No More Learning

At the same instant a menacing voice saluted him with the
words, "Monsieur, we will meet again! "
To-day, if you will," he replied.
Antoinette's wild excitement had given place to insensibility;
she neither saw nor heard; her limbs no longer sustained her.
Camille had great difficulty in bringing her to the house; she
could not ascend the steps of the terrace; he was obliged to
carry her. Mademoiselle Moiseney saw him, and filled the air
with her cries. She ran forward, she lavished her best care on
her queen.
All the time she was busy in bringing her to her
senses she was asking Camille for explanations, to which she
did not pay the least attention; she interrupted him at every
word to exclaim:- "This has been designed, and you are at the
bottom of the plot. I have suspected you-you owe Antoinette
a grudge. Your wounded vanity has never recovered from her
refusal, and you are determined to be revenged. Perhaps you
flatter yourself that she will end by loving you. She does not
love you, and she never will love you. Who are you, to dare
compare yourself with Count Larinski?
Be silent!
Do I believe in Samuel Brohl? I do not know Samuel
Brohl. I venture my head that there is no such person as
Samuel Brohl. "


## p. 3620 (#602) ###########################################

3620
VICTOR CHERBULIEZ
"Not much of a venture, mademoiselle," replied M. Moriaz,
who had arrived in the mean time.
Antoinette remained during an hour in a state of mute lan-
guor; then a violent fever took possession of her. When the
physician who had been sent for arrived, M. Langis accompa-
nied him into the chamber of the sick girl. She was delirious:
seated upright, she kept continually passing her hand over her
brow; she sought to efface the taint of a kiss she had received
one moonlight night, and the impression in her hair of the flap-
ping of a bat's wings that had caught in her hood. These two
things were confounded in her memory. From time to time
she said, "Where is my portrait? Give me my portrait. "
It was about ten o'clock when M. Langis called on Samuel
Brohl, who was not astonished to see him appear; he had hoped
he would come. Samuel had regained self-possession. He was
calm and dignified. However, the tempest through which he
had gone had left on his features some vestige of its passage.
His lips quivered, and his beautiful chestnut locks curled like
serpents about his temples and gave his head a Medusa-like
appearance.
He said to Camille, "Where and when? Our seconds will
undertake the arrangement of the rest. "
"You mistake, monsieur, the motive of my visit,” replied M.
Langis. "I am grieved to destroy your illusions, but I did not
come to arrange a meeting with you. "
« Do you
refuse to give me satisfaction? "
"What satisfaction do I owe you? "
"You insulted me. "
"When? "
"And you said, "The day, the place, the weapons. I leave
all to your choice. »»
M. Langis could not refrain from smiling. "Ah! you at last
acknowledge that your fainting fit was comedy? " he rejoined.
"Acknowledge on your part," replied Samuel, "that you
insult persons when you believe that they are not in a state to
hear you.
Your courage likes to take the safe side. "
"Be reasonable," replied Camille. "I placed myself at Count
Larinski's disposal: you cannot require me to fight with a Samuel
Brohl! "
Samuel sprang to his feet; with fierce bearing and head erect
he advanced to the young man, who awaited him unflinchingly,


## p. 3621 (#603) ###########################################

VICTOR CHERBULIEZ
3621
and whose resolute manner awed him. He cast upon him a
sinister look, turned and reseated himself, bit his lips until the
blood came; then said in a placid voice: —
"Will you do me the favor of telling me, monsieur, to what
I owe the honor of this visit ? »
"I came to demand of you a portrait that Mademoiselle
Moriaz is desirous of having returned. "
"If I refuse to give it up, you will doubtless appeal to my
delicacy? "
"Do you doubt it? " ironically replied Camille.
"That proves, monsieur, that you still believe in Count
Larinski; that it is to him you speak at this moment. "
"You deceive yourself. I came to see Samuel Brohl, who is
a business man, and it is a commercial transaction that I intend
to hold with him. " And drawing from his pocket a porte-
monnaie, he added, "You see I do not come empty-handed. "
Samuel settled himself in his arm-chair. Half closing his eyes,
he watched M. Langis through his eye-lashes. A change passed
over his features: his nose became more crooked, and his chin
more pointed; he no longer resembled a lion, he was a fox.
His lips wore the sugared smile of a usurer, one who lays snares
for the sons of wealthy families, and who scents out every favor-
able case. If at this moment Jeremiah Brohl had seen him from
the other world, he would have recognized his own flesh and
blood.
-
He said at last to Camille, "You are a man of understanding,
monsieur; I am ready to listen to you. "
"I am very glad of it, and to speak frankly, I had no doubts
about it. I knew you to be very intelligent, very much disposed
to make the best of an unpleasant conjuncture. "
"Ah! spare my modesty. I thank you for your excellent opin-
ion of me; I should warn you that I am accused of being greedy
after gain. You will leave some of the feathers from your wings
between my fingers. "
For a reply M. Langis significantly patted the portemonnaie
which he held in his hand, and which was literally stuffed with
bank-notes. Immediately Samuel took from a locked drawer a
casket, and proceeded to open it.
"This is a very precious gem," he said. "The medallion is
gold, and the work on the miniature is exquisite. It is a master-
piece the color equals the design. The mouth is marvelously


## p. 3622 (#604) ###########################################

3622
VICTOR CHERBULIEZ
rendered. Mengs or Liotard could not have done better. At
what do you value this work of art? "
"You are more of a connoisseur than I. I will leave it to
your own valuation. "
"I will let you have the trinket for five thousand francs; it is
almost nothing. "
Camille began to draw out the five thousand francs from his
portemonnaie. "How prompt you are! " remarked Samuel. «The
portrait has not only a value as a work of art; I am sure you
attach a sentimental value to it, for I suspect you of being over
head and ears in love with the original. "
"I find you too greedy," replied Camille, casting on him a
crushing glance.
"Do not be angry. I am accustomed to exercise methodical
precision in business affairs. My father always sold at a fixed
price, and I too never lower my charges. You will readily
understand that what is worth five thousand francs to a friend is
worth double to a lover. The gem is worth ten thousand francs.
You can take it or leave it. "
"I will take it," replied M. Langis.
"Since we agree," continued Samuel, "I possess still other
articles which might suit you. "
"Why, do you think of selling me your clothing? "
"Let us come to an understanding. I have other articles of
the same lot. "
And he brought from a closet the red hood, which he spread
out on the table.
"Here is an article of clothing-to use your own words-
that may be of interest to you. Its color is beautiful; if you
saw it in the sunshine, it would dazzle you. I grant that the
stuff is common-it is very ordinary cashmere- but if you
deign to examine it closely, you will be struck by the peculiar
perfume that it exhales. The Italians call it 'l'odor femminino. › »
(
"And what is your rate of charge for the odor femminino› ? »
"I will be moderate. I will let you have this article and its
perfume for five thousand francs. It is actually giving it away. "
"Assuredly. We will say ten and five-that makes fifteen
thousand. "
"One moment. You can pay for all together. I have other
things to offer you. -One would say that the floor burned your
feet, and that you could not endure being in this room. ”


## p. 3623 (#605) ###########################################

VICTOR CHERBULIEZ
3623
"I allow that I long to leave this-what shall I say? — this
shop, lair, or den. "
"You are young, monsieur: it never does to hurry; haste
causes us acts of forgetfulness which we afterward regret. You
would be very sorry not to take away with you these two scraps
of paper. "
At these words he drew from his note-book two letters, which
he unfolded.
"Is there much more? " demanded Camille. "I fear that
I shall become short of funds, and be obliged to go back for
more. "
"Ah, these two letters! I will not part with them for a trifle;
the second especially. It is only twelve lines in length; but
what pretty English handwriting! Only see! and the style is
loving and tender. I will add that it is signed. Ah, monsieur,
Mademoiselle Moriaz will be charmed to see these scrawls again.
Under what obligations will she be to you! You will make the
most of it; you will tell her that you wrested them from me,
your dagger at my throat-that you terrified me. With what a
gracious smile she will reward your heroism! According to my
opinion that smile is as well worth ten thousand francs as the
medallion- the two gems are of equal value. "
"If you want more, it makes no difference. »
"No, monsieur; I have told you I have only one price. "
"At this rate, it is twenty-five thousand francs that I owe you.
You have nothing more to sell me? "
"Alas! that is all. "
"Will you swear it? "
"What, monsieur! you admit then that Samuel Brohl has
a word of honor- that when he has sworn he can be believed? "
"You are right; I am still very young.
>>>
"That is all, then, I swear to you," affirmed Samuel, sigh-
ing. "My shop is poorly stocked; I had commenced laying in a
supply, but an unfortunate accident deranged my little business. "
"Bah! be consoled," replied M. Langis; "you will find
another opportunity: a genius of such lofty flights as yours is
never at a loss. You have been unfortunate; some day Fortune
will compensate you for the wrongs she has done you, and the
world will accord justice to your fine talents. "
Speaking thus, he laid on the table twenty-five notes of a
thousand francs each. He counted them; Samuel counted them


## p. 3624 (#606) ###########################################

3624
VICTOR CHERBULIEZ
after him, and at once delivered to him the medallion, the hood,
and the two letters.
Camille rose to leave. "Monsieur Brohl," he said, "from the
first day I saw you, I formed the highest opinion of your char-
acter. The reality surpasses my expectations. I am charmed
to have made your acquaintance, and I venture to hope that
you are not sorry to have made mine. However, I shall not
say au revoir. »
"Who knows? " replied Samuel, suddenly changing his counte-
nance and attitude. And he added, "If you are fond of being
astonished, monsieur, will you remain still another instant in this
den ? »
He rolled and twisted the twenty-five one-thousand-franc notes
into lamp-lighters; then with a grand gesture, à la Poniatowski,
he approached the candle, held them in the flame until they
blazed, and then threw them on the hearth, where they were
soon consumed.
Turning toward M. Langis, he cried, "Will you now do me
the honor of fighting with me? »
"After such a noble act as that, I can refuse you nothing,"
returned Camille. "I will do you that signal honor. "
"Just what I desire," replied Samuel. "I am the offended;
I have the choice of arms. " And in showing M. Langis out, he
said, "I will not conceal from you that I have frequented the
shooting galleries, and that I am a first-class pistol-shot. "
Camille bowed and went out.
The next day, in a lucid interval, Mademoiselle Moriaz saw
at the foot of her bed a medallion laid on a red hood. From
that moment the physician announced an improvement in her
symptoms.
Copyrighted by D. Appleton and Company, 1877.


## p. 3624 (#607) ###########################################



## p. 3624 (#608) ###########################################


CHESTERFIELD.


## p. 3624 (#609) ###########################################

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## p. 3624 (#610) ###########################################

EEN

CHESTERFIELD.
at


## p. 3624 (#611) ###########################################

3625
LORD CHESTERFIELD
(1694-1773)
s THE best representative of a creditable type among English
noblemen in the reign of George II. ,- an accomplished
courtier, a diplomatic statesman worthy of reliance on occa-
sions of emergency, a scholar, and a patron of literature,- Philip
Dormer Stanhope, fourth earl of Chesterfield, occupied a prominent
place in the history of his country for more than forty years. He
was the eldest son of Philip, third earl, and was born at London in
1694. Most of his boyhood was spent under the care of his grand-
mother, the Marchioness of Halifax. When eighteen, he was entered
at Trinity College, Cambridge, and became "an excellent classical
scholar. " The principal events in his public career were his election
to Parliament in his twenty-first year; his appointment as Captain of
the Yeomen of the Guard in return for a political vote; his selection
for special service as Ambassador to The Hague after his succession
to the family title; his appointment as Lord High Steward, with the
Garter, as a reward for his success in Holland; his expulsion from
that position by Horace Walpole for political disobedience in oppos-
ing an excise bill; his second successful mission to The Hague; his
selection, as a reward, for the responsible post of Viceroy in Ireland,
and subsequently his resignation and acceptance of office as Secre-
tary of State, this latter appointment being taken when the Earl
had reached his fiftieth year. Chesterfield was first a warm friend,
then a bitter enemy of Horace Walpole. He also antagonized George
II. , but that monarch finally succumbed to diplomatic treatment at
his hands and offered his former antagonist a dukedom, which was
courteously declined. In his fifty-eighth year, partial deafness caused
him to withdraw almost wholly from public affairs. In diplomacy,
his successful missions to The Hague made him strong with officials
in power.
His ability as a statesman was shown to great advantage
in a firm yet popular administration of Irish affairs during a critical
period in Irish history. As a patron of literature, Dr. Samuel Johnson
deemed him a distinct failure, and expressed this opinion forcibly to
that effect in his celebrated letter. His literary reputation rests
chiefly on letters addressed to his natural son Philip, who died in
his thirty-sixth year, greatly to his father's disappointment, he hav-
ing looked forward to a great career for the young man. His letters
of counsel and advice were to that end; oddly, they left the recipient


## p. 3624 (#612) ###########################################

CHESTERFIELD


## p. 3625 (#613) ###########################################

3625
LORD CHESTERFIELD
(1694-1773)
s THE best representative of a creditable type among English
noblemen in the reign of George II. ,- an accomplished
courtier, a diplomatic statesman worthy of reliance on occa-
sions of emergency, a scholar, and a patron of literature,— Philip
Dormer Stanhope, fourth earl of Chesterfield, occupied a prominent
place in the history of his country for more than forty years. He
was the eldest son of Philip, third earl, and was born at London in
1694. Most of his boyhood was spent under the care of his grand-
mother, the Marchioness of Halifax. When eighteen, he was entered
at Trinity College, Cambridge, and became "an excellent classical
scholar. " The principal events in his public career were his election
to Parliament in his twenty-first year; his appointment as Captain of
the Yeomen of the Guard in return for a political vote; his selection
for special service as Ambassador to The Hague after his succession
to the family title; his appointment as Lord High Steward, with the
Garter, as a reward for his success in Holland; his expulsion from
that position by Horace Walpole for political disobedience in oppos-
ing an excise bill; his second successful mission to The Hague; his
selection, as a reward, for the responsible post of Viceroy in Ireland,
and subsequently his resignation and acceptance of office as Secre-
tary of State, this latter appointment being taken when the Earl
had reached his fiftieth year. Chesterfield was first a warm friend,
then a bitter enemy of Horace Walpole. He also antagonized George
II. , but that monarch finally succumbed to diplomatic treatment at
his hands and offered his former antagonist a dukedom, which was
courteously declined. In his fifty-eighth year, partial deafness caused
him to withdraw almost wholly from public affairs. In diplomacy,
his successful missions to The Hague made him strong with officials
in power. His ability as a statesman was shown to great advantage
in a firm yet popular administration of Irish affairs during a critical
period in Irish history. As a patron of literature, Dr. Samuel Johnson
deemed him a distinct failure, and expressed this opinion forcibly to
that effect in his celebrated letter. His literary reputation rests
chiefly on letters addressed to his natural son Philip, who died in
his thirty-sixth year, greatly to his father's disappointment, he hav-
ing looked forward to a great career for the young man. His letters
of counsel and advice were to that end; oddly, they left the recipient


## p. 3626 (#614) ###########################################

3626
LORD CHESTERFIELD
still shy, awkward, tactless, and immature. These epistles, not in-
tended for public perusal, were subsequently printed in book form.
The Earl of Chesterfield died in 1773. Four years after his death,
'Miscellaneous Works' were published in two volumes, also 'Char-
acters. ' 'The Art of Pleasing' and 'Letters to His Heir' appeared
ten years from the date of his decease, and this was followed, a
few months later, by Memoirs of Asiaticus. '
FROM LETTERS TO HIS SON›
CONCERNING MANNERS
TH
HERE is a bienséance with regard to people of the lowest
degree; a gentleman observes it with his footman, even
with the beggar in the street. He considers them as ob-
jects of compassion, not of insult; he speaks to neither d'un ton
brusque, but corrects the one coolly, and refuses the other with
humanity. There is no one occasion in the world, in which le
ton brusque is becoming a gentleman. In short, les bienséances
are another word for manners, and extend to every part of life.
They are propriety; the Graces should attend in order to com-
plete them: the Graces enable us to do genteelly and pleasingly
what les bienséances require to be done at all. The latter are an
obligation upon every man; the former are an infinite advan-
tage and ornament to any man.
THE CONTROL OF ONE'S COUNTENANCE
PEOPLE unused to the world have babbling countenances, and
are unskillful enough to show what they have sense enough not
to tell.
In the course of the world, a man must very often put
on an easy, frank countenance, upon very disagreeable occasions;
he must seem pleased, when he is very much otherwise; he must
be able to accost and receive with smiles those whom he would
much rather meet with swords. In Courts he must not turn
himself inside out. All this may, nay, must be done, without
falsehood and treachery: for it must go no further than politeness
and manners, and must stop short of assurances and professions
of simulated friendship. Good manners to those one does not
love are no more a breach of truth than "your humble servant,"
at the bottom of a challenge, is; they are universally agreed upon
and understood to be things of course. They are necessary


## p. 3627 (#615) ###########################################

LORD CHESTERFIELD
3627
guards of the decency and peace of society: they must only act
defensively; and then not with arms poisoned with perfidy.
Truth, but not the whole truth, must be the invariable principle
of every man who hath either religion, honor, or prudence.
DRESS AS AN INDEX TO CHARACTER
I CANNOT help forming some opinion of a man's sense
and character from his dress; and I believe most people do
well as myself. Any affectation whatsoever in dress implies
in my mind a flaw in the understanding
A man of
sense carefully avoids any particular character in his dress; he is
accurately clean for his own sake; but all the rest is for other
people's. He dresses as well, and in the same manner, as the
people of sense and fashion of the place where he is. If he
dresses better, as he thinks,- that is, more than they, he is a
fop; if he dresses worse, he is unpardonably negligent: but of
the two, I would rather have a young fellow too much than too
little dressed: the excess on that side will wear off with a little
age and reflection; but if he is negligent at twenty, he will be a
sloven at forty and stink at fifty years old. Dress yourself fine
where others are fine, and plain where others are plain; but take
care always that your clothes are well made and fit you, for
otherwise they will give you a very awkward air. When you
are once well dressed for the day, think no more of it after-
wards; and without any stiffness or fear of discomposing that
dress, let all your motions be as easy and natural as if you had
no clothes on at all.
SOME REMARKS ON GOOD BREEDING
A FRIEND of yours and mine has justly defined good breed-
ing to be "the result of much good sense, some good nature, and
a little self-denial for the sake of others, and with a view to
obtain the same indulgence from them. " Taking this for granted
(as I think it cannot be disputed), it is astonishing to me that
anybody who had good sense and good nature (and I believe
you have both) can essentially fail in good breeding. As to the
modes of it, indeed, they vary according to persons, places, and
circumstances, and are only to be acquired by observation and


## p. 3628 (#616) ###########################################

3628
LORD CHESTERFIELD
experience; but the substance of it is everywhere and eternally
the same. Good manners are to particular societies what good
morals are to society in general-their cement and their security.
And as laws are enacted to enforce good morals, or at least
to prevent the ill effects of bad ones, so there are certain rules
of civility, universally implied and received, to enforce good
manners and punish bad ones. And indeed there seems to me
to be less difference, both between the crimes and punishments,
than at first one would imagine.
Mutual complaisances,
attentions, and sacrifices of little conveniences, are as natural
an implied compact between civilized people as protection and
obedience are between kings and subjects: whoever in either
case violates that compact, justly forfeits all advantages arising
from it. For my own part, I really think that next to the con-
sciousness of doing a good action, that of doing a civil one is the
most pleasing: and the epithet which I should covet the most,
next to that of Aristides, would be that of "well-bred. "
THE CHOICE OF A VOCATION
FROM MISCELLANEOUS WORKS'
IT
is very certain that no man is fit for everything; but it is
almost as certain too that there is scarce any one man who
is not fit for something, which something nature plainly
points out to him by giving him a tendency and propensity to
it. I look upon common-sense to be to the mind what con-
science is to the heart,- the faithful and constant monitor of
what is right or wrong. And I am convinced that no man com-
mits either a crime or a folly but against the manifest and
sensible representations of the one or the other. Every man
finds in himself, either from nature or education,- for they are
hard to distinguish,- a peculiar bent and disposition to some
particular character; and his struggling against it is the fruitless.
and endless labor of Sisyphus. Let him follow and cultivate
that vocation, he will succeed in it, and be considerable in one
way at least; whereas if he departs from it he will at best be
inconsiderable, probably ridiculous.


## p. 3629 (#617) ###########################################

3629
YOG
THE LITERATURE OF CHINA
BY ROBERT K. DOUGLAS
HE distinguishing feature and the crowning glory of the Chi-
nese nation is its literature. It is true that the Chinese can
boast of an ancient empire, of a time-honored civilization, of
conquests in the fields of science, and, in spite of recent events, in
the field of battle; but in the mind of every true Son of Han these
titles to fame sink into insignificance before that of the possession of
a literature which dates back to a time when the Western world was
yet in a state of barbarism, and which as centuries have rolled by
has been worthily supplemented in every
branch of knowledge.

It may now be accepted as beyond dis-
pute that the Chinese migrated into China
from southwestern Asia about B. C. 2300,
bringing with them a knowledge of writing,
and in all probability the beginnings of a
literature. In the records of that distant
past, history and fable are so closely inter-
mingled that it is difficult to pronounce
definitely upon any subject treated in them,
and we are compelled to seek in compara-
tive philology for reasonable explanations
of many points which Chinese chroniclers
are content to leave, not from want of as-
sertion, in the mists of uncertainty.
CONFUCIUS
By common consent it is acknowledged that the Yi King,' or
Book of Changes, is the oldest work extant in Chinese literature;
though other works, the names of which only have come down to us,
were contemporaneously current in the country. A peculiar venera-
tion is naturally felt by the Chinese for this sole surviving waif from
a past literature; and from the time of Confucius downward, scholars
of every age have attempted to explain its mystic pages. The basis
of the work is popularly believed to be eight diagrams, which are
said to have been designed by Fuh-hi (B. C. 2852), and which by sub-
division have become multiplied into sixty-four. One of these stands
at the head of each of the sixty-four chapters into which the work
is now divided. Following these diagrams is in each case an initial
character, with short phrases which have been held by Confucius and
every subsequent native commentator to explain the meaning of the


## p. 3630 (#618) ###########################################

3630
THE LITERATURE OF CHINA
diagrams. But the key to the puzzle was denied to these scholars,
who made confusion worse confounded by their attempts to make
sense of that which was unintelligible to them. So mysterious a text
was naturally believed to be a work on divination; and accepting
this cue, the commentators devoted their energies to forcing into the
Procrustean bed of divination the disjointed phrases which follow the
diagrams. The solution of the mystery, which had escaped the keen
study of five-and-twenty centuries of native scholars, was discovered
by the late Professor Terrieu de la Couperie, who by many irrefra-
gable proofs demonstrated that the Yi King' consists of old frag-
ments of early times in China, mostly of a lexical character. " With
this explanation the futility of the attempts of the native scholars
to translate it as a connected text at once becomes apparent. A
large proportion of the chapters are merely syllabaries, similar to
those of Chaldea. The initial character represents the word to be
explained, and the phrases following express its various meanings.
<<
An excellent translation of the Yi King' as it is understood by
native scholars was published by Professor Legge in 'The Sacred
Books of the East' (1882); and a comparison of his translation of
the seventh chapter with Professor T. de la Couperie's rendering of
the same passage must be enough to convince the most skeptical
that even if he is not absolutely correct, the native scholars must
undoubtedly be wrong. The chapter is headed by a diagram con-
sisting of five divided lines and one undivided; and the initial char-
acter is Sze, which is described in modern dictionaries as meaning
"a teacher," "instructor," "model," "an army," "a poet," "a mul-
titude," "the people," "all," "laws," "an elder. " Of the phrases
which follow, Professor Legge gives the following rendering:-
"Sze indicates how, in the case which it supposes, with firmness and cor-
rectness, and [a leader of] age and experience, there will be good fortune
and no error.
"The first line, divided, shows the host going forward according to the
rules [for such a movement]. If these be not good, there will be evil.
"The second line, undivided, shows [the leader] in the midst of his host.
There will be good fortune and no error. The king has thrice conveyed to
him the orders [of his favor].
"The third line, divided, shows how the host may possibly have many
inefficient leaders. There will be evil.
"The fourth line, divided, shows the host in retreat. There is no error.
"The fifth line, divided, shows birds in the fields, which it will be advan-
tageous to seize and destroy. In that case there will be no error. If the
oldest son leads the host, and younger men [idly occupy offices assigned to
them], however firm and correct he may be, there will be evil.
"The topmost line, divided, shows the great ruler delivering his charges
[appointing some], to be rulers of States, and others to undertake the head-
ship of clans; but small men should not be employed [in such positions]. "


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THE LITERATURE OF CHINA
3631
It is impossible to read such an extract as the above without
being convinced that the explanation was not that which was
intended by the author or authors; and on the doctrine of probabili-
ties, a perusal of the following version by Professor T. de la Cou-
perie would incline us to accept his conclusions. But his theory
does not rest on probabilities alone; he is able to support it with
many substantial proofs: and though exception may possibly be
taken to some of his renderings of individual phrases, his general
views may be held to be firmly established. This is his version of
the chapter quoted above, with the exception of the words of good
or ill omen:
-
"Sze [is] a righteous great man. The Sze defines laws not biased. The
centre of the army. The three conveying orders [officers] of the Sovereign.
Sze [is] also corpse-like. Sze [is] an assistant officer. In the fields are birds
[so called]; many take the name [? ] The elder sons [are] the leaders of the
army. The younger [are] the passive multitude [? ] Great Princes instruct-
ing. The group of men who have helped in the organization of the kingdom.
People gathered by the Wu flag [? ]. »
From what has been said, as well as from the above extracts, it
will be observed that to all except the native scholars who imagine
that they see in its pages deep divinatory lore, the chief interest of
the Yi King' lies in the linguistic and ethnographical indications.
which it contains, and which at present we can but dimly discern.
It is difficult to assign a date to it, but it is certain that it existed
before the time of King Wên (B. C. 1143), who with his son the
Duke of Chow edited the text and added a commentary to it. That
parts of it are very much earlier than this period there can be no
doubt; and it is safe to assume that in the oldest portion of the
work we have one of the first literary efforts of the Chinese.
It was
not, however, until the time of Confucius that the foundations of the
national literature may be said to have been laid.
From constant references in the early histories it is obvious that
before that period a literature of a certain kind existed. The Chi-
nese have an instinctive love of letters, and we know from the records
that to the courts of the various princes were attached historians
whose duty it was to collect the folk-lore songs of the people of the
various States. "If a man were permitted to make all the ballads of
a nation, he need not care who should make its laws," said Sir An-
drew Fletcher of Saltoun. So thought the Chinese legislators, who
designed their enactments with direct regard to the dispositions of
the people as displayed in their songs. At the time of Confucius
(B. C. 551-479) a large collection of these ballads existed in the
archives of the sovereign State of Chow; and as is generally believed,
the sage revised the collection, and omitting those he considered


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3632
THE LITERATURE OF CHINA
unworthy of preservation, formed an edition containing three hun-
dred and five pieces. This work has come down to us under the
title of the 'Shih King' or Book of Odes. The ballads are just such
as we should expect to find under the circumstances. They are
plainly the utterances of the people in a primitive state of civiliza-
tion, who nevertheless enjoyed considerable freedom; and though
they occasionally had to lament the tyranny of individual princes,
they cannot be described as having been among the down-trodden
nations of the earth. The domesticity which is still a distinctive
feature of Chinese life figures largely in them, and the filial piety
which to the present day is so highly esteemed finds constant ex-
pression. The measure in which the odes have been handed down
to us makes it difficult to understand how any rhythm could be
found in them. With few exceptions they are all written in lines
of four characters each, and as read at the present day, consist
therefore of only four syllables. This seems to be so stunted and
unnatural a metre that one is inclined to accept Professor T. de la
Couperie's suggestion, for which he had much to say,- that at the
time at which they were sung, the characters which now represent
a syllable each were polysyllabic. It would seem probable that cer-
tainly in some cases compound characters were pronounced as com-
pounded of syllables in accordance with their component parts, as
certain of them are read by the Japanese at the present time.
Numerous translations of the odes into European languages have
been made, and the following extracts from Professor Legge's ren-
dering of the second ode, celebrating the industry and filial piety
of the reigning queen, give a good idea of the general tone of the
pieces.
"Sweet was the scene. The spreading dolichos
Extended far, down to the valley's depths,
With leaves luxuriant. The orioles
Fluttered around, and on the bushy trees
In throngs collected,- whence their pleasant notes
Resounded far in richest melody.
Now back to my old home, my parents dear
To see, I go. The matron I have told,
Who will announcement make. Meanwhile my clothes,
My private clothes, I wash, and rinse my robes.
Which of them need be rinsed? and which need not?
My parents dear to visit back I go. "
Such were the odes which Confucius found collected ready to
his hand; and faithful to his character of transmitter of the wisdom
of the ancients, he made them the common property of his country-
men. But these were not the only records at the court of Chow
which attracted his attention. He found there historical documents,


## p. 3633 (#621) ###########################################

THE LITERATURE OF CHINA
3633
containing the leading events in the history of the Chinese States
from the middle of the twenty-third century B. C. to 721. These curi-
ous records of a past time possessed an irresistible attraction for him.
By constant study he made them his own, and with loving care col-
lated and edited the texts. These fragments are, from a historical
point of view, of great value; and they incidentally furnish evidence
of the fact that China was not always the stage on which the Chinese
people have played their parts. There is no sign in these records of
the first steps in ethics and science which one would expect to find
in the primitive history of a race. The utterances of the sovereigns
and sages, with which they abound, are marked by a comparatively
matured knowledge and an advanced ethical condition. The knowl-
edge of astronomy displayed, though not profound, is considerable,
and the directions given by the Emperor Yao to his astronomers
royal are quite such as may have been given by any Emperor of
China until the advent of the Jesuit missionaries in the seventeenth
century; and the moral utterances of the sovereigns and their minis-
ters are on a par with the sentiments expressed in the Peking
Gazette at the present time. "Virtue," said the minister Yi address-
ing his Emperor Yü, "is the basis of good government; and this
consists first in procuring for the people the things necessary for
their sustenance, such as water, fire, metals, wood, and grain. The
ruler must also think of rendering them virtuous, and of preserving
them from whatever can injure life and health. When you would
caution them, use gentle words; when you would correct, employ
authority. " "Do not be ashamed of mistakes, and thus make them
crimes," was another piece of advice uttered forty centuries ago,
which has a peculiarly modern ring about it.
According to the system in vogue at the Chinese courts, the duty
of recording historical events was confided to historians of the right
hand and of the left. To the latter was given the duty of recording
the speeches and edicts of the sovereigns and their ministers, and to
the first that of compiling chronicles of events. The historians who
had placed on record the documents which Confucius edited in the
'Shu King' or Book of History were historians of the left hand, and
in the only original work which we have by the Sage-'The Spring
and Autumn Annals'- he constituted himself a historian of the right.
In this work he traces the history of his native State of Lu from the
year B. C. 722 to B. C. 484, and in the baldest and most calendar-like
style enumerates, without any comment or expression of opinion, the
facts which he considers of sufficient importance to report. However
faulty we may consider his manner of treatment, any criticism should
be leveled against the system rather than against the author. But
in other respects Confucius cannot shelter himself under the plea of
VI-228


## p. 3634 (#622) ###########################################

3634
THE LITERATURE OF CHINA
usage. As a historian, it was his bounden duty above all things to
tell the truth, and to distribute praise and blame without fear or
favor. In this elementary duty Confucius failed, and has left us a
record in which he has obviously made events to chime in with his
preconceived ideas and opinions. Considering the assumption of vir-
tue with which Confucius always clothed himself, this is the more
noticeable; and still more is it remarkable that his disciples should
be so overcome by the glamour which attached to his name, that his
obvious lapses from the truth are not only left unnoted, but the gen-
eral tone and influence of the work are described in the most eulo-
gistic terms. "The world," said Mencius, "had fallen into decay and
right principles had dwindled away. Perverse discourses and oppress-
ive deeds had again waxen rife. Cases had occurred of ministers
who had murdered their rulers, and of sons who had murdered their
fathers. Confucius was afraid and made the 'Ch'un ch'iu. '» So
great, we are told, was the effect of the appearance of this work
that "rebellious ministers quaked with fear, and undutiful sons were
overcome with terror.