employing the fleet he had been in-
trusted with for the recovery of Amphipolis, according to his instruc-
tions, joined with some pirates, and committed considerable outrages in
the >Egean Sea. He was accused of this at his return, but escaped by
flying from public justice until his faction grew powerful enough to rein
state him in his former command. --Tourreil.
2 Classes, Sec. )--"Zvupopiai. Each of the ten tribes elected one hun-
dred and twenty of the richer citizens out of their own body, who were
obliged to* perform the public duties, and to raise supplies for the exi-
gences of the state out of their private fortunes. The twelve hundred
persons thus chosen were divided into two parts, and each of these into
ten classes, called vvnfiopiai. These were again subdivided into two
parts, according to the estates of those who composed them. And thus,
But of the ten first classes were appointed the Three Hundred, that is,
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? 70
OftAlIONS OF DEHOSTHENES.
business of these classes is to govern; each hath an
orator at its head, and a general who is his creature
The Three Hundred are assistants to these ; and the
rest of you divide, some to this, some to that party
You must rectify these disorders; you must appear
yourselves; you must leave the power of speaking,
of advising, and of acting open to every citizen. But
if you suffer some persons to issue out their mandates
as with a royal' authority^-if one set of men be forced
to fit out ships, to raise supplies, to take up arms,
while others are only to make decrees agains them,
without any charge, any employment besides, it is
not possible that any thing can be effected season-
ably and successfully; forthe injured party ever will
desert you, and then your sole resource will be to
make them feel your resentment instead of your
enemies.
To sum up all, my sentiments are these:--That
every man should contribute in proportion to his for-
tune; that all should take the field in their turns,
until all have served ; that whoever appears in this
place should be allowed to speak; and that when you
give your voices, your true interest only should de-
termine you, not the authority of this or the othei
speaker. Pursue this course, and then your applause
will not be lavished on some orator the moment he
concludes: you yourselves will share it hereafter
when you find how greatly you have advanced the
interests of your state.
such a nnmber of the wealthy citizens, who were on all occasions ta
supply the commonwealth with money, and with the rest of the twelve
hundred to perform all extraordinary duties in their turns It seems,
however, that in the time of Demosthenes these classes sought pretences
to avoid their duty, and contended for the power of throwing the whole
weight of public business on each other.
l As with a royal, Jfcc]--Enbulns, Aristophon, Hyperides, and Lycur-
gus governed every thing with an absolute power in the assemblies.
The conduct of military affairs was entirely engrossed by Diopithes,
Menestheus, Leosthenes, and Chares. Thin the administration of affairs
was shared among a few men, as it were, by lot; so that the popular
government degenerated into an oligarchy (See Piutarch in Phoriov
Tourreil
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? THE SECOND OLYNTHIAC ORATION:
PRONOUNCED IN THE SAME YEAR.
INTRODUCTION.
To remove the impression made on the minds of the Athenians by tho
preceding oration, Demades, and other popular leaders in the interest of
Philip, rose up and opposed the propositions of Demosthenes with all
their eloquence. Their opposition, however, proved ineffectual; for the
assembly decreed that relief should be sent to the Olynthians, and thirty
galleys and two thousand forces were accordingly despatched under the
command of Chares. But these succours, consisting entirely of merce-
naries, and commanded by a general of no great reputation, could not be
of considerable service; and were besides suspected, and scarcely less
dreaded by the Olynthians than the Macedonians themselves. In the
oiean time, the progress of Philip's arms could meet with little interrup-
tion. He reduced several places in the region of Chalcis, razed the for
cress of Zeira, and, having twice defeated the Olynthians in the field, at
last shut them up in their city. In this emergency they again applied to
the Athenians, and pressed for fresh and effectual succours. In thefol
lowing oration Demosthenes endeavours to support this petition, and to
prove that both the honour and the interest of the Athenians demanded
their immediate compliance. As the expense of the armament was the
great point of difficulty, he recommends the abrogation of such laws as
prevented the proper settlement of the funds necessary for carrying on a
war of such importance. The nature of these laws will come imme-
diately to be explained.
It appears, from the beginning of this oration, that other speakers had
risen before Demosthenes, and inveighed loudly against Philip. Full of
the national prejudices, or disposed to flatter the Athenians in their no-
tions of. the dignity and importance of their state, they breathed nothing
but indignation against the enemy, and possibly, with some contempt of
his present enterprises, proposed to the Athenians to correct his arro-
gance by an invasion of his own kingdom. Demosthenes, on the con-
trary, insists on the necessity of self-defence, endeavours to rouse his
bearers from their security by the terror of impending danger, and affect*
to consider the defence of Olynthus as the last and oMv means of pre-
serving the very being of Athens
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? OLYNTHIAC THE SECOND.
I am by no means affected in the same mannei,
Athenians, when I review the state of our affairs, and
when I attend to those speakers who have now
declared their sentiments. They insist that we
should punish Philip : but our affairs, situated as they
now appear, warn us to guard against the dangers
with which we ourselves are threatened. Thus far,
therefore, I must differ from these speakers, that I
apprehend they have not proposed the proper object
of your attention. There was a time, indeed, I know
it well, when the state could have possessed her own
dominions in security, and sent out her armies to
inflict chastisement on Philip. I myself have seen
that time when we enjoyed such power. But now,
I am persuaded, we should confine ourselves to the
protection of our allies. When this is once effected;
then we may consider the punishment his outrages
have merited. But, till the first great point be well
secured, it is weakness to debate about our more
'emote concernments.
And now, Athenians, if ever we stood in need of
mature deliberation and counsel, the present juncture
calls loudly for them. To point out the course to be
pursued on this emergency I do not think the greatest
difficulty: but I am in doubt in what manner to pro
pose my sentiments; for all that I have observed, and
all that I have heard, convince me that most of youi
misfortunes have proceeded from a want of inclina
tion to pursue the necessary measures, not from igno
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? SECOND OLYNTHIAC ORATION. 73
ranee of them. Let me entreat you, that, if I now
speak with an unusual holdness, you may bear it,
considering only whether I speak truth, and with a
sincere intention to advance your future interests;
for you now see, that by some orators, who study but
to gain your favour, our affairs have been reduced to
the extremity of distress.
I think it necessary, in the first place, to recall
some late transactions to your thoughts. --You may
remember, Athenians, that about three or four years
since you received advice that Philip was in Thrace,
and had laid siege to the fortress of Heraea. It was
then the month of November. 1 Great commotions
and debates arose: it was resolved to send out
forty galleys; that all citizens under the age of five-
and-forty2 should themselves embark: and that sixty
talents should be raised. Thus it was agreed:
that year passed away; then came in the months
July,3 August, September. In this last month, with
great difficulty, when the mysteries had first been
celebrated, you sent out Charidemus,4 with just ten
vessels, unmanned, and five talents of silver. For
when reports came of the sickness and the death of
1 Of November. ]--The reducing the Attic months to the Julian has
occasioned some dispute among the learned. As I thought it best to
make use of Roman names in the translation, I have followed the
reduction of Scaliger.
2 Under the age of five-and forty, &c. ]--This expresses their zeal, and
their apprehensions of the danger; for by the laws of Athens a citizen
was exempted from military service at the age of forty, except on some
very urgent occasion.
3 July, &c. ]--That is, the first months of the next year; for the reader
is to observe, that the Attic year commenced on that new moon whose
full moon immediately succeeded the summer solstice.
* Charidemus. ]--That is, the worst of all your generals; a foreigner,
a soldier of fortune, who had sometimes fought against you, sometimes
betrayed your cause, and who, on many occasions, had proved himself
unworthy of the confidence you reposed in him. --Monsieur Tourreil
translates this passage thus: "Ce fut en ce dernier mois qu'immediate.
ment apres la celebration des mysteres, vous depechates d'ici Chari-
deme," &c. Here there are two unfortunate words, which express haste
and expedition : whereas the description in the original labours on in the
slowest and heaviest manner possible. Every single word marks out the
tediousness or the meanness of their armament. --
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? 74 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
Philip (both-of these were affirmed), you laid aside
your intended armament, imagining that at such a
juncture there was no need -of succours. And yet
this was the very critical moment; for, had they
been despatched with the same alacrity with which
they were granted, Philip would not have then
escaped, to become that formidable enemy he now
appears.
But what was then done cannot be amended.
Now, we have the opportunity of another war: that
war I mean which hath induced me to bring these
transactions into view, that you may not once more
fall into the same errors. How then shall we im-
prove this opportunity 1 This is the only question.
For, if you are not resolved to assist with all the
force you can command, you are really serving under
Philip; you are fighting on his side. The Olynthians
are a people whose power was thought considerable.
Thus were the circumstances of affairs: Philip could
not confide in them: they looked with equal sus-
picion on Philip. We and they then entered into mu-
tual engagements of peace and alliance.
This was a
grievous embarrassment to Philip, that we should
nave a powerful state confederated with us, spies on
the incidents of his fortune. It was agreed that we
should by all means engage this people in a war wi:h
him. And now, what we all so earnestly desired is
effected: the manner is of no moment. What then
remains for us, Athenians, but to send immediate and
effectual succours, I cannot see : for besides the dis-
grace that must attend us, if any of our interests are
supinely disregarded, I have no small apprehensions
of the consequence (the Thebans1 affected as they
are towards us, and the Phocians exhausted of their
1 The Thebans, &c. ]--They had a mortal hatred to the Athenians, as
they had favoured Lacedsemon after the battles of Leuctra and Maminea,
and had lately taken part with the Phocians against them in the sacred
war. [And even before these times, at the conclusion of the Pelopon-
neaian war, the Thebans strenuously contended for the utter extirpation
of Athens. \-Tourreil.
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? SECOND OLYNTHIAC ORATION. 75
treasures), if Philip be left at full liberty to lead his
armies into these territories, when his present enter-
prises are accomplished. If any one among you can
be so far immersed in indolence as to suffer this, he
must choose to be witness of the misery of his own
country rather than to hear of that which strangers
suffer, and to seek assistance for himself when it is
now in his power to grant assistance to others.
That this must be the consequence if we do not
exert ourselves on the present occasion, there can
scarcely remain the least doubt among us.
But as to the necessity of sending succours: this,
it may be said, we are agreed in; this is our resolu-
tion. But how shall we be enabled 1 that is the point
to be explained. --Be not surprised, Athenians, if my
sentiments on this occasion seem repugnant to the
general sense of this assembly. Appoint magistrates
for1 the inspection of your laws: not in order to
enact any new law; you have already a sufficient
number; but to repeal those whose ill effects you
now experience. I mean the laws relating to the
theatrical funds2 (thus openly I declare it), and some
1 Magistrates for, Ac. )--In the original voiwdtras. So were thoflt-
citizens called who were intrusted by the people with the regulation of
their '. aws. They were chosen by lot, to the number of 1001, that their
votes might not be equal. Every citizen, at certain times, and in certain
assemblies, had usually a right to complain of any law. The president
of the assembly proposed the complaint to the people: five advocates
were allowed to plead in defence of the law; and after hearing them,
the people r^rred the affair to the uomothetae. --Tourreil.
2 The theatrical funds. ]--The Athenians, as well as the other Greeks,
were ever passionately fond of the entertainments of the theatre. Dis-
putes for places soon became remarkably inconvenient, and called for a
regulation. The magistrates therefore ordered that a small price should
he paid for places to reimburse the builders of the theatre, which as yet
knew not that magnificence which riches and luxury afterward intro-
duced. This purchasing of places began to be complained of by the
poorer citizens; and therefore Pericles, out of a pretended zeal for their
interest, proposed that a sum of money (which had been deposited in the
treasury after the war of Egina, when they had made a thirty yeara
peace with Lacedremon, and was intended as a public resource in cas
? f any invasion of Attica) should be distributed among the citizens, t
defray the expense of their entertainments in time of peace only. Th
proposal and the restriction were both agreed to: but as all Indulgence
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? 76
ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
about the soldiery. 1 By the first, the soldiers' pay
goes as theatrical expenses to the useless and inac-
tive ; the others screen those from justice who de-
cline the service of the field; and thus damp the
ardour of those disposed to serve us. When you
have repealed these, and rendered it consistent with
safety to advise you justly, then seek for some per-
son to propose that decree which2 you all are sensi-
ble the common good requires. But, until this be
done, expect not that any man will urge your true
interest, when, for urging your true interest, you
repay him with destruction. You will never find
such zeal; especially since the consequence can be
only this : he who offers his opinion, and moves for
your concurrence, suffers some unmerited calamity;
but your affairs are not in the" least advanced; nay,
this additional inconvenience must arise, that for the
future it will appear more dangerous to advise you
than even at present. And the authors of these laws
should also be the authors of their repeal: for it is not
just that the public favour should be bestowed on
them who, in framing these laws, have greatly in-
of this kind degenerate, sooner or later, into licentiousness, the people
began to consider this distribution as their unalienable property ; and,
the very year of the Olynthiac orations, Eubulus, a popular leader of a
party opposite to Demosthenes, prevailed to have a law passed, which
forbade any man, on pain of death, to make a motion, or proposal of a
decree, for restoring what was now called the theatrical funds to the
military, or any other public service. This is the law which Demos-
thenes here attacks.
l About the soldiery. ]--The laws of Solon exacted personal service
from every citizen, with the utmost rigour. Those which the orator
complains of must have been made when the state began to be corrupted.
3 That decree which, Ace]--A decree for the alienation of the theat-
rical funds. While Eubulus's law was in force such a decree cou'd not i
be proposed. The usefulness and necessity of it, however, the orator
ventures to insinuate; for the penalty was not understood as extending
to a man's barely declaring his sentiments, provided he did not make the
motion in form. In the latter part of this oration he seems to propose
another method of avoiding the ill consequences of the law of Eubulus;
and that is, that the theatrical distributions should be still continued ;
but that all those who were in public offices, and who usually received
their several salaries and appointments, should now serve the state
without fee or reward. The name only of these distributions would
have then remained.
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? SECOND OLYNTHIAC ORATION. 77
jured the community; and that the odium should fall
on him whose freedom and sincerity are of importan
service to us all. Until these regulations be made
you are not to think any man so great that he may
violate these laws with impunity; or so devoid of
reason as to plunge himself into open and foreseen
destruction
And be not ignorant of this, Athenians, that a
decree is of no significance unless attended with reso-
lution and alacrity to execute it: for, were decrees
if themselves sufficient to engage you to perform
your duty,--could they even execute the things which
they enact,--so many would not have been made to
so little, or rather to no good purpose ; nor would
the insolence of Philip have had so long a date : for,
if decrees can punish, he hath long since felt all their
fury. But they have no such power: for though
proposing and resolving be first in order; yet, in force
and efficacy, action is superior. Let this then be
your principal concern; the others you cannot want:
for you have men among you capable of advising,
and you are of all people most acute in apprehending.
Now, let your interest direct you, and it will be in
your power to be as remarkable for acting. What
season, indeed, what opportunity do you wait for
more favourable than the present? or when will you
exert your vigour, if not now, my countrymen ?
Hath not this man seized all those places that were
ours ? Should he become master of this country
too,1 must we not sink into the lowest state of infa-
my ? Are not they whom we have promised to assist
whenever they are engaged in war now attacked
themselves ? Is he not our enemy ? is he not in
possession of our dominions? is he not a barba-
rian ? 2 is he not every base thing words can express ?
1 Of this country too, &c. ]--That is, the country of Chalcis, where Philip
took two-and-thirty cities before he laid siege to Olymhus. --Tourreil.
8 A barbarian ? }--This was the term of reproach which the Greeks
applied to all other nations: nor were the Macedonians excepted. In
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? 78 , ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
If we are insensible to all this, if we almost aid hia
designs, Heavens! can we then ask to whom the
consequences are owing ? Yes, I know full well we
never will impute them to ourselves. Just as in the
dangers of the field, not one of those who fly will ac-
cuse himself; he will rather blame the general, or his
fellow-soldiers: yet every single man1 that fled was
accessary to the defeat: he who blames others might
have maintained his own post; and, had every man
maintained his, success must have ensued. Thus
then, in the present case, is there a man whose coun-
sel seems liable to objection 1 let the next rise, and
not inveigh against him, but declare his own opinion.
Doth another offer some more salutary counsel 1 pur-
sue it, in the name of Heaven! " But then it is not
pleasing," This is not the fault of the speaker, unless
in that he hath2 neglected to express his affection in
the time of Xerxes, Alexander, king of Macedon, could not be admitted
into the Olympic games until he had proved bis descent to be originally
from Argos : and when be came over from the Persian camp, to give the
Greeks notice of the motions of Mardonius, he justified his perfidy by
his ancient descent from Greece ; which he needed not to have had re-
course to if Macedon had not been theu considered as a part of the bar-
barian world. --Tourreil.
1 Yet every single man, &c. J--The orator did not foresee that, in ten
years after, he himself would be guilty of this very crime ; be branded
with a name of infamy, for casting away his shield at the battle of Chav
ronea, and have nothing to oppose to the reproaches of his enemies but a
weak and trifling pleasantry. --TourreiL
2 Unless in that he hath, &c. ]--This passage, which is translated
pretty exactly from the original, seems, at first view, to have something
of a forced and unnatural air. Indeed, it is not possible for us to perceive
fully and clearly the strength and propriety of every part of these orations.
To this it would be requisite to know the temper and disposition of the
hearers, at that particular time when each of them was delivered; an
also to have before us every thing said by other speakers in the debat
In many places we find very plain allusions to the speeches of other
orators; and it is not unreasonable to think, that there are other more
obscure ones which escape our observation. If we suppose, for instance,
that, in the present debate, before Demosthenes rose some other speaker
had nmused the people with flattering hopes, with professions of zeal
and affection, with passionate exclamations, and prayers to the gods for
such and such instances of public success; while at the same time he
neglected to point out such measures as were fit to be pursued, or per
haps recommended pernicious measures:--on such a supposition, I say,
this passage, considered as an indirect reproof of such a speaker, will
perhaps appear to have sufficient force and propriety.
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? SECOND OLYNTHIAC ORATION. 79
p. jyers and wishes. To pray is easy, Athenians,
and in one petition may be collected as many in-
stances of good fortune as we please. To determine
justly, when affairs are to be considered, is not so
easy. But what is most useful should ever be pre-
ferred to that which is agreeable, where both cannot
be obtained.
But if there be a man who will leave us the theat-
rical funds, and propose other subsidies for thtf ser-
vice of the war, are we not rather to attend to him 1
I grant it, Athenians, if that man can be found. But
I should account it wonderful, if it ever did, if it ever
can happen to any man on earth, that while he lav-
ishes his present possessions on unnecessary occa-
sions, some future funds should be procured to supply
his real necessities. But such proposals find a pow-
erful advocate in the breast of every hearer. So
that nothing is so easy as to deceive one's self; for
what we wish, that we readily believe: but such
expectations are oftentimes inconsistent with our
affairs. On this occasion, therefore, let your affairs
direct you; then will you be enabled to take the field;
then you will have your full pay. And men whose
judgments are well directed, and whose souls are
great, could not support the infamy which must
attend them, if obliged to desert any of the operations
of a war from the want of money: they could not,
after snatching up their arms, and marching against
the Corinthians' and Megareans,2 suffer Philip to
1 The Corinthians. ]--This alludes to an expedition that the Athenians
had made about an age before. Some time after the Persian war, when
the Greeks began to quarrel among themselves, Corinth and Megara had
some dispute about their boundaries. The better to support their quarrel,
the Megareans quitted the Lacedaemonians, and entered into an alliance
with At'aens. But as this state was then engaged both in Egypt and
Egina, the Corinthians imagined they would not be able to give any
assistance, and therefore invaded the territories of Megara. But the
Athenians came immediately to the assistance of their allies, although
they were obliged to commit the defence of their city to their old men
and boys ; and the Corinthians were repulsed. --Tourreil.
2 The Megareans. ]--This war happened twelve years after that men-
tioned in the precedinc note. The Megareane, after having put nn Atbo
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? 80 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
enslave the states of Greece, through the want of
provisions for their forces. I say not this wantonly,
to raise the resentment of some among you. No; I
am not so unhappily perverse, as to study to be hated,
when no good purpose can be answered by it; but it
is my opinion, that every honest speaker should prefer
the interest of the state to the favour of his hearers.
This (I am assured, and perhaps you need not be
informed) was the principle which actuated the pub-
lic conduct of those of our ancestors who spoke
in this assembly (men whom the present set of ora-
tors are ever ready to applaud, but whose example
they by no means imitate): such were Aristides,
Nicias, the former Demosthenes, and Pericles. But
since we have had speakers who, before their public
appearance, ask you--What do you desire ? what
shall I propose ? how can 1 oblige you? the interest
of our country hath been sacrificed to momentary
pleasure and popular favour. Thus have we been
distressed; thus have these men risen to greatness,
and you sunk into disgrace.
And here let me entreat your attention to a sum-
mary account of the conduct of your ancestors, and
of your own. I shall mention but a few things, and
these well known: for, if you would pursue the way
to happiness, you need not look abroad for leaders;
our own countrymen point it out. These, our ances-
tors, therefore, whom the orators never courted,
never treated with that indulgence with which you
are flattered, held the sovereignty of Greece, with
general consent, five-and-forty years;1 deposited
nian garrison to the sword tbat was stationed in their territory, joined
with Lacedasmon, and even with Corinth, their mortal enemy, against
whom th" Athenians had espoused their quarrel. This state, incensed
at the ingratitude of their revolt, determined to reduce them to reason.
They issued out a mandate, directing the Megareans to abstain from
cultivating a piece of ground consecrated to Ceres and Proserpine ; and,
on their refusing to comply, published an edict to exclude them from all
commerce in Attica, and bound their generals by an oath to invade their
territories once every year. --Tourreil.
t Five-and-forty years. ]--In Wolfius's edition it is sixty-five. But thia
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? SECOND OLYNTHIAC ORATION.
81
above ten thousand talents in our public treasury;
kept the king of this country in that subjection which
a barbarian owes to Greeks; erected monuments
of many and illustrious actions, which they them-
selves achieved by land and sea; in a word, are the
only persons who have transmitted to posterity such
glory as is superior to envy. Thus great do they
appear in the affairs of Greece. Let us now view
them within the city, both in their public and pri-
vate conduct. And, first, the edifices which their
administrations have given us, their decorations of
our temples, and the offerings deposited by them, are
so numerous and so magnificent that all the efforts
of posterity cannot exceed them. Then, in private
life, so exemplary was their moderation, their ad-
herence to the ancient manners so scrupulously
exact, that, if any of you ever discovered the house
of Aristides, or Miltiades, or any of the illustrious
men of those times, he must know that it was not
distinguished by the least extraordinary splendour:
for they did not so conduct the public business as to
aggrandize themselves ; their sole great object was
to exalt the state : and thus, by their faithful attach-
ment to Greece, by their piety to the gods, and by
that equality which they maintained among them-
selves, they were raised (and no wonder) to the sum-
mit of prosperity.
Such was the state of Athens at that time, when
the men I have mentioned were in power. But what
is your condition under these indulgent ministers
reading is found hi otTier copies, and is confirmed by the parallel passage in
theorationon regulating the commonwealth. The orator computes from
the death of Pausanias, when the supreme command was given to the
Athenians, to the beginning of the Peloponnesian war. Add to this the
27 years of that war, during which time the Athenians maintained their
power, though not with consent, and the whole will be 72 years com-
plete, and part of the 73d year. Agreeably to this last calculation,
Demosthenes says, ir. the third Philippic, that the Athenians commanded
in Greece 73 years. These two accounts are thus easily reconciled by
distinguishing the times of the voluntary and the involuntary obedienca
of the Greeks. --Tourrtil.
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? 82 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
vho now direct us ? Is it the same, or nearly the
ame? --Other things I shall pass over, though I
might expatiate on them.
