He led a
religious
life at Massilia during the greater
part of the 5th century, and died in that city.
part of the 5th century, and died in that city.
Charles - 1867 - Classical Dictionary
) Tliey were twelve in number.
Their chief
was called prttsul, who seems to have gone foremost
in the procession; their principal musician, vales; and
he who admitted new members, mapistcr. Their
number was afterward doubled by Tullus Hostilius,
after he had obtained a victory over the Fidenates, in
consequence of a vow which he had made to Mars.
The Salii were all of patrician families, and the office
was very honourable. The lat of March was the day
in which the Salii observed their festival in honour of
Mars. They were generally dressed in a short scarlet
tunic, of which only the edges were seen; they wore
i large purple-coloured belt above the waist, which
was fastened with brass buckles. They had on their
heads round bonnets with two corners standing up,
in their right hand they carried a small rod, and in
their left a small buckler, one of the ancilia, or shields
of Mars. Lucan says that it hung from the neck. In
the observation of their solemnity, they first offered
sacrifices, and afterward went through the streets dan-
cing in measured motions, sometimes all together, or
at other times separately, while musical instruments
were playing before them. Hence their name of Salii,
from their moving along in solemn dance {Salii a soli-
endo). They placed their body in different attitudes,
and struck with their rods the shields which they held
in their hands. They also sung hymns in honour of
the gods, particularly of Mars, Juno, Venus, and Mi-
nerva, and they were accompanied in the chorus by a
certain number of virgins, habited like themselves, and
called Salia. We have in Varro a few fragments of
tbe Salian hymns, which, even in the time of that wri-
ter, were scarcely intelligible. Thus, for example,
"Divum exta cante, Divum Deo tupplice canlc,"
i. e , Deorum ezta can He, Dcorum Deo (Jano) svp-
flicilcr canite ; and also the following:
"omnia
dapatilia comissc jam cusioncs
duonus ceruses dims janusque renit,"
i. c , Omnia dapalia comedisse Jani Curioncs. Bo-
nus creator Dimus Janusque tout. --Their feasts and
entertainments were uncommonly sumptuous, whence
iapes saliares is proverbially applied to such repasts
as are most splendid and costly. (Liv. , 1, SO. --Var-
ro, L L. , 4, 15. --Chid, Fast. , 3, 387. )--II. A Ger-
man tribe of Frankish origin, whose original seat is
not clearly ascertained. Wiarda makes it between
the Siva Carbonaria (part of the forest of Ardennes)
and the River Ligens (Lys, in Brabant); Wersebe,
however, in the vicinity of the Sala or Saale. They
first made their, appearance on the Insula Batavorum,
where they were conquered by Julian; afterward in
the territory of the Chamavi, by the Mosa or Meuse.
Mannert seeks to identify them with tho Cherusci.
(. -1mm. Marcell. , 17, 8, seqq. --Zosim. , 3, 6. )
SaLLUstil's, Ckispus, a celebrated Latin historian,
born at Amiternum, in the territory of the Sabines, in
the year of Rome 668. He received his education in
the latter city, and in his early youth appears to have
been desirous to devote himself to literary pursuits.
But it was not easy for one residing in tbe capital to
escape the contagious desire of military or political
distinction. He obtained tho situation of quaestor,
which entitled him to a seat in the senate, at the age
of twenty-seven; end about six years afterward he
was elected tribune of the commons. While in this
? ? office he attached himself to the for'. snes of Caesar,
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? SAl-UiSTIUS.
SALLUSTIUS
ol Pi<< ma Latro, have been adopted by Le Clerc, pro-
fessor of Hebrew at Amsterdam, and by Professor
Meisner, of Pragne, in their respective accounts of the
life of Sallust. His character has received more jus-
tice from the prefatory memoir and notes of De Bros-
ses, his French translator, and from the researches of
Wioland in Germany. --From what is known of Fabi-
us Pictor and his immediate successors, it must be ap-
parent that the art of historic composition at Rome
was in the lowest stale, and'that Sallust had no model
to imitate among the writers of his own country. He
therefore naturally recurred to the productions of the
Greek historians. The native exuberance and loqua-
cious familiarity of Herodotus were not adapted to
his taste; and simplicity, such as that of Xenophon,
is, of all things, the most difficult to attain; he there-
fore chiefly emulated Thucydides, and attempted to
transplant into his own language the vigour and con-
ciseness of the Greek historian; but the strict imita-
tion with which he followed him has gone far to lessen
the erfetx Jt" his own original genius. --The first work
of Sallust was the Conspiracy of Catiline. There ex-
ists, however, some doubt as to the precise period of
its composition. The general opinion is, that it was
written immediately after the author went out of office
as tribune of the commons, that is, A. U. C. 703. And
the composition of tho Jvgvrthine War, as well as of
his general history, is fixed by Le Clerc between that
period and his appointment to the prsetorship of Nu-
midia. But others have supposed that they were all
written during the space which intervened between
his return from Numidia in 709, and his death, which
happened in 718, four years previous to the battle of
Actium. It is maintained by the supporters of this
last idea, that he was too much engaged in politi-
cal tumults previous to his administration of Nu-
pidia to have leisure for so important compositions;
that, in the introduction to Catiline's Conspiracy, he
talks of himself as withdrawn from public affairs,
and refutes accusations of his voluptuous life, which
were only applicable to this period; and that, while
"nstituting the comparison between Cesar and Cato,
tie speaks of the existence and competition of these
celebrated opponents as things that had, passed over.
--" Scd mca memoria, ingenti virtute, diversis mor-
ibus, fucre viri duo, Marcus Cato it Caius Cccsar. "
On this passage, too, Gibbon, in particular, argues,
that such a flatterer and party tool as Sallust would
not, during the life of Ca;sar, have put Cato so much
on a level with him in the comparison. De Brasses
argues with Le Clerc in thinking that the Conspiracy
of Catiline at least must have been written immediately
after 703; as ho would not, after his marriage with
Terontia, have commemorated the disgrace of her sis-
ter, who, it seems, was the vestal virgin whose in-
trigue with Catiline is recorded by Sallust. But,
whatever may be the case as to Catiline's Conspiracy,
it is quite clear that the Jugurthino War was written
subsequently to the author's residence in Numidia,
which evidently suggested to him this theme, and af-
forded him the means of collecting the information
necessary for completing his work. --The subjects
chosen by Sallust form two of the most important and
prominent topics in the history of Rome. The peri-
ods, indeed, which he describes were painful, but they
were interesting. Full of conspiracies, usurpations,
and civil wars, they chiefly exhibit the mutual rage
? ? and iniquity of imbittered factions, furious struggles
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? 3/. LLUSTIUS.
5ALLUSTIUS.
? I tfcoee . T-jrx'mub that Cato himself and other sen-
ators puMicly h'iled the consul as the father of his
country; and that a public thanksgiving to the gods
was decreed in his name, for having preserved the
city from conflagration, and the citizens from massa-
cre. This omission, which may have originated part-
ly in enmity, and partly in disgust at the ill-disguised
vanity of the consul, has in all timea been regarded as
the chief defect, and even stain, in the history of the
CatiMnarian Conspiracy. --Although not an eyewitness
of the war with Jugurtha, Sallust's situation as praetor
of Numidia, which suggested the composition, was fa-
vourable to the authority of the work, by affording op-
portunity of collecting materials, and procuring infor-
mation. He examined into the different accounts,
written as well as traditionary, concerning the history
of Africa, particularly the documents preserved in the
archives of King Hiempsal, which he caused to be
translated for his own use, and which proved peculiar-
ly serviceable in the detailed account which he has
given of the inhabitants of Africa. In this history he
has been accused of showing an undue partiality to-
wards the character of Marius; and of giving, for the
sake of his favourite leader, an unfair account of the
massacre at Vacca. But he appears to do even more
than ample justice to Metellus, since he represents the
war as almost finished by him previous to the arrival
of Marius, though it was, in fact, far from being con-
cluded. --Sallust evidently regarded a fine style as one
if the chief merits of an historical work. The style
? >n which he took so much pains was carefully formed
on that of Thucydides, whose manner of writing was,
in a great measure, original, and,' till the time of Sal-
ust, pecul'ir to himself. The Roman has wonderfully
succeeded in imitating the vigour and conciseness of
the Greek historian, and infusing into his composition
r omething of that dignified austerity which distinguishes
tbe work of his great model; but when we say that
Sallust has imitated the conciseness of Thucydides,
we mean the rapid and compressed manner in which
his narrative is conducted; in short, brevity of idea
rather than of language. For Thucydides, although
he brings forward only the principal idea, and discards
what is collateral, yet frequently employs long and in-
volved periods. Sallust, on the other hand, is abrupt
and sententious, and is generally considered as having
carried this sort of brevity to a vicious excess. The
use of copulatives, either for the purposes of connect-
ing his sentences with each other, or uniting the claus-
es of the same sentence, is in a great measure reject-
ed. This produces a monotonous effect, and a total
want of that flow and variety which is the principal
chcrm of the historic period. Seneca accordingly
[Episl-, 114) talks of the "Amputates sentcnlia, et
verba ante expectatum cadentia," which the practice
of Sallust had succeeded in rendering fashionable. It
was, perhaps, partly in imitation of Thucydides that
Sallust introduced into his history a number of words
almost considered as obsolete, and which were select-
ed from the works of the older authors of Rome, par-
ticularly Cato the censor. It is on this point he has'
been chiefly attacked by Pollio, in his letters to Plan-
cus. He has also been taxed with the opposite vice,
of coining new words, and introducing Greek idioms;
but the severity of judgment which led him to imitate
the ancient and austere dignity of style, made him re-
cct those sparkling ornaments of composition which
? ? were beginning to infect the Roman taste, in conse-
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? SAL
o( the history; but the preliminary essay they
contain on the degradation of Roman manners <<,,. :
decline of virtue, is not an unsuitable introduction to
the conspiracy, as it was this corruption of morals
which gave I nh to it, and bestowed on it a chance
of success. The preface to the Jugurthine War
has much less relation to the subject which it is
intended to introduce. The author discourses at
Urge on his favourite topic, the superiority of men-
tal endowments over corporeal advantages, and the
beauty of virtue and genius. He contrasts a life of
listless indolence with one of honourable activity;
and finally descants on the task of the historian as a
snitable exercise for the highest faculties of the mind.
Besides the Conspiracy of Catiline and the Jugurthine
War, which have been preserved entire, and from
which our estimate of the merits of Sallust must be
"chiefly formed, he was the author of a civil and mili-
tary history of the republic, in five books, entitled
Hisloria, rerum in Republica Romana Gcslarum.
This work was the mature fruit of the genius of Sal-
tust, having been the last he composed, and is inscribed
to Lucullus, the son of the celebrated commander of
that name. It included, properly speaking, only a pe-
riod of thirteen years, extending from the resignation
of the dictatorship by Sylla till the promulgation of
the Manilian Law, by which Pompey'was invested with
authority equal to that which Sylla had relinquished;
and obtained, with unlimited power in the East, the
command of the army destined to act against Mithrada-
les. This period, though short, comprehends some of
the most interesting and luminous points which appear
in the Roman annals. During this interval, and almost
at the same moment, the republic was attacked in the
East by the most powerful and enterprising of the
mnnarchs with whom it had yet waged war; in the
Wo it by one of the most skilful of its own generals;
tnd n the bosom of Kaly by its gladiators and slaves.
The work was also introduced by two discourses, the
i>>rye presenting a picture of the government and man-
ners of the Romans, from the origin of their city to
the commencment of the civil wars; the othrr con-
taining a general view of the dissensions of Marius and
Sylla; so that the whole book may be considered as
connecting the termination of the Jugurthine War and
'he breaking out of Catiline's conspiracy. The loss
of this valuable production is the more to be regretted,
is all the accounts of Roman history which have been
written are defective during the interesting period it
comprehended. Nearly seven hundred fragments be-
longing to it have been amassed, from scholiasts and
grammarians, by Do Brosses, the French translator of
Sallust; but they are so short and unconnected that
they merely serve as landmarks, from which we may
conjecture what subjects were treated of and what
events recorded. The only parts of the history which
have been preserved in any degree entire, are four
orations and two letters. The first is an oration pro-
nounced against Sylla by the turbulent M. . 1 jinlms
Lepidus, who, as is well known, being desirous, at the
expiration of his year, to be appointed a second time
consul, excited for that purpose a civil war, and ren-
dered himself master of great part of Italy. His
speech, which was preparatory to these designs, was
delivered after Sylla had abdicated the dictatorship,
but was still supposed to retain great influence at
Rome. He is accordingly treated as being still the
tyrant of the state; and the people are exhorted to
? ? throw off the yoke completely, and to follow the
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? SAM
SAM
? "eibolt, and placed in the infernal regions near his
brother Sisyphus. --Consult, in explanation of this le-
gend, the article Elicius, p. 467, col. 1, near the end.
[Horn. , Od. , 11, 235-- ApoUod , 1, 9. --Hygin. ,fal. ,
60 -- Virg. , JEn. , 6, 5, 86. )
Salmydessos (ZafyvdnooSf), or, as the later Greek
and the Latin writers give the name, Halmydessus ('A A-
Kvdyvcoc), a city of Thrace, on the coast of the Eux-
ir. e, below the promontory of Thynias. The name
properly belonged to the entire range of coast from
the Thynian promontory tr '. he mouth of tho Bospo-
rus. And it was this port. on of the coast in particu-
lar that obtained for the Euxine its earlier name of
Azr. nos, or " inhospitable. " The shore was rendered
dangerous by shallows and marshes; and when any
vessels, either through want of skill or the violence
of the wind, became entangled among these, the Thra-
cian inhabitants poured down upon them, plundered
the cargoes, and made the inhabitants slaves. In
their eagerness to obtain the booty, quarrels often
arose among the petty tribes in this quarter, and hence
came eventually the singular custom of marking out
the shore with stones, as so many limits within which
each were to plunder. (Xen. , Anab. , 7, 6. ) Strain)
names the Astoe as the inhabitants of this region,
whose territory reached to the north as far as Apollo-
nia. The Thyni, no doubt, are included under this
name. The republic of Byzantium put an end to this
system of plunder. --The modern Midjeh answers to
the ancient city of Salmydessus. (Mela, 2, 2. --
Plin. , 4, 11. --Diod. Sic. , 14, 38. --Mannert, Geogr. ,
rol. 7, p. 149 )
Salon, now Salona, the principal harbour of Dal-
matia, and always considered as an important post by
the Romans after their conquest of that country. Pliny
styles it a colony (3, 22), which is confirmed by vari-
ous inscriptions. (Gruter. , TAes. ,32, 12. ) The name
is sometimes written Sslona and Salonae. (Cat. , B.
<? . , 3, 9. --Hirt. , B. Alex. , 43. ) It was not the na-
tive place of the Emperor Dioclesian, as is commonly
supposed. That monarch was born at Diodes, in its
vicinity; and to this quarter he retired after be had
abdicated the imperial power. Here he built a splen-
did palace, the ruins of which arc still to be seen at
Spalalro, about three miles from Salona. (Wesscl-
mg, ad. Itin. Anton. , p. 270. --Adam's Antiquities of
Spalalro. --Cramer's Anc. Greece, vol. 1, p. 36. )
SkLvilNus, a native of Colonia Agrippina {Co-
logne), one of the early fathers of the Christian Church.
He led a religious life at Massilia during the greater
part of the 5th century, and died in that city. Salvian
was the author of several works on devotional sub-
jects, of which there are yet extant a treatise "on
the Providence of God" (De gubernatione Dei, dec),
in eight books; another in four books, written
"Against avarice, especially in priests and clerical
persons'," and nine pastoral letters. His works, as
far as they remain, were collected and printed to-
gether, in two volumes 8vo, by Haluzius, Paris, 1663.
Sautes, a people of Gaul, extending from the
Rhone, along the southern bank of the Druentia or
Durance, almost to the Alps. They were powerful
opponents to the Greeks of Massilia. (Lit. , 5, 34. )
Samara, a river of Gaul, now called the Somme.
The name of this stream in intermediate geography
was Sttmina or Sumcna, corrupted into Somona;
whence the modern appellation. (Vid. Samarobriva. )
? ? Samaria, a city and country of Palestine, famous
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? SAMNITES.
SAM
imbitious and rising nation, rendered confident by their
successes over the Tuscans and the Oscans of Cam-
pania; and formidable not only from their own re-
sources, but also from the ties of consanguinity which
connected them with the Frentani, Vestini, Peligui, and
other hardy tribes of Central Italy. The rich and fer-
tile territory of Campania was then the nominal object
of the contest which ensued, but in reality they fought
for the dominion of Italy, and consequently that of the
world; which was at stake so long as the issue of the
war was doubtful. Livy seems to have formed a just
vlea of the importance of that struggle, and the fierce
obstinacy with which it was carried on, when he pauses
in the midst of his narrative, in order to point out the
unwearied constancy with which the Samnites, though
to often defeated, renewed their efforts, if not for em-
pire, at least for freedom and independence (10, 32).
But when that historian recounts an endless succession
of reverses sustained by, this nation, attended with
losses which must have quickly drained a far greater
population, it is impossible to avoid suspecting him of
considerable exaggeration and repetition; especially
as several campaigns are mentioned without a single
distinct fact or topographical mark to give reality and
an appearance of truth to the narrative. Nor is Livy
always careful to point out the danger which not un-
'jequently threatened Rome on the part of these for-
nidable adversaries. It is true that he relates with
great beauty and force of description the disaster
which befell the Roman arms at the defiles of Caudi-
fiin; but has he been equally explicit in laying before
his readers the consequences of that event, which not
only opened to the victorious Samnites the gates of
several Volscian cities, but exposed a great portion of
Latium to be ravaged by their troops, and brought
them nearly to the gates of RomeT (Lin. , 9, 12. --
Compare Strabo, 232, 249. ) In fact, though often at-
tacked in their own territory, we as often find the
Samnite legions opposed to their inveterate foes in
Apulia, iu the territories of the Volsci and Hernici,
ind even in those of the Umbrians and Etruscans.
(Lit? . , 10. ) Admirably trained and disciplined, they
executed the orders of their commanders with the
greatest alacrity and promptitude; and such was the
warlike spirit of the whole population, that they not
unfrequently brought into the field 80,000 foot and
8000 horse. (Strabo, 259. ) A victory over such a
foe might well deserve the honours of a triumph; and
when the Romans had at length, by repeated successes,
established their superiority, they could then justly lay
claim to the title of the first troops in the world. But
though the Samnites were often overmatched and
finally crushed by the superior conduct and power
of the Romans, it is evident that the spirit of inde-
pendence still breathed strong in their hearts, and
waited but for an opportunity to display itself. Thus,
when Pyrrhus raised his standard in the plains of
Apulia, the Samnite bands swelled his ranks, and
seemed rather to strengthen the forces of that prince
than to derive assistance from hi>>army. Nor did they
neglect the occasion which presented itself, on the ap-
pearance of Hannibal in their country, for shaking off
the Roman yoke, but voluntarily offered to join him in
the field against the common enemy. (Lin. , 23, 42. )
Rome had already triumphed over Carthage, Macedon,
and Antiochus, and was regarded as mistress of the
world, when a greater danger than any she had before
? ? encountered threatened her dominion in Italy, and
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? SAMOS
SAM
o. ycrates ) Atler the death of this luler, the govern-
ment was held for some time by Mceandrius, his sec-
retary; but he was expelled by the troops of Darius,
who placed on the throne Syloson, the brother of Po-
lycrates, on account of some service he had rendered
him in Egypt, when as yet he was but a private per-
son, (litrod , 3, 140. ) Strabo reports, that the yoke
at' this it i tyrant pressed more heavily on the Salm-
ans thai, that of Polycrates, and that, in consequence,
the island became nearly deserted, whence arose the
proverb, "E/ci/rt ~Zv\oauvroc evovx^pi-v- (Strab. , 638.
--Compare Heraclid. , Pom. , p. 211. ) From Herodo-
tus, however, we learn, that the Samians took an ac-
'tive part in the Ionian revolt, and furnished sixty ships
to the fleet assembled at Lade; but, by the intrigues
of . Liens, son of Syloson, who had been deposed by
Aristagoras, and consequently favoured the Persian
arms, the greater part ? f their squadron deserted the
confederacy in the battle that ensued, and thus con-
tributed greatly to the defeat of the allies. (Herod. ,
6, 8, seqq. ) On learning the result of the battle, many
of the Samians determined to quit the island rather
than submit to the Persian yoke, or that of a tyrant
imposed by them. They accordingly embarked on
board their ships, and sailed for Sicily, where they
first occupied Calacte, and soon after, with the assist-
ance of Anaxilas, tyrant of Rhcgium, the important
town and harbour of Zancle. . lEaces was replaced on
the throne of Samos, and, out of consideration for his
services, the town and its temples wcro spared. After
the battle of Salamis, the Samians secretly sent a dep-
utation to the Greek fleet stationed at Dolos, to urge
them to liberate Ionia, they being at that time gov-
erned by a tyrant named Theomestor, appointed by
the Persian king. (Herod. , 9, 90. ) In consequence
of this invitation, Leotychidaa, the Spartan command-
er, advanced with his fleet to the coast of Ionia, and
gained the important victory of Mycale. The Sami-
ans having regained their independence, joined, to-
gether with the other Ionian states, the Grecian con-
federacy, and with them passed under the protection,
or, rather, the dominion of Athens. The latter power,
however, having attempted to change the constitution
of the island to a democracy, had nearly been expelled
by the oligarchical party, aided by Pissuthnes, satrap
of Sardis. . Being overpowered, however, finally by
the overwhelming force brought against them by the
Athenians under Pericles, the Samians were com-
pelled to destroy their fortifications, give up their ships,
deliver hostages, and pay the expense of the war by
instalments. This occurred a few years before the
breaking out of the Peloponnesian war. (Tkueyd. , I,
115, seqq) After this we hear little of Samos till
the end of the Sicilian expedition, when the maritime
war was transferred to the Ionian coast and islands.
At this time Samos became the great point d'appui of
the Athenian fleet, which was stationed there for the
defence of the colonics and subject states; and there
is little doubt that the power of Athens was alone pre-
served- at this time by means of that island. We
learn from Polybius (5, 35, 11), that, after the death
of Alexander, Samos became for a time subject to the
kings of Egypt. Subsequently it fell into the hands
of Antiochus, and, on his defeat, into those of the Ro-
mans. It lost the last shadow of republican freedom
under the Emperor Vesnasian, A. C. 70. --The tem-
ple and worship of Juno contributed not a little to the
? ? fame and affluence of Samos. Pausanias asserts that
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? BAN
S AN
lid which, by some writers, was from that circum-
stance named Dardania. (Callim. , ap. Plin. , 4, 12. )
Samothrace was also famous for the worship of the
Cabiri, with which these mysteries were intimately
connected. (Vid. Cabiri. )--Various are the names
which this island is said to have borne at different pe-
riods. It was called Dardania, as we have already
seen ; also Electris, Melite, Leucosis (Sirabo, 472. --
Schol. in Apoll. Rhod. , 1, 917), and was said to have
been named Samothrace (Thracian Samos) by a col-
ony from the Ionian Samos, though Strabo conceives
this assertion to have been an invention of the Simi-
ans. He deduces the name either from the word
l<junr, which implies an elevated spot, or from the
Saii, a Thracian people, who at an early period were
in possession of the island. {Sirabo, 457. ) Homer,
in his frequent allusion to it, sometimes calls it sim-
ply Samos (//. , 24, 78. --//. , 24, 753); at other times
the Thracian Samos. {II. , 13, 12. )--The Samothra-
cians joined the Persian fleet in the expedition of
Xerxes; and one of their vessels distinguished itself
in the battle of Salamis. (Herod. , 8, 90. ) Perseus,
after the battle of Pydna, took refuge in Samothrace,
and was there seized by the Romans when preparing
to escape from Demetrium, a small harbour near one
of the promontories of the island. On this occasion,
Livy asserts that the chief magistrate of Samothrace
was dignified with the title of king (45,6). Stephanus
Byzantinus informs us there was a town of the same
name with the island. This island was reduced, in
the reign of Vespasian, along with the other isles of
the . -Egcan, to the form of a province. It is now Sam-
otbuHi. [Cramer's Anc. Greece, vol. 1, p. 335. )
Sani, a low:i of Macedonia, on the Sinus Singiti-
eus, and situated on a neck of land connecting Athos
with the continent. On the opposite side was Acan-
thus, and between the two places was cut the canal
of Xerxes. ( Vid. Acanthus. )
Sanchoniathon, a Phoenician author, who, if the
fragments of bis works that have reached us be genu-
ne, and if such a person ever existed, must be re-
garded as the most ancient writer of whom we have
>ny knowledge after Moses. His father's name was
Fhabion, and he himself was chief hierophant of the
Phoenicians. According to some, he was a native of
Berytus, but Athenseus (3, 37) and Suidas make him
i Tyrian. As to the period when he flourished, all is
mccrtain. Some accounts carry him back to the era
of Semiramis, others assign him to the period of the
Trojan war. St. Martin, however, endeavours to prove
that he was a contemporary of Gideon, the judge of
Israel, and flourished during the fourteenth century
hefore the Christian era. (Biographic Univ. , vol. 40,
p. 305, seqq. ) The titles of the three principal works
of this writer are as follows: 1. llrpl rye 'Ep/iov <pv-
mofoyiar (" Of the Physical System of Hermes"). --
2. ? KlyvirTianii QtoXoyia (" Egyptian Theology"). --3.
4>o<<v<<d (" Phoenician History"), cited also under
other titles, one of which is i<otvinuv QeoXoyia (" The-
ology of the Phoenicians"). --All these works were
written in Phoenician, and the preceding are their ti-
tles in Greek. The history was translated into the
Greek language by Herennius Philo, a native of Byb-
ius, who lived in the second century of our era. It is
from this translation that we obtain all the fragments
jf Sanchoniathon that have reached our times. Philo
lad divided his translation into nine books, of which
? ? Porphyry made use in his diatribe against the Chris-
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? SAP
SAP
KrueO i > v him into an omen of future success. Hav-
Big collected, 'herelore, a band of robbers, and having
roused the people of India to a change of affairs, he
finally attained to sovereign power, and made himself
master of a part of the country which had been previ-
'Dsly in the hands of Seleucus. It is said, that,
while waging wat, and before coming to the throne, a
Tild elephant of very large size approached him on
one occasion, and with the greatest docility suffered
him to mount on its back, and used after this to bear
him into the fight. (Justin, 15, 4. ) The Sandrocot-
:us of the Greeks is thought to be the same with
the Chandragoupta of the Hindu writers. And Chan-
d/agoupta (i. e. , "saved the moon") is regarded by
many as a mere epithet or surname of the Hindu
monarch Vischarada. (De Maries, Hist, de I'Inde,
vol. 3, p. 255. ---Id. ib. , vol. 1, p. 420. )
SANOAKIUS, a river of Asia Minor, rising near a
place called Sangia (Sayyi'a), in Mount Adoreus, a
branch of Mount Dindymus, in Galatia, and falling into
the Euxine on the coast of Bithynia. Its source was
150 stadia from Pessinus. According to Strabo (543),
it formed the true eastern boundary of Bithynia, and
bis account coincides in this with that of the earlier
writers. (Scylax, p. 34. --Apoll. Rhad. . ,1, 724. ) The
Bithynian kings, however, gradually extended their
dominions farther to the east, and the Romans gave
the country a still farther enlargement on this side.
This river is called Sangaris by Constantino Porphy-
rogenitus (1, 5), and Sagaris by Ovid (ep. e Pont. , 4,
10). The modern name is the Sakaria. . (Manncrl't
Gcogr, vol. 6, pt. 3, p. 607. )
SANNYKION, an Athenian comic poet, contemporary
with Aristophanes. Little is known of him. One of
bis p'ays, entitled Aaxcj? (/),<v. -i. '). in which he bur-
lesqued a verse of the Orestes of Euripides (Sckol.
was called prttsul, who seems to have gone foremost
in the procession; their principal musician, vales; and
he who admitted new members, mapistcr. Their
number was afterward doubled by Tullus Hostilius,
after he had obtained a victory over the Fidenates, in
consequence of a vow which he had made to Mars.
The Salii were all of patrician families, and the office
was very honourable. The lat of March was the day
in which the Salii observed their festival in honour of
Mars. They were generally dressed in a short scarlet
tunic, of which only the edges were seen; they wore
i large purple-coloured belt above the waist, which
was fastened with brass buckles. They had on their
heads round bonnets with two corners standing up,
in their right hand they carried a small rod, and in
their left a small buckler, one of the ancilia, or shields
of Mars. Lucan says that it hung from the neck. In
the observation of their solemnity, they first offered
sacrifices, and afterward went through the streets dan-
cing in measured motions, sometimes all together, or
at other times separately, while musical instruments
were playing before them. Hence their name of Salii,
from their moving along in solemn dance {Salii a soli-
endo). They placed their body in different attitudes,
and struck with their rods the shields which they held
in their hands. They also sung hymns in honour of
the gods, particularly of Mars, Juno, Venus, and Mi-
nerva, and they were accompanied in the chorus by a
certain number of virgins, habited like themselves, and
called Salia. We have in Varro a few fragments of
tbe Salian hymns, which, even in the time of that wri-
ter, were scarcely intelligible. Thus, for example,
"Divum exta cante, Divum Deo tupplice canlc,"
i. e , Deorum ezta can He, Dcorum Deo (Jano) svp-
flicilcr canite ; and also the following:
"omnia
dapatilia comissc jam cusioncs
duonus ceruses dims janusque renit,"
i. c , Omnia dapalia comedisse Jani Curioncs. Bo-
nus creator Dimus Janusque tout. --Their feasts and
entertainments were uncommonly sumptuous, whence
iapes saliares is proverbially applied to such repasts
as are most splendid and costly. (Liv. , 1, SO. --Var-
ro, L L. , 4, 15. --Chid, Fast. , 3, 387. )--II. A Ger-
man tribe of Frankish origin, whose original seat is
not clearly ascertained. Wiarda makes it between
the Siva Carbonaria (part of the forest of Ardennes)
and the River Ligens (Lys, in Brabant); Wersebe,
however, in the vicinity of the Sala or Saale. They
first made their, appearance on the Insula Batavorum,
where they were conquered by Julian; afterward in
the territory of the Chamavi, by the Mosa or Meuse.
Mannert seeks to identify them with tho Cherusci.
(. -1mm. Marcell. , 17, 8, seqq. --Zosim. , 3, 6. )
SaLLUstil's, Ckispus, a celebrated Latin historian,
born at Amiternum, in the territory of the Sabines, in
the year of Rome 668. He received his education in
the latter city, and in his early youth appears to have
been desirous to devote himself to literary pursuits.
But it was not easy for one residing in tbe capital to
escape the contagious desire of military or political
distinction. He obtained tho situation of quaestor,
which entitled him to a seat in the senate, at the age
of twenty-seven; end about six years afterward he
was elected tribune of the commons. While in this
? ? office he attached himself to the for'. snes of Caesar,
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? SAl-UiSTIUS.
SALLUSTIUS
ol Pi<< ma Latro, have been adopted by Le Clerc, pro-
fessor of Hebrew at Amsterdam, and by Professor
Meisner, of Pragne, in their respective accounts of the
life of Sallust. His character has received more jus-
tice from the prefatory memoir and notes of De Bros-
ses, his French translator, and from the researches of
Wioland in Germany. --From what is known of Fabi-
us Pictor and his immediate successors, it must be ap-
parent that the art of historic composition at Rome
was in the lowest stale, and'that Sallust had no model
to imitate among the writers of his own country. He
therefore naturally recurred to the productions of the
Greek historians. The native exuberance and loqua-
cious familiarity of Herodotus were not adapted to
his taste; and simplicity, such as that of Xenophon,
is, of all things, the most difficult to attain; he there-
fore chiefly emulated Thucydides, and attempted to
transplant into his own language the vigour and con-
ciseness of the Greek historian; but the strict imita-
tion with which he followed him has gone far to lessen
the erfetx Jt" his own original genius. --The first work
of Sallust was the Conspiracy of Catiline. There ex-
ists, however, some doubt as to the precise period of
its composition. The general opinion is, that it was
written immediately after the author went out of office
as tribune of the commons, that is, A. U. C. 703. And
the composition of tho Jvgvrthine War, as well as of
his general history, is fixed by Le Clerc between that
period and his appointment to the prsetorship of Nu-
midia. But others have supposed that they were all
written during the space which intervened between
his return from Numidia in 709, and his death, which
happened in 718, four years previous to the battle of
Actium. It is maintained by the supporters of this
last idea, that he was too much engaged in politi-
cal tumults previous to his administration of Nu-
pidia to have leisure for so important compositions;
that, in the introduction to Catiline's Conspiracy, he
talks of himself as withdrawn from public affairs,
and refutes accusations of his voluptuous life, which
were only applicable to this period; and that, while
"nstituting the comparison between Cesar and Cato,
tie speaks of the existence and competition of these
celebrated opponents as things that had, passed over.
--" Scd mca memoria, ingenti virtute, diversis mor-
ibus, fucre viri duo, Marcus Cato it Caius Cccsar. "
On this passage, too, Gibbon, in particular, argues,
that such a flatterer and party tool as Sallust would
not, during the life of Ca;sar, have put Cato so much
on a level with him in the comparison. De Brasses
argues with Le Clerc in thinking that the Conspiracy
of Catiline at least must have been written immediately
after 703; as ho would not, after his marriage with
Terontia, have commemorated the disgrace of her sis-
ter, who, it seems, was the vestal virgin whose in-
trigue with Catiline is recorded by Sallust. But,
whatever may be the case as to Catiline's Conspiracy,
it is quite clear that the Jugurthino War was written
subsequently to the author's residence in Numidia,
which evidently suggested to him this theme, and af-
forded him the means of collecting the information
necessary for completing his work. --The subjects
chosen by Sallust form two of the most important and
prominent topics in the history of Rome. The peri-
ods, indeed, which he describes were painful, but they
were interesting. Full of conspiracies, usurpations,
and civil wars, they chiefly exhibit the mutual rage
? ? and iniquity of imbittered factions, furious struggles
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? 3/. LLUSTIUS.
5ALLUSTIUS.
? I tfcoee . T-jrx'mub that Cato himself and other sen-
ators puMicly h'iled the consul as the father of his
country; and that a public thanksgiving to the gods
was decreed in his name, for having preserved the
city from conflagration, and the citizens from massa-
cre. This omission, which may have originated part-
ly in enmity, and partly in disgust at the ill-disguised
vanity of the consul, has in all timea been regarded as
the chief defect, and even stain, in the history of the
CatiMnarian Conspiracy. --Although not an eyewitness
of the war with Jugurtha, Sallust's situation as praetor
of Numidia, which suggested the composition, was fa-
vourable to the authority of the work, by affording op-
portunity of collecting materials, and procuring infor-
mation. He examined into the different accounts,
written as well as traditionary, concerning the history
of Africa, particularly the documents preserved in the
archives of King Hiempsal, which he caused to be
translated for his own use, and which proved peculiar-
ly serviceable in the detailed account which he has
given of the inhabitants of Africa. In this history he
has been accused of showing an undue partiality to-
wards the character of Marius; and of giving, for the
sake of his favourite leader, an unfair account of the
massacre at Vacca. But he appears to do even more
than ample justice to Metellus, since he represents the
war as almost finished by him previous to the arrival
of Marius, though it was, in fact, far from being con-
cluded. --Sallust evidently regarded a fine style as one
if the chief merits of an historical work. The style
? >n which he took so much pains was carefully formed
on that of Thucydides, whose manner of writing was,
in a great measure, original, and,' till the time of Sal-
ust, pecul'ir to himself. The Roman has wonderfully
succeeded in imitating the vigour and conciseness of
the Greek historian, and infusing into his composition
r omething of that dignified austerity which distinguishes
tbe work of his great model; but when we say that
Sallust has imitated the conciseness of Thucydides,
we mean the rapid and compressed manner in which
his narrative is conducted; in short, brevity of idea
rather than of language. For Thucydides, although
he brings forward only the principal idea, and discards
what is collateral, yet frequently employs long and in-
volved periods. Sallust, on the other hand, is abrupt
and sententious, and is generally considered as having
carried this sort of brevity to a vicious excess. The
use of copulatives, either for the purposes of connect-
ing his sentences with each other, or uniting the claus-
es of the same sentence, is in a great measure reject-
ed. This produces a monotonous effect, and a total
want of that flow and variety which is the principal
chcrm of the historic period. Seneca accordingly
[Episl-, 114) talks of the "Amputates sentcnlia, et
verba ante expectatum cadentia," which the practice
of Sallust had succeeded in rendering fashionable. It
was, perhaps, partly in imitation of Thucydides that
Sallust introduced into his history a number of words
almost considered as obsolete, and which were select-
ed from the works of the older authors of Rome, par-
ticularly Cato the censor. It is on this point he has'
been chiefly attacked by Pollio, in his letters to Plan-
cus. He has also been taxed with the opposite vice,
of coining new words, and introducing Greek idioms;
but the severity of judgment which led him to imitate
the ancient and austere dignity of style, made him re-
cct those sparkling ornaments of composition which
? ? were beginning to infect the Roman taste, in conse-
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? SAL
o( the history; but the preliminary essay they
contain on the degradation of Roman manners <<,,. :
decline of virtue, is not an unsuitable introduction to
the conspiracy, as it was this corruption of morals
which gave I nh to it, and bestowed on it a chance
of success. The preface to the Jugurthine War
has much less relation to the subject which it is
intended to introduce. The author discourses at
Urge on his favourite topic, the superiority of men-
tal endowments over corporeal advantages, and the
beauty of virtue and genius. He contrasts a life of
listless indolence with one of honourable activity;
and finally descants on the task of the historian as a
snitable exercise for the highest faculties of the mind.
Besides the Conspiracy of Catiline and the Jugurthine
War, which have been preserved entire, and from
which our estimate of the merits of Sallust must be
"chiefly formed, he was the author of a civil and mili-
tary history of the republic, in five books, entitled
Hisloria, rerum in Republica Romana Gcslarum.
This work was the mature fruit of the genius of Sal-
tust, having been the last he composed, and is inscribed
to Lucullus, the son of the celebrated commander of
that name. It included, properly speaking, only a pe-
riod of thirteen years, extending from the resignation
of the dictatorship by Sylla till the promulgation of
the Manilian Law, by which Pompey'was invested with
authority equal to that which Sylla had relinquished;
and obtained, with unlimited power in the East, the
command of the army destined to act against Mithrada-
les. This period, though short, comprehends some of
the most interesting and luminous points which appear
in the Roman annals. During this interval, and almost
at the same moment, the republic was attacked in the
East by the most powerful and enterprising of the
mnnarchs with whom it had yet waged war; in the
Wo it by one of the most skilful of its own generals;
tnd n the bosom of Kaly by its gladiators and slaves.
The work was also introduced by two discourses, the
i>>rye presenting a picture of the government and man-
ners of the Romans, from the origin of their city to
the commencment of the civil wars; the othrr con-
taining a general view of the dissensions of Marius and
Sylla; so that the whole book may be considered as
connecting the termination of the Jugurthine War and
'he breaking out of Catiline's conspiracy. The loss
of this valuable production is the more to be regretted,
is all the accounts of Roman history which have been
written are defective during the interesting period it
comprehended. Nearly seven hundred fragments be-
longing to it have been amassed, from scholiasts and
grammarians, by Do Brosses, the French translator of
Sallust; but they are so short and unconnected that
they merely serve as landmarks, from which we may
conjecture what subjects were treated of and what
events recorded. The only parts of the history which
have been preserved in any degree entire, are four
orations and two letters. The first is an oration pro-
nounced against Sylla by the turbulent M. . 1 jinlms
Lepidus, who, as is well known, being desirous, at the
expiration of his year, to be appointed a second time
consul, excited for that purpose a civil war, and ren-
dered himself master of great part of Italy. His
speech, which was preparatory to these designs, was
delivered after Sylla had abdicated the dictatorship,
but was still supposed to retain great influence at
Rome. He is accordingly treated as being still the
tyrant of the state; and the people are exhorted to
? ? throw off the yoke completely, and to follow the
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? SAM
SAM
? "eibolt, and placed in the infernal regions near his
brother Sisyphus. --Consult, in explanation of this le-
gend, the article Elicius, p. 467, col. 1, near the end.
[Horn. , Od. , 11, 235-- ApoUod , 1, 9. --Hygin. ,fal. ,
60 -- Virg. , JEn. , 6, 5, 86. )
Salmydessos (ZafyvdnooSf), or, as the later Greek
and the Latin writers give the name, Halmydessus ('A A-
Kvdyvcoc), a city of Thrace, on the coast of the Eux-
ir. e, below the promontory of Thynias. The name
properly belonged to the entire range of coast from
the Thynian promontory tr '. he mouth of tho Bospo-
rus. And it was this port. on of the coast in particu-
lar that obtained for the Euxine its earlier name of
Azr. nos, or " inhospitable. " The shore was rendered
dangerous by shallows and marshes; and when any
vessels, either through want of skill or the violence
of the wind, became entangled among these, the Thra-
cian inhabitants poured down upon them, plundered
the cargoes, and made the inhabitants slaves. In
their eagerness to obtain the booty, quarrels often
arose among the petty tribes in this quarter, and hence
came eventually the singular custom of marking out
the shore with stones, as so many limits within which
each were to plunder. (Xen. , Anab. , 7, 6. ) Strain)
names the Astoe as the inhabitants of this region,
whose territory reached to the north as far as Apollo-
nia. The Thyni, no doubt, are included under this
name. The republic of Byzantium put an end to this
system of plunder. --The modern Midjeh answers to
the ancient city of Salmydessus. (Mela, 2, 2. --
Plin. , 4, 11. --Diod. Sic. , 14, 38. --Mannert, Geogr. ,
rol. 7, p. 149 )
Salon, now Salona, the principal harbour of Dal-
matia, and always considered as an important post by
the Romans after their conquest of that country. Pliny
styles it a colony (3, 22), which is confirmed by vari-
ous inscriptions. (Gruter. , TAes. ,32, 12. ) The name
is sometimes written Sslona and Salonae. (Cat. , B.
<? . , 3, 9. --Hirt. , B. Alex. , 43. ) It was not the na-
tive place of the Emperor Dioclesian, as is commonly
supposed. That monarch was born at Diodes, in its
vicinity; and to this quarter he retired after be had
abdicated the imperial power. Here he built a splen-
did palace, the ruins of which arc still to be seen at
Spalalro, about three miles from Salona. (Wesscl-
mg, ad. Itin. Anton. , p. 270. --Adam's Antiquities of
Spalalro. --Cramer's Anc. Greece, vol. 1, p. 36. )
SkLvilNus, a native of Colonia Agrippina {Co-
logne), one of the early fathers of the Christian Church.
He led a religious life at Massilia during the greater
part of the 5th century, and died in that city. Salvian
was the author of several works on devotional sub-
jects, of which there are yet extant a treatise "on
the Providence of God" (De gubernatione Dei, dec),
in eight books; another in four books, written
"Against avarice, especially in priests and clerical
persons'," and nine pastoral letters. His works, as
far as they remain, were collected and printed to-
gether, in two volumes 8vo, by Haluzius, Paris, 1663.
Sautes, a people of Gaul, extending from the
Rhone, along the southern bank of the Druentia or
Durance, almost to the Alps. They were powerful
opponents to the Greeks of Massilia. (Lit. , 5, 34. )
Samara, a river of Gaul, now called the Somme.
The name of this stream in intermediate geography
was Sttmina or Sumcna, corrupted into Somona;
whence the modern appellation. (Vid. Samarobriva. )
? ? Samaria, a city and country of Palestine, famous
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? SAMNITES.
SAM
imbitious and rising nation, rendered confident by their
successes over the Tuscans and the Oscans of Cam-
pania; and formidable not only from their own re-
sources, but also from the ties of consanguinity which
connected them with the Frentani, Vestini, Peligui, and
other hardy tribes of Central Italy. The rich and fer-
tile territory of Campania was then the nominal object
of the contest which ensued, but in reality they fought
for the dominion of Italy, and consequently that of the
world; which was at stake so long as the issue of the
war was doubtful. Livy seems to have formed a just
vlea of the importance of that struggle, and the fierce
obstinacy with which it was carried on, when he pauses
in the midst of his narrative, in order to point out the
unwearied constancy with which the Samnites, though
to often defeated, renewed their efforts, if not for em-
pire, at least for freedom and independence (10, 32).
But when that historian recounts an endless succession
of reverses sustained by, this nation, attended with
losses which must have quickly drained a far greater
population, it is impossible to avoid suspecting him of
considerable exaggeration and repetition; especially
as several campaigns are mentioned without a single
distinct fact or topographical mark to give reality and
an appearance of truth to the narrative. Nor is Livy
always careful to point out the danger which not un-
'jequently threatened Rome on the part of these for-
nidable adversaries. It is true that he relates with
great beauty and force of description the disaster
which befell the Roman arms at the defiles of Caudi-
fiin; but has he been equally explicit in laying before
his readers the consequences of that event, which not
only opened to the victorious Samnites the gates of
several Volscian cities, but exposed a great portion of
Latium to be ravaged by their troops, and brought
them nearly to the gates of RomeT (Lin. , 9, 12. --
Compare Strabo, 232, 249. ) In fact, though often at-
tacked in their own territory, we as often find the
Samnite legions opposed to their inveterate foes in
Apulia, iu the territories of the Volsci and Hernici,
ind even in those of the Umbrians and Etruscans.
(Lit? . , 10. ) Admirably trained and disciplined, they
executed the orders of their commanders with the
greatest alacrity and promptitude; and such was the
warlike spirit of the whole population, that they not
unfrequently brought into the field 80,000 foot and
8000 horse. (Strabo, 259. ) A victory over such a
foe might well deserve the honours of a triumph; and
when the Romans had at length, by repeated successes,
established their superiority, they could then justly lay
claim to the title of the first troops in the world. But
though the Samnites were often overmatched and
finally crushed by the superior conduct and power
of the Romans, it is evident that the spirit of inde-
pendence still breathed strong in their hearts, and
waited but for an opportunity to display itself. Thus,
when Pyrrhus raised his standard in the plains of
Apulia, the Samnite bands swelled his ranks, and
seemed rather to strengthen the forces of that prince
than to derive assistance from hi>>army. Nor did they
neglect the occasion which presented itself, on the ap-
pearance of Hannibal in their country, for shaking off
the Roman yoke, but voluntarily offered to join him in
the field against the common enemy. (Lin. , 23, 42. )
Rome had already triumphed over Carthage, Macedon,
and Antiochus, and was regarded as mistress of the
world, when a greater danger than any she had before
? ? encountered threatened her dominion in Italy, and
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? SAMOS
SAM
o. ycrates ) Atler the death of this luler, the govern-
ment was held for some time by Mceandrius, his sec-
retary; but he was expelled by the troops of Darius,
who placed on the throne Syloson, the brother of Po-
lycrates, on account of some service he had rendered
him in Egypt, when as yet he was but a private per-
son, (litrod , 3, 140. ) Strabo reports, that the yoke
at' this it i tyrant pressed more heavily on the Salm-
ans thai, that of Polycrates, and that, in consequence,
the island became nearly deserted, whence arose the
proverb, "E/ci/rt ~Zv\oauvroc evovx^pi-v- (Strab. , 638.
--Compare Heraclid. , Pom. , p. 211. ) From Herodo-
tus, however, we learn, that the Samians took an ac-
'tive part in the Ionian revolt, and furnished sixty ships
to the fleet assembled at Lade; but, by the intrigues
of . Liens, son of Syloson, who had been deposed by
Aristagoras, and consequently favoured the Persian
arms, the greater part ? f their squadron deserted the
confederacy in the battle that ensued, and thus con-
tributed greatly to the defeat of the allies. (Herod. ,
6, 8, seqq. ) On learning the result of the battle, many
of the Samians determined to quit the island rather
than submit to the Persian yoke, or that of a tyrant
imposed by them. They accordingly embarked on
board their ships, and sailed for Sicily, where they
first occupied Calacte, and soon after, with the assist-
ance of Anaxilas, tyrant of Rhcgium, the important
town and harbour of Zancle. . lEaces was replaced on
the throne of Samos, and, out of consideration for his
services, the town and its temples wcro spared. After
the battle of Salamis, the Samians secretly sent a dep-
utation to the Greek fleet stationed at Dolos, to urge
them to liberate Ionia, they being at that time gov-
erned by a tyrant named Theomestor, appointed by
the Persian king. (Herod. , 9, 90. ) In consequence
of this invitation, Leotychidaa, the Spartan command-
er, advanced with his fleet to the coast of Ionia, and
gained the important victory of Mycale. The Sami-
ans having regained their independence, joined, to-
gether with the other Ionian states, the Grecian con-
federacy, and with them passed under the protection,
or, rather, the dominion of Athens. The latter power,
however, having attempted to change the constitution
of the island to a democracy, had nearly been expelled
by the oligarchical party, aided by Pissuthnes, satrap
of Sardis. . Being overpowered, however, finally by
the overwhelming force brought against them by the
Athenians under Pericles, the Samians were com-
pelled to destroy their fortifications, give up their ships,
deliver hostages, and pay the expense of the war by
instalments. This occurred a few years before the
breaking out of the Peloponnesian war. (Tkueyd. , I,
115, seqq) After this we hear little of Samos till
the end of the Sicilian expedition, when the maritime
war was transferred to the Ionian coast and islands.
At this time Samos became the great point d'appui of
the Athenian fleet, which was stationed there for the
defence of the colonics and subject states; and there
is little doubt that the power of Athens was alone pre-
served- at this time by means of that island. We
learn from Polybius (5, 35, 11), that, after the death
of Alexander, Samos became for a time subject to the
kings of Egypt. Subsequently it fell into the hands
of Antiochus, and, on his defeat, into those of the Ro-
mans. It lost the last shadow of republican freedom
under the Emperor Vesnasian, A. C. 70. --The tem-
ple and worship of Juno contributed not a little to the
? ? fame and affluence of Samos. Pausanias asserts that
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? BAN
S AN
lid which, by some writers, was from that circum-
stance named Dardania. (Callim. , ap. Plin. , 4, 12. )
Samothrace was also famous for the worship of the
Cabiri, with which these mysteries were intimately
connected. (Vid. Cabiri. )--Various are the names
which this island is said to have borne at different pe-
riods. It was called Dardania, as we have already
seen ; also Electris, Melite, Leucosis (Sirabo, 472. --
Schol. in Apoll. Rhod. , 1, 917), and was said to have
been named Samothrace (Thracian Samos) by a col-
ony from the Ionian Samos, though Strabo conceives
this assertion to have been an invention of the Simi-
ans. He deduces the name either from the word
l<junr, which implies an elevated spot, or from the
Saii, a Thracian people, who at an early period were
in possession of the island. {Sirabo, 457. ) Homer,
in his frequent allusion to it, sometimes calls it sim-
ply Samos (//. , 24, 78. --//. , 24, 753); at other times
the Thracian Samos. {II. , 13, 12. )--The Samothra-
cians joined the Persian fleet in the expedition of
Xerxes; and one of their vessels distinguished itself
in the battle of Salamis. (Herod. , 8, 90. ) Perseus,
after the battle of Pydna, took refuge in Samothrace,
and was there seized by the Romans when preparing
to escape from Demetrium, a small harbour near one
of the promontories of the island. On this occasion,
Livy asserts that the chief magistrate of Samothrace
was dignified with the title of king (45,6). Stephanus
Byzantinus informs us there was a town of the same
name with the island. This island was reduced, in
the reign of Vespasian, along with the other isles of
the . -Egcan, to the form of a province. It is now Sam-
otbuHi. [Cramer's Anc. Greece, vol. 1, p. 335. )
Sani, a low:i of Macedonia, on the Sinus Singiti-
eus, and situated on a neck of land connecting Athos
with the continent. On the opposite side was Acan-
thus, and between the two places was cut the canal
of Xerxes. ( Vid. Acanthus. )
Sanchoniathon, a Phoenician author, who, if the
fragments of bis works that have reached us be genu-
ne, and if such a person ever existed, must be re-
garded as the most ancient writer of whom we have
>ny knowledge after Moses. His father's name was
Fhabion, and he himself was chief hierophant of the
Phoenicians. According to some, he was a native of
Berytus, but Athenseus (3, 37) and Suidas make him
i Tyrian. As to the period when he flourished, all is
mccrtain. Some accounts carry him back to the era
of Semiramis, others assign him to the period of the
Trojan war. St. Martin, however, endeavours to prove
that he was a contemporary of Gideon, the judge of
Israel, and flourished during the fourteenth century
hefore the Christian era. (Biographic Univ. , vol. 40,
p. 305, seqq. ) The titles of the three principal works
of this writer are as follows: 1. llrpl rye 'Ep/iov <pv-
mofoyiar (" Of the Physical System of Hermes"). --
2. ? KlyvirTianii QtoXoyia (" Egyptian Theology"). --3.
4>o<<v<<d (" Phoenician History"), cited also under
other titles, one of which is i<otvinuv QeoXoyia (" The-
ology of the Phoenicians"). --All these works were
written in Phoenician, and the preceding are their ti-
tles in Greek. The history was translated into the
Greek language by Herennius Philo, a native of Byb-
ius, who lived in the second century of our era. It is
from this translation that we obtain all the fragments
jf Sanchoniathon that have reached our times. Philo
lad divided his translation into nine books, of which
? ? Porphyry made use in his diatribe against the Chris-
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? SAP
SAP
KrueO i > v him into an omen of future success. Hav-
Big collected, 'herelore, a band of robbers, and having
roused the people of India to a change of affairs, he
finally attained to sovereign power, and made himself
master of a part of the country which had been previ-
'Dsly in the hands of Seleucus. It is said, that,
while waging wat, and before coming to the throne, a
Tild elephant of very large size approached him on
one occasion, and with the greatest docility suffered
him to mount on its back, and used after this to bear
him into the fight. (Justin, 15, 4. ) The Sandrocot-
:us of the Greeks is thought to be the same with
the Chandragoupta of the Hindu writers. And Chan-
d/agoupta (i. e. , "saved the moon") is regarded by
many as a mere epithet or surname of the Hindu
monarch Vischarada. (De Maries, Hist, de I'Inde,
vol. 3, p. 255. ---Id. ib. , vol. 1, p. 420. )
SANOAKIUS, a river of Asia Minor, rising near a
place called Sangia (Sayyi'a), in Mount Adoreus, a
branch of Mount Dindymus, in Galatia, and falling into
the Euxine on the coast of Bithynia. Its source was
150 stadia from Pessinus. According to Strabo (543),
it formed the true eastern boundary of Bithynia, and
bis account coincides in this with that of the earlier
writers. (Scylax, p. 34. --Apoll. Rhad. . ,1, 724. ) The
Bithynian kings, however, gradually extended their
dominions farther to the east, and the Romans gave
the country a still farther enlargement on this side.
This river is called Sangaris by Constantino Porphy-
rogenitus (1, 5), and Sagaris by Ovid (ep. e Pont. , 4,
10). The modern name is the Sakaria. . (Manncrl't
Gcogr, vol. 6, pt. 3, p. 607. )
SANNYKION, an Athenian comic poet, contemporary
with Aristophanes. Little is known of him. One of
bis p'ays, entitled Aaxcj? (/),<v. -i. '). in which he bur-
lesqued a verse of the Orestes of Euripides (Sckol.
