No More Learning

During this time, his habits of composition were continu-
ed: his essays occasionally touched upon political topics.
He wrote an elegy on the death of a young lady in whose
family he was intimate, which is remembered as possess-
ing much merit. He also composed a prologue and epi-
logue for a play, which was performed by the officers of a
company of British soldiers stationed in the vicinity of
Elizabethtown.
His friend, Mr. Boudinot, having lost an infant, he sat up
to watch the corpse the night prior to its interment. During
the performance of this gloomy office of friendship, he wrote
some consolatory verses, which were presented to its mo-
ther as a tribute of regard, and were long preserved with
great interest.
Before the end of the year, he was deemed by his instruc-
ter qualified to enter college; and after returning to New-
York, proceeded with Mr. Hercules Mulligan,* in whose
* Mr. H. Mulligan was a brother of Mr. M. , of the firm of Kortwright &
Co. , to whom West India produce was consigned, to be s-old and appropriated
to the support of Hamilton. He outlived most of the revolutionary race, and
had been very active in its earliest scenes. He was chosen by the citizens of
New-York one of the revolutionary committee of one hundred; and after the
battle of Long Island, left the city, was captured on his journey, and detained
there during the war. After Hamilton entered the family of Washington,
Mulligan became the confidential correspondent of the commander-in-chief,
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? HAMILTON. H
V;
house he subsequently lodged, and from whom many of the
incidents of his youthful life are derived, on a visit to Doc-
tor Witherspoon, then president of the college at Princeton.
On his introduction to this distinguished individual, he
underwent a private examination. He then stated his de-
sire to be admitted to either class which his attainments
would justify; but upon the condition that he might be per-
mitted to advance from class to class, with as much rapidity
as his exertions would enable him to do. The president,
after listening to this novel proposition, replied that it was
a subject resting in the discretion of the trustees, and pro-
mised'him an early decision. On his return to New-York,
an answer was received from the president, that the esta-
blished usages of the institution forbade a compliance with
his wishes, but expressive of regret that he could not be
admitted on his own terms, "inasmuch as he was convinced
that the young gentleman would do honour to any semina-
ry in which he should be educated. " He then entered
Kings, (now Columbia College,) in the city of New-York,
and under the auspices of that liberal institution, with
the aid of a tutor, proceeded in the plan which he had
marked out for himself, having been received as a private
student, and not attached to any particular class.
To his collegiate studies, he soon added that of anato-
my, attending the lectures of Doctor Clossey; -- a branch
of knowledge which he was anxious to acquire, having been
led from his early fondness for chemistry, to entertain the
idea of selecting the practice of medicine as his permanent
pursuit.
Here, together with his earliest companion, Stevens, and
his long-cherished and devoted friends, Robert Troup and
Nicholas Fish, he joined a debating club, which continued
and furnished the most important intelligence. On the evacuation of that city,
Washington complimented him by taking his first breakfast with the patriotic
tailor.
VOl. I. 2
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? 10 TJIE LIFE OP
in existence until the college was dispersed, where they
relate, that "he gave extraordinary displays of richness of
genius and energy of mind. "
"At this time," says Colonel Troup, in a letter to a friend,
"the general was attentive to public worship, and ^n the
habit of praying on his knees night and morning. I lived
in the same room with him for some time, and I have often
been powerfully affected by the fervor and eloquence of his
prayers. He had read many of the polemical writers on
religious subjects, and he was a zealous believer in the fun-
damental doctrines of Christianity. I confess, that the
arguments with which he was accustomed to justify his be-
lief, have tended in no small degree to confirm my own faith
in revealed religion. "
This religious temperament is strongly contrasted with
the bold and energetic character of his ambition, but they
may be traced to a common source. The ardour of his
feelings clothed every object of his attention with a power-
ful interest; and the wise instruction of his youth had taught
him that the flame of devotion does not burn less purely
for being kindled on the same altar with the fires of a vir-
tuous emulation.
A hymn, written at this time, entitled the "Soul enter-
ing into Bliss," has been preserved, possessing not a little
poetical merit, and strongly illustrative of the state of his
feelings.
This train of sentiment did not cast a melancholy shade
over his character. Constitutionally happy, he mingled
gaily with his friends; and often, as Mr. Mulligan relates,
"used to sit the evening with his family, writing doggrel
verses for their amusement, and was always amiable and
cheerful. " Histalentfor satire wasalso frequently exercised.
"John Holt," says Troup,"who then published a whig paper
in New-York, had, by his zeal in the American cause, drawn
upon himself the invectives of all the ministerial writers;
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? HAMILTON. 11
these invectives Hamilton burlesqued in doggrel rhyme,
with great wit and humour. He also presented me with
a manuscript of fugitive poetry, which I considered as a
strong evidence of the elasticity of his genius, and have often
lamented that it was lost with my books and papers during
the war. "
But the term of his youthful studies was fast approaching
its close. The repeated invasions of the rights of the colo-
nists, gave an impulse to the public mind, which could not
be restrained; and the unbounded prosperity which they
had so long enjoyed was soon to be succeeded by the deso-
lating scenes of civil war.
A brief sketch of the events which led to this result, as
connected immediately with the province of New-York, the
youthful theatre of Hamilton's life, must, for a short space,
interrupt the progress of this narrative.
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? CHAPTER II.
Among the conflicting claims for precedence, in resist-
ing the aggressions of the mother country, the early stand
taken by New-York, has been in a great measure over-
looked.
Peculiar causes concurred to give an unusual share of
influence to the ministerial party in that colony, and to
render the adoption of a course of resistance the subject of
much cautious consideration: among these, its exposed
geographical position, diversity of population, discordance
of religious creeds, unequal distribution of property, the pe-
culiar tenure of the landed interest, and the limited provision
for education, are most prominent. With these also were
united the influence of a large expenditure and extensive
patronage, and the fearful apprehension which the exist-
ence of hordes of savages roaming within its limits, or
hovering on its frontiers, necessarily kept alive. Notwith-
standing which, the records of this colony show, that from
the earliest period of its existence, the colonial rights were
maintained, and usurpations resisted with a vigorous and
determined spirit.
During its first struggles, most of the dissensions which
arose were usually healed by the removal of an obnoxious
Governor, and by a temporary compliance with public feel-
ing. But the great question of supplies which began to be
discussed in British America at the commencement of the
eighteenth century, continued to be a fruitful source of con-
troversy until closed by the Revolution.
As early as seventeen hundred and eight, the Assembly
of New-York avowed the principle that, as freemen, their
rights of property were unalienable, and not to be controlled
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? 14 THE LIFE OF
except with their own consent; and to the assertion of this
First Great Principle of Representative Government and of
Liberty, on which the whole question of the Revolution
turned, they adhered during a period of nearly seventy
years. The administration of Sir George Clinton, which
preceded the war of seventeen hundred and fifty-six, had
been unusually turbulent, and the assembly for a long time
gave a surly compliance to his requisitions, and observed
a watchful supervision of the civil expenditures. With a
temper little disposed to conciliation, and unable to control
by patronage the growing dissatisfaction, application was
made by him to the British ministry to interpose their
authority, which at last departed reluctantly from their
systematic policy, and addressed a letter to the assembly
of New-York, urging them to abandon their practice of
annual appropriations, and to provide a civil list for a term
of years. This unexpected interference was met with an
angry remonstrance, and was pronounced a gross usurpa-
tion of their colonial rights.
The war which ensued with France diverted the atten-
tion of the assembly from this subject; but, within a year
after its close we find the same colony adopting a spirited
address in opposition to the statutes which had been re-
cently enacted, designated under a common appellation
as "The Acts of Trade," claiming their repeal on the same
principle, "that the colonists could only be taxed with their
own consent. "
This elevated tone did not proceed from these acts alone,
the conferring upon their judges equity powers was another
source of complaint; but the great cause of umbrage was
an act of parliament restricting the emission of colonial
bills of credit.
This expedient had been resorted to in the year seventeen
hundred and nine. The redemption of the issues was se-
cured by duties, and by an excise on the imports, and a
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? HAMILTON. 15
measure embraced at first from necessity, had from the same
cause grown into a usage. The colony had emerged from
the late war with a heavy debt, and this ill-timed restric-
tion, connected with the commercial check produced by the
acts of trade, threatened an almost universal bankruptcy.
While a system of unlimited issues upon government
credit was justly condemned, those who looked beyond the
immediate effect of this parliamentary interference regarded
it as part of a systematic plan to wrest from New-York the
control of her resources, and to appropriate them to the
purposes of a national revenue.
The stamp act, which soon followed, dispelled all doubts
upon this subject; and, though the governor of New-York
sought by repeated prorogations to prevent opposition, yet
at their first meeting, (although the stamp act had been re-
pealed,) the assembly renewed the declaration of their right
"only to be taxed with their own consent. "
The repeal of these obnoxious laws seemed to have pro-
duced at this time a general conciliation; and the various
legislatures were seen pouring forth grateful addresses for
the clemency of their prince, and vying with each other in
assurances of their loyalty. But among the mass of the
people a new spirit had gone abroad: exultation at
their successful resistance; pride in the self-denial which
had sustained them; confidence in their righteous cause,
and in their strength for future emergencies, were min-
gled with that ambition which saw in the defence of colonial
rights a loftier object of distinction than the highest favours
which the government could confer.
The colony of New-York was not long permitted to
enjoy this calm ;--the same year* that gave birth to the
stamp act, produced the statute for quartering troops in
America, subsequently called the billeting or mutiny acts,
* December, 1765.
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? 16 THE. LIFE OP
and the first demand under them of provision for the
troops was made upon the assembly of New-York.
That body firmly resisted the demand, justly viewing it
as an attempt to establish a standing army in America, to
enforce the illegal exactions of parliament.
In seventeen hundred and sixty-six, the demand was re-
newed; and the assembly, weary of the contest, then gave
the first evidence of vacillation, by passing a law making
a grant for a single year, but, at the same time, refusing a
formal compliance with the bill, for which cause it was re-
jected by the crown.
A similar result occurred in the ensuing year, but before
the intelligence of it reached England, the suspending act
had been passed, by which all right of legislation was with-
held, until the mutiny bill was literally carried into effect;
a measure concurred in by the friends of the colony in parli-
ament, as among the most lenient which could be resorted to.
Overawed by this bold usurpation, the assembly, at its en-
suing session, made the grant, but studiously avoided to
sanction the mutiny acts, and the ministry, not caring to
press the question of their supremacy, approved it.
The government now proceeded to consummate their
design, and the final measures were taken of imposing a
duty on tea, and other articles, made payable at the colo-
nial custom houses.
The proceeds of these duties were, at the same time, ap-
propriated to the support of the colonial civil list, and the
officers of the crown, appointed at its pleasure, were ren-
dered wholly independent of the people upon whose rights
they were to decide.
To ensure the success of the system, a new class of offi-
cers was created, subject to a board of trade, established
at Boston, with full powers of search and seizure, and de-
clared to be wholly irresponsible to the laws of the colonies.
This monstrous usurpation admitted of no compromise.
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? HAMILTON. 17
The provincial assemblies pronounced it arbitrary and un-
constitutional. The rights of the colonies became the theme
of general discussion. Public opinion soon ripened to the
conviction, that the distinction between internal and exter-
nal taxes was wholly chimerical. The parliamentary su-
premacy was denied, and a concerted opposition was formed
throughout the American continent.
The circular letter of Massachusetts, in February,* and
the determined resolves of Virginia in May, were re-echoed
by the assembly of New-York, into whose councils the in-
trepid spirit of Philip Schuyler and George Clinton had in-
fused new vigour, and resolutions were adopted, denying
the whole assumed power of the parliament. As in Virgi-
nia and Massachusetts, so in New-York, these proceedings
were punished by a dissolution of the assemblies.
The elections which ensued, aroused all the latent feel-
ings of the American people, and every artificial excitement
was called in aid to secure an undivided opposition in the
popular bodies.
A "Journal of Occurrences" was regularly published at
Boston, and industriously circulated, full of details of the
insults of the soldiery, and of the arbitrary severity of the
new commissioners of the revenue. Effigies of the minis-
try were carried in procession, and the anniversary of the
repeal of the stamp act was celebrated in all parts of the
country, with deep interest and studious pomp.
During these stirring events, the government party in
New-York had not been inactive, and though the assembly
still concurred in opposition to the laws which most infla-
med the people, a majority was found sufficiently servile to
re-enact the mutiny bill, and to defeat a proposition autho-
rizing the vote by ballot, -- a measure to which the patriots
had looked with the utmost anxiety. An incident occurred
at this time, which gave a new character to the opening
* 1768.
VOL. I. 3
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? 18 TH E LIFE OF
drama; and to the firmness of one individual, may, in a
great measure, be attributed the rapid growth of that popu-
lar excitement, which ultimately overcame the influence of
the ministerial party.
While the grant to the troops was under discussion be-
fore the assembly, an address, under the title of a " Son of
Liberty to the betrayed Inhabitants of the Colony of New-
York," issued from the press,* in which the conduct of that
body as contrasted with that of their predecessors, and of
South Carolina and Massachusetts, was severely censured,
and the subserviency of the majority held up to merited
indignation.
This bold rebuke was laid before the house by its speak-
er,f and a resolution was adopted, declaring it to be "an
infamous and seditious libel. " On a division of a full
house upon this question, Philip Schuyler stood alone in the
negative. A proclamation followed for the discovery of
the author, and Captain Alexander McDougal, to whom it
was traced, was seized by order of the governor, and com-
mitted to prison. When arrested, he declared, "I rejoice
that I am the first sufferer for liberty since the commence-
ment of our glorious struggles. " The effect of this pro-
ceeding was electric. Public meetings were called to vin-
dicate his opinions, and from being a martyr he became
the idol of the patriots. J
In this excited state of feeling, trifling occurrences be-
came of moment. The liberty pole erected by the people
in commemoration of the repeal of the stamp act, was cut
down by the garrison, -- a second was erected, and again
* December 16, 1769. ] December 19, 1769.
I The Chief Justice, before whom he was taken on a bench warrant, said
to him, "Well, you have brought yourself into a pretty scrape. " "That," he
replied, " must be judged of by my peers. " "There is full proof you are the
author of an infamous and seditious libel. " "This must also be tried by my
peers. "
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? HAMILTON. 19
cut down: -- a general meeting of the citizens was then
convened, and after denouncing the soldiers as enemies to
the people, a new liberty staff, clamped with iron, was ele-
vated amid the shouts of the populace, which defied further
violence, and long stood an emblem of their opposition.
The excitement which had been thus aroused, did not
soon subside. A strife arose between the civil and military
authorities; --daily rencontres with the soldiers ensued; --
acts of violence soon followed; -- a serious riot occurred;
and a breach was now opened not to be healed. In the
midst of these scenes, intelligence was received of the mas-
sacre at Boston of the fifth of March, -- an event which,
more than any other, accelerated the revolution.
During this period, McDougal, undismayed by his situa-
tion, poured forth from his prison continual appeals to the
people, teeming with scornful reproaches of his oppressors,
and the boldest avowals of revolutionary sentiments.
The
cause of McDougal soon became the cause of every liberal
mind. To soften the rigours of his confinement, to evince
by every attention a detestation of its authors, and, in his
person, to plead the cause of liberty, became an act of con-
spicuous patriotism. Ladies of the first distinction throng-
ed to his prison. The character of every individual enga-
ged in the controversy, became the subject of comment,
and the applause which attended the name of Schuyler,
gave a new value to the popularity which his firmness in
the legislature had acquired.
McDougal was a man born among the people, and at a
time when aristocratic feelings were prevalent, the im-
portance attached to an individual of obscure birth, elevated
the commonalty above all artificial distinctions, and com-
mended to the aspiring spirits of the day, the lesson of re-
sistance.
The servile agents of government added new causes of
dissatisfaction. After an imprisonment of three months, a
/
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? 20 THE LIFE OP
grand jury was packed, composed of the dependants of the
governor. The government press was full of addresses,
urging his conviction. The speaker, and other official per-
sons, took their seats with the court, and, yielding to this
corrupt influence, an indictment was found against him.
At the ensuing session of the assembly,* he was brought
before the bar of the house, and although he had already in-
curred the penalty of the law, on a refusal to ask pardon,
he was again imprisoned: -- a leading member proposing
that the infliction of peine forte et dure should be imposed
to extort a humiliating recantation from his lips. But his
spirit was too firm to be intimidated, and to this brutal
threat, he replied, "That rather than resign the rights and
privileges of a British subject, he would suffer his right hand
to be cut off at the bar of the house. "
Baffled in their attempt to levy a duty on tea, through
the ordinary channels of commerce, the ministry next re-
sorted to the expedient of introducing it through the agency
of the East India Company. On information of this pro-
ject,! tne Press teemed with addresses, exhorting to resist-
ance. An association was formed, which denounced all
aiders and abettors in the introduction of this article, as
enemies to the liberties of America; and publicopinion,more
powerful than the laws, lent its aid to enforce decrees which
required no other sanction.
On the arrival of the first cargo, the governor proposed
as a compromise, that it should be landed at the fort; but
the citizens resolutely refused, and, influenced by the patri-
otic example of Boston, threw it into the bay. The re-
maining cargo was then removed from the harbour, and
the day of its departure was celebrated with tumultuous
rejoicings. J
? December 13, 1770. f November 10, 1773.
J April 18,1774, the Nancy, tea ship, Captain Lockyer, arrived. Applica-
tion wag made to the city committee to land. A sloop with a body of men was
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? HAMILTON. 21
The infatuated ministry now determined to resort to
compulsion; and the first fruit of their policy was, a bill to
close the port of Boston, -- a measure bearing on its fea-
tures every mark of tyranny.
The whole continent saw in this step the fate to which
they were doomed; and the proposition to hold a general
congress became the favourite topic of discussion, and
seemed to open the only prospect of relief.
The election of the New-York delegates to this congress
was not free from difficulty. The committee of the assem-
bly appointed to sit in its recess, and which was raised ex-
pressly to paralyze the opposition, claimed the right of
nomination, and their claim was enforced by many of the
merchants, and by all the dependants of the crown.
The only course which remained was, to wrest the
choice from this body, and submit it to the people at large.
Parties immediately formed on this ground, and for some
time it was doubtful which had the preponderance. After
various preparatory measures, a general assemblage of the
citizens was determined upon, and on the sixth of July
seventeen hundred and seventy-four, a large concourse met,
long remembered as "the great meeting in the fields. "
The measures of this meeting were of the deepest mo-
ment. The more cautious policy of the committee of cor-
respondence had not kept pace with the feelings of the
people at large, nor with those of their more ardent lead-
ers; and it was determiued by a decisive act to take a
position from which the colony could not recede.
To add to the solemnity of the occasion, the persecuted
McDougal was invited to preside, and resolutions framed
despatched to watch the vessel at Sandy Hook. April 22, Captain Chambers
arrived with a small adventure of tea; a number of people at 8 P. M. took out
the tea, and started it into the sea, persons of reputation superintending it --
At 10 the people dispersed quietly, and on the succeeding day the bells rang,
and a large meeting was held at the liberty pole.
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? 22 THE LIFE OF
by him were adopted, inveighing against the Boston Port
Act; exhorting the contemplated congress to prohibit all
commercial intercourse with Great Britain; pledging the
colony to be governed by its resolutions, and recommend-
ing the important and definitive measure of an election by
the several counties of deputies to a colonial convention,
for the express purpose of choosing delegates to the gene-
ral congress; with a request that if any of the counties
considered this mode impracticable or inexpedient, that
they should give their approbation to the deputies chosen
in the city of New-York --a suggestion which was adopted.
It was on this interesting occasion that Hamilton, then
seventeen years of age, first took part in the public delibe-
rations.
It has been related to have been his habit to walk seve-
ral hours each day under the shade of some large trees
which stood in Batteau, now Dey-street, talking to himself
in an under tone of voice, apparently engaged in deep
thought, a practice which he continued through life.
This circumstance attracted the attention of his neigh-
bours, to whom he was known as the "young West In-
dian," and led them to engage in conversation with him.
One of them remarking the vigour and maturity of his
thoughts, urged him to address this meeting, to which all
the patriots were looking with the greatest interest.
From this seeming intrusion, he at first recoiled; but,
after listening attentively to the successive speakers, and
finding several points untouched, he presented himself to
the assembled multitude.
The novelty of the attempt, his youthful countenance, his
slender and diminutive form, awakened curiosity and ar-
rested attention. Overawed by the scene before him, he
at first hesitated and faltered; but as he proceeded almost
unconsciously to utter his accustomed reflections, his mind
warmed with the theme, his energies were recovered; and,
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? HAMILTON. 23
after a discussion clear, cogent, and novel, of the great
principles involved in the controversy, he depicted in
glowing colours the long continued and long endured op-
pressions of the mother country; he insisted on the duty
of resistance, pointed to the means and certainty of success,
and described the waves of rebellion sparkling with fire,
and washing back on the shores of England the wrecks of
her power, her wealth, and her glory. The breathless
silence ceased as he closed; and the whispered murmur,
"it is a collegian! it is a collegian! " was lost in loud ex-
pressions of wonder and applause at the extraordinary
eloquence of the young stranger.
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? CHAPTER III.
The enthusiasm which led Hamilton to appear thus
early before the public had been kindled by a visit to Bos-
ton, a short time after the destruction of the tea.
He found the public mind in that place in the utmost
agitation. Excited by the high tone which prevailed there,
his attention was directed to the leading topics of this great
controversy. He had previously formed and entertained,
as he himself relates, "strong prejudices on the ministerial
side, until he became convinced by the superior force of the
arguments in favour of the colonial claims. " On his re-
turn to New-York, he enlisted warmly on the side of Ame-
rica, and gave this early and public pledge of his devotion
to her cause. A short time only elapsed before he hastened
to redeem it.
The elections held for the choice of delegates to the ge-
neral congress, which met at Philadelphia in September,
seventeen hundred and seventy-four, had given such strong
indications of the growth of popular sentiments in the colony
of New-York, that the government party became exceed-
ingly embarrassed. But unwilling to retire from the con-
test without a further effort, they resolved to endeavour by
a combined series of publications to check the progress of
revolutionary opinions.
This office of loyalty was undertaken by the gentlemen
composing the episcopal clergy, -- a body who, looking to
the monarch as the head both of the church and state,
regarded with horror every attempt to impair the royal
prerogative, -- had long been conspicuous as its most zea-
lous supporters, and who being accomplished scholars and
vol. i. 4
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? 26 THE LIFE OF
able writers, entered the lists of controversy with unhesi-
tating confidence.
Of these, Dr. Myles Cooper, the president of Kings Col-
lege, an Englishman by birth, held the first rank. Among
the other clerical gentlemen, Doctor Inglis, the father of
the present Bishop of Nova Scotia; Seabury, subsequently
Bishop of Connecticut; Doctor Samuel Chandler, and Mr.
Isaac Wilkins of Westchester, afterwards the Reverend
Doctor Wilkins, were the most prominent.
Of the champions for the colonies, Governor Livingston
of New-Jersey, a gentleman who to the purest and most in-
trepid patriotism united great sagacity, refined manners,
and a highly cultivated taste, and his son-in-law, Mr. Jay,
were the most conspicuous. To these was now to be
added the name of Hamilton. On his return from Boston
he had published a Defence of the Destruction of the Tea,
and had kept up in the columns of Holt's paper* a spirited
attack upon the measures of the ministry, in which he was
found breaking a lance with his master, Doctor Cooper. A
more important controversy now awaited him.
Within a short time after the adjournment of the first
congress, among several publications, two tracts appeared
more distinguished than the rest, which were the joint pro-
ductions of Doctor Seabury and Mr. Wilkins, the latter of
whom had recently occupied a prominent place in the de-
liberations of the New-York assembly. The first bore the
title of "Free Thoughts on the Proceedings of the Conti-
nental Congress," the other was entitled "Congress Can-
vassed, by a Westchester Farmer. "!
These publications were chiefly directed against the
* In a letter of Mr. Jay to McDougal, of the 5th of December, 1775, he
thus writes: "I hope Mr. Hamilton continues busy: I have not received
Holt's paper these three months, and therefore cannot judge of the progress
he makes. "
t November 24, 1774.
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? HAMILTON. 27
"non-importation, non-consumption, and non-exportation
agreements," which had been recommended by the con-
gress.
In the first, the writer with much art, endeavours to im-
press the minds of the colonists with the dangers of restric-
tive measures; to excite the jealousy of the farmers against
the merchants, alleging that the whole object was to en-
gross a monopoly of goods; -- anticipates, as the probable
consequence, the closing of the port, and the suspension of
justice, and remarks, with great ingenuity, on the inconsis-
tency of a congress, which, pretending to protect the liber-
ties of the people, had sanctioned the invasion of every
private right, and recommended inquisitorial powers to the
committees, to enforce their worse than fruitless agree-
ments; artfully directing the attention of the people to the
assembly of the province, as the only legitimate and ade-
quate medium of redress.
In the second address, the illegality of the recent elec-
tions is strongly urged; the appropriation of the proceeds
of goods sold for the infraction of the restrictive associa-
tions to the use of the people of Boston, is condemned as a
violation of all the rights of property; the danger of ter-
ritorial encroachments is strongly depicted; and displaying
in full array the omnipotence of England, the chimera of a
commonwealth of congresses being able to cope with the
vigour of the monarchy, is powerfully ridiculed.
The wide, industrious, and gratuitous circulation of these
pamphlets, inducing the belief that they had the sanction
of the government, they soon became the text book of the
tories, and were applauded by them as containing irrefuta-
ble arguments against the measures of the " sons of liberty. "
The zeal with which they were extolled by the friends
of government, invited the loudest condemnations of the
popular party.
They were believed to have been the productions of a
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? 28 THE LIFE OF
clergyman of the church of England, who had been con-
spicuous in the support of the ministry. This circumstance
was connected in the public mind with the recollection of
the course adopted by the spiritual lords in parliament, and
new feelings of quickened asperity were aroused. The
efforts to introduce an episcopacy into America were re-
curred to, and the abject devotion displayed by some of the
clerical dependants of the crown, and their unguarded
avowal of their sentiments, increased the odium.
In the journal of the whigs, (as they were then called,)
the zealots of the day proposed that the author and pub-
lisher should be indicted for treasonable designs; and in a
neighbouring colony the exasperation rose so high, that, at
a meeting of the county, the pamphlets were tarred and
feathered, and nailed to the pillory, amid the shouts of the
people. Within a fortnight after the second tract had is-
sued from the press,* a pamphlet appeared under the title of
"A Full Vindication of the Measures of Congress from the
Calumnies of their Enemies, in answer to a Letter under
the signature of A W. Farmer; whereby his sophistry is
exposed, his cavils confuted, his artifices detected, and his
wit ridiculed, in a General Address to the Inhabitants of
America, and a Particular Address to the Farmers of the
Province of New-York. Veritas magna est et prsevalebit.
Truth is powerful, and will prevail. New-York. Printed
by James Rivington. 1774. "
After a just tribute to that distinguished body, of which
he says, "distinguished, whether we consider the charac-
ters of the men who composed it, the number and dignity
of their constituents, or the important ends for which they
were appointed," the writer, in the outset, meets the
question of the supremacy of parliament, and pointing out
the distinction between freedom and slavery, contends that
* December 15, 1774.
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? HAMILTON. 29
representation is essential to the validity of every tax; jus-
tifies the measures of congress, as proceeding from neces-
sity, and shows the utter inefficacy of petitions and remon-
strances, as evinced by their repeated failure. "When
the political salvation," he says, "of any community is
depending, it is incumbent upon those who are set up as its
guardians, to embrace such measures as have justice, vi-
gour, and a probability of success to recommend them.
If, instead of this, they take those measures which are
themselves feeble and little likely to succeed, and may,
through a defect of vigour, involve the community in still
greater danger, they may justly be considered its betrayers.
It is not enough, in times of imminent peril, to use only
possible means of preservation. Justice and sound policy,
dictate the use of probable means. " "We can have no
resource but in a restriction of our trade, or a resistance
vi et armis. "
He next proceeds to vindicate the policy of congress, and
to defend the principle of the restrictive measures, then
much contested.
In reply to the argument as to the impoverishing effects
of these measures, he urges, as a necessary consequence,
the encouragement of manufactures, and the benefits of
emigration, which would be induced by the loss of the
American market, and the "rapid growth of domestic re-
sources, which would place the country beyond the capri-
ces of foreign powers. " "If, by the necessity of the thing,"
he says, "manufactures should once be established and take
root among us, they will pave the way, still more, to the
future grandeur and glory of America, and by lessening its
need of external commerce, will render it still securer
against the encroachments of tyranny. "
Deriving arguments from hie knowledge of the West
Indies, he illustrates, in a close detail of consequences, the
efficacy of those measures, in inducing their concurrence,
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? 30 THELIFEOF
and by affecting their interests and those of the other parts
of the empire," would rouse them from their neutrality, and
engage them in a common opposition to the lawless hand
of tyranny, which is extended to ravage our liberty from
us, and might soon be extended for the same purpose to
them. " In answer to the alarm which had been sounded
as to the blockade of the port, he shows the impracticabi-
lity of a permanent embargo, which, if persisted in, would
produce a permanent severance of the empire.
Having controverted the general arguments of his oppo-
nents, the writer proceeds to address the farmers as a class,
and says, "I do not address you in particular, because I
have any greater connexion with you than with other peo-
ple. / despise alj false pretensions and mean arts. Let
those have recourse to dissimulation, who cannot defend
their cause without it. "Tis my maxim to let the plain na-
ked truth speak for itself. " -- " 'Tis the farmer who is most
oppressed in all countries where slavery exists. " After a
rapid sketch of the grievous burthens of England,he inquires
why, if the principle is once admitted, such consequences
should not follow, and asks what limit there is to taxation?