No More Learning

Is it because
they tend to disorder in Government, as countenancing Rebellion, or
Sedition? then let them be silenced, and the Teachers punished by vertue
of his power to whom the care of the Publique quiet is committed; which
is the Authority Civill. For whatsoever Power Ecclesiastiques take upon
themselves (in any place where they are subject to the State) in their
own Right, though they call it Gods Right, is but Usurpation.



CHAPTER XLVII. OF THE BENEFIT THAT PROCEEDETH FROM SUCH DARKNESSE,

AND TO WHOM IT ACCREWETH




He That Receiveth Benefit By A Fact, Is Presumed To Be The Author

Cicero maketh honorable mention of one of the Cassii, a severe Judge
amongst the Romans, for a custome he had, in Criminal causes, (when the
testimony of the witnesses was not sufficient,) to ask the Accusers,
Cui Bono; that is to say, what Profit, Honor, or other Contentment, the
accused obtained, or expected by the Fact. For amongst Praesumptions,
there is none that so evidently declareth the Author, as doth the
BENEFIT of the Action. By the same rule I intend in this place to
examine, who they may be, that have possessed the People so long in this
part of Christendome, with these Doctrines, contrary to the Peaceable
Societies of Mankind.




That The Church Militant Is The Kingdome Of God, Was First Taught By

The Church Of Rome

And first, to this Error, That The Present Church Now Militant On Earth,
Is The Kingdome Of God, (that is, the Kingdome of Glory, or the Land of
Promise; not the Kingdome of Grace, which is but a Promise of the
Land,) are annexed these worldly Benefits, First, that the Pastors,
and Teachers of the Church, are entitled thereby, as Gods Publique
Ministers, to a Right of Governing the Church; and consequently (because
the Church, and Common-wealth are the same Persons) to be Rectors, and
Governours of the Common-wealth. By this title it is, that the Pope
prevailed with the subjects of all Christian Princes, to beleeve, that
to disobey him, was to disobey Christ himselfe; and in all differences
between him and other Princes, (charmed with the word Power Spirituall,)
to abandon their lawfull Soveraigns; which is in effect an universall
Monarchy over all Christendome. For though they were first invested in
the right of being Supreme Teachers of Christian Doctrine, by, and
under Christian Emperors, within the limits of the Romane Empire (as is
acknowledged by themselves) by the title of Pontifex Maximus, who was an
Officer subject to the Civill State; yet after the Empire was divided,
and dissolved, it was not hard to obtrude upon the people already
subject to them, another Title, namely, the Right of St. Peter; not
onely to save entire their pretended Power; but also to extend the same
over the same Christian Provinces, though no more united in the Empire
of Rome. This Benefit of an Universall Monarchy, (considering the desire
of men to bear Rule) is a sufficient Presumption, that the popes that
pretended to it, and for a long time enjoyed it, were the Authors of
the Doctrine, by which it was obtained; namely, that the Church now
on Earth, is the Kingdome of Christ. For that granted, it must be
understood, that Christ hath some Lieutenant amongst us, by whom we are
to be told what are his Commandements.

After that certain Churches had renounced this universall Power of the
Pope, one would expect in reason, that the Civill Soveraigns in all
those Churches, should have recovered so much of it, as (before they had
unadvisedly let it goe) was their own Right, and in their own hands.
And in England it was so in effect; saving that they, by whom the Kings
administred the Government of Religion, by maintaining their imployment
to be in Gods Right, seemed to usurp, if not a Supremacy, yet an
Independency on the Civill Power: and they but seemed to usurp it, in
as much as they acknowledged a Right in the King, to deprive them of the
Exercise of their Functions at his pleasure.




And Maintained Also By The Presbytery

But in those places where the Presbytery took that Office, though many
other Doctrines of the Church of Rome were forbidden to be taught; yet
this Doctrine, that the Kingdome of Christ is already come, and that it
began at the Resurrection of our Saviour, was still retained. But Cui
Bono? What Profit did they expect from it? The same which the Popes
expected: to have a Soveraign Power over the People. For what is it for
men to excommunicate their lawful King, but to keep him from all places
of Gods publique Service in his own Kingdom? and with force to resist
him, when he with force endeavoureth to correct them? Or what is it,
without Authority from the Civill Soveraign, to excommunicate any
person, but to take from him his Lawfull Liberty, that is, to usurpe
an unlawfull Power over their Brethren? The Authors therefore of this
Darknesse in Religion, are the Romane, and the Presbyterian Clergy.




Infallibility

To this head, I referre also all those Doctrines, that serve them to
keep the possession of this spirituall Soveraignty after it is gotten.
As first, that the Pope In His Publique Capacity Cannot Erre. For who
is there, that beleeving this to be true, will not readily obey him in
whatsoever he commands?




Subjection Of Bishops

Secondly, that all other Bishops, in what Common-wealth soever, have
not their Right, neither immediately from God, nor mediately from their
Civill Soveraigns, but from the Pope, is a Doctrine, by which there
comes to be in every Christian Common-wealth many potent men, (for so
are Bishops,) that have their dependance on the Pope, and owe obedience
to him, though he be a forraign Prince; by which means he is able, (as
he hath done many times) to raise a Civill War against the State
that submits not it self to be governed according to his pleasure and
Interest.




Exemptions Of The Clergy

Thirdly, the exemption of these, and of all other Priests, and of all
Monkes, and Fryers, from the Power of the Civill Laws. For by this
means, there is a great part of every Common-wealth, that enjoy the
benefit of the Laws, and are protected by the Power of the Civill State,
which neverthelesse pay no part of the Publique expence; nor are
lyable to the penalties, as other Subjects, due to their crimes; and
consequently, stand not in fear of any man, but the Pope; and adhere to
him onely, to uphold his universall Monarchy.




The Names Of Sacerdotes, And Sacrifices

Fourthly, the giving to their Priests (which is no more in the New
Testament but Presbyters, that is, Elders) the name of Sacerdotes, that
is, Sacrificers, which was the title of the Civill Soveraign, and his
publique Ministers, amongst the Jews, whilest God was their King. Also,
the making the Lords Supper a Sacrifice, serveth to make the People
beleeve the Pope hath the same power over all Christian, that Moses
and Aaron had over the Jews; that is to say, all power, both Civill and
Ecclesiasticall, as the High Priest then had.




The Sacramentation Of Marriage

Fiftly, the teaching that Matrimony is a Sacrament, giveth to the
Clergy the Judging of the lawfulnesse of Marriages; and thereby, of what
Children are Legitimate; and consequently, of the Right of Succession to
haereditary Kingdomes.




The Single Life Of Priests

Sixtly, the Deniall of Marriage to Priests, serveth to assure this Power
of the pope over Kings. For if a King be a Priest, he cannot Marry, and
transmit his Kingdome to his Posterity; If he be not a Priest then the
Pope pretendeth this Authority Ecclesiasticall over him, and over his
people.




Auricular Confession

Seventhly, from Auricular Confession, they obtain, for the assurance of
their Power, better intelligence of the designs of Princes, and great
persons in the Civill State, than these can have of the designs of the
State Ecclesiasticall.




Canonization Of Saints, And Declaring Of Martyrs

Eighthly, by the Canonization of Saints, and declaring who are Martyrs,
they assure their Power, in that they induce simple men into an
obstinacy against the Laws and Commands of their Civill Soveraigns even
to death, if by the Popes excommunication, they be declared Heretiques
or Enemies to the Church; that is, (as they interpret it,) to the Pope.




Transubstantiation, Penance, Absolution

Ninthly, they assure the same, by the Power they ascribe to every
Priest, of making Christ; and by the Power of ordaining Pennance; and of
Remitting, and Retaining of sins.




Purgatory, Indulgences, Externall Works

Tenthly, by the Doctrine of Purgatory, of Justification by externall
works, and of Indulgences, the Clergy is enriched.




Daemonology And Exorcism

Eleventhly, by their Daemonology, and the use of Exorcisme, and other
things appertaining thereto, they keep (or thinke they keep) the People
more in awe of their Power.




School-Divinity

Lastly, the Metaphysiques, Ethiques, and Politiques of Aristotle, the
frivolous Distinctions, barbarous Terms, and obscure Language of the
Schoolmen, taught in the Universities, (which have been all erected and
regulated by the Popes Authority,) serve them to keep these Errors
from being detected, and to make men mistake the Ignis Fatuus of Vain
Philosophy, for the Light of the Gospell.




The Authors Of Spirituall Darknesse, Who They Be

To these, if they sufficed not, might be added other of their dark
Doctrines, the profit whereof redoundeth manifestly, to the setting up
of an unlawfull Power over the lawfull Soveraigns of Christian People;
or for the sustaining of the same, when it is set up; or to the worldly
Riches, Honour, and Authority of those that sustain it. And therefore by
the aforesaid rule, of Cui Bono, we may justly pronounce for the Authors
of all this Spirituall Darknesse, the Pope, and Roman Clergy, and
all those besides that endeavour to settle in the mindes of men this
erroneous Doctrine, that the Church now on Earth, is that Kingdome of
God mentioned in the Old and New Testament.

But the Emperours, and other Christian Soveraigns, under whose
Government these Errours, and the like encroachments of Ecclesiastiques
upon their Office, at first crept in, to the disturbance of their
possessions, and of the tranquillity of their Subjects, though they
suffered the same for want of foresight of the Sequel, and of insight
into the designs of their Teachers, may neverthelesse bee esteemed
accessories to their own, and the Publique dammage; For without
their Authority there could at first no seditious Doctrine have been
publiquely preached. I say they might have hindred the same in the
beginning: But when the people were once possessed by those spirituall
men, there was no humane remedy to be applyed, that any man could
invent: And for the remedies that God should provide, who never faileth
in his good time to destroy all the Machinations of men against the
Truth, wee are to attend his good pleasure, that suffereth many times
the prosperity of his enemies, together with their ambition, to grow
to such a height, as the violence thereof openeth the eyes, which the
warinesse of their predecessours had before sealed up, and makes men
by too much grasping let goe all, as Peters net was broken, by the
struggling of too great a multitude of Fishes; whereas the Impatience
of those, that strive to resist such encroachment, before their Subjects
eyes were opened, did but encrease the power they resisted. I doe not
therefore blame the Emperour Frederick for holding the stirrop to our
countryman Pope Adrian; for such was the disposition of his subjects
then, as if hee had not doe it, hee was not likely to have succeeded in
the Empire: But I blame those, that in the beginning, when their power
was entire, by suffering such Doctrines to be forged in the Universities
of their own Dominions, have holden the Stirrop to all the succeeding
Popes, whilest they mounted into the Thrones of all Christian
Soveraigns, to ride, and tire, both them, and their people, at their
pleasure.

But as the Inventions of men are woven, so also are they ravelled out;
the way is the same, but the order is inverted: The web begins at the
first Elements of Power, which are Wisdom, Humility, Sincerity, and
other vertues of the Apostles, whom the people converted, obeyed, out
of Reverence, not by Obligation: Their Consciences were free, and their
Words and Actions subject to none but the Civill Power. Afterwards the
Presbyters (as the Flocks of Christ encreased) assembling to consider
what they should teach, and thereby obliging themselves to teach nothing
against the Decrees of their Assemblies, made it to be thought the
people were thereby obliged to follow their Doctrine, and when
they refused, refused to keep them company, (that was then called
Excommunication,) not as being Infidels, but as being disobedient: And
this was the first knot upon their Liberty. And the number of Presbyters
encreasing, the Presbyters of the chief City or Province, got themselves
an authority over the parochiall Presbyters, and appropriated to
themselves the names of Bishops: And this was a second knot on Christian
Liberty. Lastly, the Bishop of Rome, in regard of the Imperiall City,
took upon him an Authority (partly by the wills of the Emperours
themselves, and by the title of Pontifex Maximus, and at last when the
Emperours were grown weak, by the priviledges of St. Peter) over all
other Bishops of the Empire: Which was the third and last knot, and the
whole Synthesis and Construction of the Pontificall Power.

And therefore the Analysis, or Resolution is by the same way; but
beginning with the knot that was last tyed; as wee may see in the
dissolution of the praeterpoliticall Church Government in England.

First, the Power of the Popes was dissolved totally by Queen Elizabeth;
and the Bishops, who before exercised their Functions in Right of the
Pope, did afterwards exercise the same in Right of the Queen and her
Successours; though by retaining the phrase of Jure Divino, they were
thought to demand it by immediate Right from God: And so was untyed the
first knot. After this, the Presbyterians lately in England obtained the
putting down of Episcopacy: And so was the second knot dissolved:
And almost at the same time, the Power was taken also from the
Presbyterians: And so we are reduced to the Independency of the
Primitive Christians to follow Paul, or Cephas, or Apollos, every man
as he liketh best: Which, if it be without contention, and without
measuring the Doctrine of Christ, by our affection to the Person of his
Minister, (the fault which the Apostle reprehended in the Corinthians,)
is perhaps the best: First, because there ought to be no Power over the
Consciences of men, but of the Word it selfe, working Faith in every
one, not alwayes according to the purpose of them that Plant and Water,
but of God himself, that giveth the Increase: and secondly, because it
is unreasonable in them, who teach there is such danger in every little
Errour, to require of a man endued with Reason of his own, to follow the
Reason of any other man, or of the most voices of many other men; Which
is little better, then to venture his Salvation at crosse and pile. Nor
ought those Teachers to be displeased with this losse of their antient
Authority: For there is none should know better then they, that power is
preserved by the same Vertues by which it is acquired; that is to
say, by Wisdome, Humility, Clearnesse of Doctrine, and sincerity of
Conversation; and not by suppression of the Naturall Sciences, and
of the Morality of Naturall Reason; nor by obscure Language; nor by
Arrogating to themselves more Knowledge than they make appear; nor by
Pious Frauds; nor by such other faults, as in the Pastors of Gods Church
are not only Faults, but also scandalls, apt to make men stumble one
time or other upon the suppression of their Authority.




Comparison Of The Papacy With The Kingdome Of Fayries

But after this Doctrine, "that the Church now Militant, is the Kingdome
of God spoken of in the Old and New Testament," was received in
the World; the ambition, and canvasing for the Offices that belong
thereunto, and especially for that great Office of being Christs
Lieutenant, and the Pompe of them that obtained therein the principal
Publique Charges, became by degrees so evident, that they lost the
inward Reverence due to the Pastorall Function: in so much as the Wisest
men, of them that had any power in the Civill State, needed nothing but
the authority of their Princes, to deny them any further Obedience. For,
from the time that the Bishop of Rome had gotten to be acknowledged for
Bishop Universall, by pretence of Succession to St. Peter, their whole
Hierarchy, or Kingdome of Darknesse, may be compared not unfitly to
the Kingdome of Fairies; that is, to the old wives Fables in England,
concerning Ghosts and Spirits, and the feats they play in the night. And
if a man consider the originall of this great Ecclesiasticall Dominion,
he will easily perceive, that the Papacy, is no other, than the Ghost of
the deceased Romane Empire, sitting crowned upon the grave thereof: For
so did the Papacy start up on a Sudden out of the Ruines of that Heathen
Power.

The Language also, which they use, both in the Churches, and in their
Publique Acts, being Latine, which is not commonly used by any Nation
now in the world, what is it but the Ghost of the Old Romane Language.

The Fairies in what Nation soever they converse, have but one Universall
King, which some Poets of ours call King Oberon; but the Scripture calls
Beelzebub, Prince of Daemons. The Ecclesiastiques likewise, in whose
Dominions soever they be found, acknowledge but one Universall King, the
Pope.

The Ecclesiastiques are Spirituall men, and Ghostly Fathers. The
Fairies are Spirits, and Ghosts. Fairies and Ghosts inhabite Darknesse,
Solitudes, and Graves. The Ecclesiastiques walke in Obscurity of
Doctrine, in Monasteries, Churches, and Churchyards.

The Ecclesiastiques have their Cathedral Churches; which, in what Towne
soever they be erected, by vertue of Holy Water, and certain Charmes
called Exorcismes, have the power to make those Townes, cities, that is
to say, Seats of Empire. The Fairies also have their enchanted Castles,
and certain Gigantique Ghosts, that domineer over the Regions round
about them.

The fairies are not to be seized on; and brought to answer for the hurt
they do. So also the Ecclesiastiques vanish away from the Tribunals of
Civill Justice.

The Ecclesiastiques take from young men, the use of Reason, by certain
Charms compounded of Metaphysiques, and Miracles, and Traditions, and
Abused Scripture, whereby they are good for nothing else, but to execute
what they command them. The Fairies likewise are said to take young
Children out of their Cradles, and to change them into Naturall Fools,
which Common people do therefore call Elves, and are apt to mischief.

In what Shop, or Operatory the Fairies make their Enchantment, the old
Wives have not determined. But the Operatories of the Clergy, are well
enough known to be the Universities, that received their Discipline from
Authority Pontificall.

When the Fairies are displeased with any body, they are said to
send their Elves, to pinch them. The Ecclesiastiques, when they are
displeased with any Civill State, make also their Elves, that is,
Superstitious, Enchanted Subjects, to pinch their Princes, by preaching
Sedition; or one Prince enchanted with promises, to pinch another.

The Fairies marry not; but there be amongst them Incubi, that have
copulation with flesh and bloud. The Priests also marry not.

The Ecclesiastiques take the Cream of the Land, by Donations of ignorant
men, that stand in aw of them, and by Tythes: So also it is in the Fable
of Fairies, that they enter into the Dairies, and Feast upon the Cream,
which they skim from the Milk.

What kind of Money is currant in the Kingdome of Fairies, is not
recorded in the Story. But the Ecclesiastiques in their Receipts accept
of the same Money that we doe; though when they are to make any Payment,
it is in Canonizations, Indulgences, and Masses.

To this, and such like resemblances between the Papacy, and the Kingdome
of Fairies, may be added this, that as the Fairies have no existence,
but in the Fancies of ignorant people, rising from the Traditions of old
Wives, or old Poets: so the Spirituall Power of the Pope (without the
bounds of his own Civill Dominion) consisteth onely in the Fear that
Seduced people stand in, of their Excommunication; upon hearing of false
Miracles, false Traditions, and false Interpretations of the Scripture.

It was not therefore a very difficult matter, for Henry 8. by his
Exorcisme; nor for Qu. Elizabeth by hers, to cast them out. But who
knows that this Spirit of Rome, now gone out, and walking by Missions
through the dry places of China, Japan, and the Indies, that yeeld him
little fruit, may not return, or rather an Assembly of Spirits worse
than he, enter, and inhabite this clean swept house, and make the End
thereof worse than the beginning? For it is not the Romane Clergy onely,
that pretends the Kingdome of God to be of this World, and thereby to
have a Power therein, distinct from that of the Civill State. And
this is all I had a designe to say, concerning the Doctrine of the
POLITIQUES. Which when I have reviewed, I shall willingly expose it to
the censure of my Countrey.




A REVIEW, AND CONCLUSION


From the contrariety of some of the Naturall Faculties of the Mind, one
to another, as also of one Passion to another, and from their reference
to Conversation, there has been an argument taken, to inferre an
impossibility that any one man should be sufficiently disposed to all
sorts of Civill duty. The Severity of Judgment, they say, makes men
Censorious, and unapt to pardon the Errours and Infirmities of other
men: and on the other side, Celerity of Fancy, makes the thoughts lesse
steddy than is necessary, to discern exactly between Right and Wrong.
Again, in all Deliberations, and in all Pleadings, the faculty of solid
Reasoning, is necessary: for without it, the Resolutions of men are
rash, and their Sentences unjust: and yet if there be not powerfull
Eloquence, which procureth attention and Consent, the effect of Reason
will be little. But these are contrary Faculties; the former being
grounded upon principles of Truth; the other upon Opinions already
received, true, or false; and upon the Passions and Interests of men,
which are different, and mutable.

And amongst the Passions, Courage, (by which I mean the Contempt of
Wounds, and violent Death) enclineth men to private Revenges, and
sometimes to endeavour the unsetling of the Publique Peace; And
Timorousnesse, many times disposeth to the desertion of the Publique
Defence. Both these they say cannot stand together in the same person.

And to consider the contrariety of mens Opinions, and Manners in
generall, It is they say, impossible to entertain a constant Civill
Amity with all those, with whom the Businesse of the world constrains
us to converse: Which Businesse consisteth almost in nothing else but a
perpetuall contention for Honor, Riches, and Authority.

To which I answer, that these are indeed great difficulties, but not
Impossibilities: For by Education, and Discipline, they may bee, and
are sometimes reconciled. Judgment, and Fancy may have place in the
same man; but by turnes; as the end which he aimeth at requireth. As the
Israelites in Egypt, were sometimes fastened to their labour of making
Bricks, and other times were ranging abroad to gather Straw: So also may
the Judgment sometimes be fixed upon one certain Consideration, and
the Fancy at another time wandring about the world. So also Reason,
and Eloquence, (though not perhaps in the Naturall Sciences, yet in the
Morall) may stand very well together. For wheresoever there is place for
adorning and preferring of Errour, there is much more place for adorning
and preferring of Truth, if they have it to adorn. Nor is there any
repugnancy between fearing the Laws, and not fearing a publique Enemy;
nor between abstaining from Injury, and pardoning it in others. There is
therefore no such Inconsistence of Humane Nature, with Civill Duties,
as some think. I have known cleernesse of Judgment, and largenesse of
Fancy; strength of Reason, and gracefull Elocution; a Courage for the
Warre, and a Fear for the Laws, and all eminently in one man; and that
was my most noble and honored friend Mr. Sidney Godolphin; who hating no
man, nor hated of any, was unfortunately slain in the beginning of the
late Civill warre, in the Publique quarrel, by an indiscerned, and an
undiscerning hand.

To the Laws of Nature, declared in the 15. Chapter, I would have this
added, "That every man is bound by Nature, as much as in him lieth, to
protect in Warre, the Authority, by which he is himself protected in
time of Peace. " For he that pretendeth a Right of Nature to preserve
his owne body, cannot pretend a Right of Nature to destroy him, by whose
strength he is preserved: It is a manifest contradiction of himselfe.
And though this Law may bee drawn by consequence, from some of those
that are there already mentioned; yet the Times require to have it
inculcated, and remembred.

And because I find by divers English Books lately printed, that the
Civill warres have not yet sufficiently taught men, in what point of
time it is, that a Subject becomes obliged to the Conquerour; nor what
is Conquest; nor how it comes about, that it obliges men to obey his
Laws: Therefore for farther satisfaction of men therein, I say, the
point of time, wherein a man becomes subject of a Conquerour, is that
point, wherein having liberty to submit to him, he consenteth, either by
expresse words, or by other sufficient sign, to be his Subject. When it
is that a man hath the liberty to submit, I have showed before in the
end of the 21. Chapter; namely, that for him that hath no obligation to
his former Soveraign but that of an ordinary Subject, it is then, when
the means of his life is within the Guards and Garrisons of the Enemy;
for it is then, that he hath no longer Protection from him, but is
protected by the adverse party for his Contribution. Seeing
therefore such contribution is every where, as a thing inevitable,
(notwithstanding it be an assistance to the Enemy,) esteemed lawfull;
as totall Submission, which is but an assistance to the Enemy, cannot
be esteemed unlawfull. Besides, if a man consider that they who submit,
assist the Enemy but with part of their estates, whereas they that
refuse, assist him with the whole, there is no reason to call their
Submission, or Composition an Assistance; but rather a Detriment to the
Enemy. But if a man, besides the obligation of a Subject, hath taken
upon him a new obligation of a Souldier, then he hath not the liberty
to submit to a new Power, as long as the old one keeps the field, and
giveth him means of subsistence, either in his Armies, or Garrisons:
for in this case, he cannot complain of want of Protection, and means to
live as a Souldier: But when that also failes, a Souldier also may seek
his Protection wheresoever he has most hope to have it; and may lawfully
submit himself to his new Master. And so much for the Time when he may
do it lawfully, if hee will. If therefore he doe it, he is undoubtedly
bound to be a true Subject: For a Contract lawfully made, cannot
lawfully be broken.

By this also a man may understand, when it is, that men may be said to
be Conquered; and in what the nature of Conquest, and the Right of a
Conquerour consisteth: For this Submission is it implyeth them all.
Conquest, is not the Victory it self; but the Acquisition by Victory,
of a Right, over the persons of men. He therefore that is slain, is
Overcome, but not Conquered; He that is taken, and put into prison, or
chaines, is not Conquered, though Overcome; for he is still an Enemy,
and may save himself if hee can: But he that upon promise of Obedience,
hath his Life and Liberty allowed him, is then Conquered, and a Subject;
and not before. The Romanes used to say, that their Generall had
Pacified such a Province, that is to say, in English, Conquered it; and
that the Countrey was Pacified by Victory, when the people of it
had promised Imperata Facere, that is, To Doe What The Romane People
Commanded Them: this was to be Conquered. But this promise may be either
expresse, or tacite: Expresse, by Promise: Tacite, by other signes. As
for example, a man that hath not been called to make such an expresse
Promise, (because he is one whose power perhaps is not considerable;)
yet if he live under their Protection openly, hee is understood to
submit himselfe to the Government: But if he live there secretly, he is
lyable to any thing that may bee done to a Spie, and Enemy of the State.
I say not, hee does any Injustice, (for acts of open Hostility bear not
that name); but that he may be justly put to death. Likewise, if a man,
when his Country is conquered, be out of it, he is not Conquered, nor
Subject: but if at his return, he submit to the Government, he is bound
to obey it. So that Conquest (to define it) is the Acquiring of the
Right of Soveraignty by Victory. Which Right, is acquired, in the
peoples Submission, by which they contract with the Victor, promising
Obedience, for Life and Liberty.

In the 29th Chapter I have set down for one of the causes of the
Dissolutions of Common-wealths, their Imperfect Generation, consisting
in the want of an Absolute and Arbitrary Legislative Power; for want
whereof, the Civill Soveraign is fain to handle the Sword of Justice
unconstantly, and as if it were too hot for him to hold: One reason
whereof (which I have not there mentioned) is this, That they will all
of them justifie the War, by which their Power was at first gotten,
and whereon (as they think) their Right dependeth, and not on the
Possession. As if, for example, the Right of the Kings of England did
depend on the goodnesse of the cause of William the Conquerour, and upon
their lineall, and directest Descent from him; by which means, there
would perhaps be no tie of the Subjects obedience to their Soveraign
at this day in all the world: wherein whilest they needlessely think to
justifie themselves, they justifie all the successefull Rebellions that
Ambition shall at any time raise against them, and their Successors.
Therefore I put down for one of the most effectuall seeds of the Death
of any State, that the Conquerours require not onely a Submission of
mens actions to them for the future, but also an Approbation of all
their actions past; when there is scarce a Common-wealth in the world,
whose beginnings can in conscience be justified.

And because the name of Tyranny, signifieth nothing more, nor lesse,
than the name of Soveraignty, be it in one, or many men, saving that
they that use the former word, are understood to bee angry with them
they call Tyrants; I think the toleration of a professed hatred of
Tyranny, is a Toleration of hatred to Common-wealth in general, and
another evill seed, not differing much from the former. For to the
Justification of the Cause of a Conqueror, the Reproach of the Cause
of the Conquered, is for the most part necessary: but neither of them
necessary for the Obligation of the Conquered. And thus much I have
thought fit to say upon the Review of the first and second part of this
Discourse.

In the 35th Chapter, I have sufficiently declared out of the Scripture,
that in the Common-wealth of the Jewes, God himselfe was made the
Soveraign, by Pact with the People; who were therefore called his
Peculiar People, to distinguish them from the rest of the world, over
whom God reigned not by their Consent, but by his own Power: And that
in this Kingdome Moses was Gods Lieutenant on Earth; and that it was he
that told them what Laws God appointed to doe Execution; especially
in Capitall Punishments; not then thinking it a matter of so necessary
consideration, as I find it since. Wee know that generally in all
Common-wealths, the Execution of Corporeall Punishments, was either put
upon the Guards, or other Souldiers of the Soveraign Power; or given
to those, in whom want of means, contempt of honour, and hardnesse of
heart, concurred, to make them sue for such an Office. But amongst the
Israelites it was a Positive Law of God their Soveraign, that he that
was convicted of a capitall Crime, should be stoned to death by the
People; and that the Witnesses should cast the first Stone, and after
the Witnesses, then the rest of the People. This was a Law that designed
who were to be the Executioners; but not that any one should throw a
Stone at him before Conviction and Sentence, where the Congregation
was Judge. The Witnesses were neverthelesse to be heard before they
proceeded to Execution, unlesse the Fact were committed in the presence
of the Congregation it self, or in sight of the lawfull Judges; for
then there needed no other Witnesses but the Judges themselves.
Neverthelesse, this manner of proceeding being not throughly understood,
hath given occasion to a dangerous opinion, that any man may kill
another, is some cases, by a Right of Zeal; as if the Executions done
upon Offenders in the Kingdome of God in old time, proceeded not from
the Soveraign Command, but from the Authority of Private Zeal: which, if
we consider the texts that seem to favour it, is quite contrary.

First, where the Levites fell upon the People, that had made and
worshipped the Golden Calfe, and slew three thousand of them; it was by
the Commandement of Moses, from the mouth of God; as is manifest, Exod.
32. 27. And when the Son of a woman of Israel had blasphemed God, they
that heard it, did not kill him, but brought him before Moses, who
put him under custody, till God should give Sentence against him; as
appears, Levit. 25. 11, 12. Again, (Numbers 25. 6, 7. ) when Phinehas
killed Zimri and Cosbi, it was not by right of Private Zeale: Their
Crime was committed in the sight of the Assembly; there needed
no Witnesse; the Law was known, and he the heir apparent to the
Soveraignty; and which is the principall point, the Lawfulnesse of his
Act depended wholly upon a subsequent Ratification by Moses, whereof he
had no cause to doubt. And this Presumption of a future Ratification, is
sometimes necessary to the safety [of] a Common-wealth; as in a sudden
Rebellion, any man that can suppresse it by his own Power in the
Countrey where it begins, may lawfully doe it, and provide to have it
Ratified, or Pardoned, whilest it is in doing, or after it is done. Also
Numb. 35. 30. it is expressely said, "Whosoever shall kill the Murtherer,
shall kill him upon the word of Witnesses:" but Witnesses suppose
a formall Judicature, and consequently condemn that pretence of Jus
Zelotarum. The Law of Moses concerning him that enticeth to Idolatry,
(that is to say, in the Kingdome of God to a renouncing of his
Allegiance) (Deut. 13. 8. ) forbids to conceal him, and commands the
Accuser to cause him to be put to death, and to cast the first stone at
him; but not to kill him before he be Condemned. And (Deut. 17. ver. 4,
5, 6. ) the Processe against Idolatry is exactly set down: For God there
speaketh to the People, as Judge, and commandeth them, when a man is
Accused of Idolatry, to Enquire diligently of the Fact, and finding it
true, then to Stone him; but still the hand of the Witnesse throweth
the first stone. This is not Private Zeal, but Publique Condemnation. In
like manner when a Father hath a rebellious Son, the Law is (Deut. 21.
18. ) that he shall bring him before the Judges of the Town, and all the
people of the Town shall Stone him. Lastly, by pretence of these Laws
it was, that St. Steven was Stoned, and not by pretence of Private Zeal:
for before hee was carried away to Execution, he had Pleaded his Cause
before the High Priest. There is nothing in all this, nor in any other
part of the Bible, to countenance Executions by Private Zeal; which
being oftentimes but a conjunction of Ignorance and Passion, is against
both the Justice and Peace of a Common-wealth.

In the 36th Chapter I have said, that it is not declared in what
manner God spake supernaturally to Moses: Not that he spake not to him
sometimes by Dreams and Visions, and by a supernaturall Voice, as
to other Prophets: For the manner how he spake unto him from the
Mercy-seat, is expressely set down (Numbers 7. 89. ) in these words,
"From that time forward, when Moses entred into the Tabernacle of the
Congregation to speak with God, he heard a Voice which spake unto him
from over the Mercy-Seate, which is over the Arke of the Testimony, from
between the Cherubins he spake unto him. " But it is not declared in
what consisted the praeeminence of the manner of Gods speaking to Moses,
above that of his speaking to other Prophets, as to Samuel, and to
Abraham, to whom he also spake by a Voice, (that is, by Vision) Unlesse
the difference consist in the cleernesse of the Vision. For Face
to Face, and Mouth to Mouth, cannot be literally understood of the
Infinitenesse, and Incomprehensibility of the Divine Nature.

And as to the whole Doctrine, I see not yet, but the principles of
it are true and proper; and the Ratiocination solid. For I ground the
Civill Right of Soveraigns, and both the Duty and Liberty of Subjects,
upon the known naturall Inclinations of Mankind, and upon the Articles
of the Law of Nature; of which no man, that pretends but reason enough
to govern his private family, ought to be ignorant. And for the Power
Ecclesiasticall of the same Soveraigns, I ground it on such Texts, as
are both evident in themselves, and consonant to the Scope of the whole
Scripture. And therefore am perswaded, that he that shall read it with
a purpose onely to be informed, shall be informed by it. But for those
that by Writing, or Publique Discourse, or by their eminent actions,
have already engaged themselves to the maintaining of contrary opinions,
they will not bee so easily satisfied. For in such cases, it is naturall
for men, at one and the same time, both to proceed in reading, and to
lose their attention, in the search of objections to that they had read
before: Of which, in a time wherein the interests of men are changed
(seeing much of that Doctrine, which serveth to the establishing of a
new Government, must needs be contrary to that which conduced to the
dissolution of the old,) there cannot choose but be very many.

In that part which treateth of a Christian Common-wealth, there are
some new Doctrines, which, it may be, in a State where the contrary were
already fully determined, were a fault for a Subject without leave to
divulge, as being an usurpation of the place of a Teacher. But in this
time, that men call not onely for Peace, but also for Truth, to offer
such Doctrines as I think True, and that manifestly tend to Peace and
Loyalty, to the consideration of those that are yet in deliberation, is
no more, but to offer New Wine, to bee put into New Cask, that bothe may
be preserved together. And I suppose, that then, when Novelty can breed
no trouble, nor disorder in a State, men are not generally so much
inclined to the reverence of Antiquity, as to preferre Ancient Errors,
before New and well proved Truth.

There is nothing I distrust more than my Elocution; which neverthelesse
I am confident (excepting the Mischances of the Presse) is not obscure.
That I have neglected the Ornament of quoting ancient Poets, Orators,
and Philosophers, contrary to the custome of late time, (whether I have
done well or ill in it,) proceedeth from my judgment, grounded on many
reasons. For first, all Truth of Doctrine dependeth either upon Reason,
or upon Scripture; both which give credit to many, but never receive it
from any Writer. Secondly, the matters in question are not of Fact, but
of Right, wherein there is no place for Witnesses. There is scarce any
of those old Writers, that contradicteth not sometimes both himself,
and others; which makes their Testimonies insufficient. Fourthly,
such Opinions as are taken onely upon Credit of Antiquity, are not
intrinsically the Judgment of those that cite them, but Words that
passe (like gaping) from mouth to mouth. Fiftly, it is many times with a
fraudulent Designe that men stick their corrupt Doctrine with the Cloves
of other mens Wit. Sixtly, I find not that the Ancients they cite, took
it for an Ornament, to doe the like with those that wrote before them.
Seventhly, it is an argument of Indigestion, when Greek and Latine
Sentences unchewed come up again, as they use to doe, unchanged. Lastly,
though I reverence those men of Ancient time, that either have written
Truth perspicuously, or set us in a better way to find it out our
selves; yet to the Antiquity it self I think nothing due: For if we will
reverence the Age, the Present is the Oldest. If the Antiquity of the
Writer, I am not sure, that generally they to whom such honor is given,
were more Ancient when they wrote, than I am that am Writing: But if it
bee well considered, the praise of Ancient Authors, proceeds not from
the reverence of the Dead, but from the competition, and mutuall envy of
the Living.

To conclude, there is nothing in this whole Discourse, nor in that I
writ before of the same Subject in Latine, as far as I can perceive,
contrary either to the Word of God, or to good Manners; or to the
disturbance of the Publique Tranquillity. Therefore I think it may be
profitably printed, and more profitably taught in the Universities, in
case they also think so, to whom the judgment of the same belongeth.
For seeing the Universities are the Fountains of Civill, and Morall
Doctrine, from whence the Preachers, and the Gentry, drawing such water
as they find, use to sprinkle the same (both from the Pulpit, and in
their Conversation) upon the People, there ought certainly to be
great care taken, to have it pure, both from the Venime of Heathen
Politicians, and from the Incantation of Deceiving Spirits. And by that
means the most men, knowing their Duties, will be the less subject to
serve the Ambition of a few discontented persons, in their purposes
against the State; and be the lesse grieved with the Contributions
necessary for their Peace, and Defence; and the Governours themselves
have the lesse cause, to maintain at the Common charge any greater
Army, than is necessary to make good the Publique Liberty, against the
Invasions and Encroachments of forraign Enemies.

And thus I have brought to an end my Discourse of Civill and
Ecclesiasticall Government, occasioned by the disorders of the present
time, without partiality, without application, and without other
designe, than to set before mens eyes the mutuall Relation between
Protection and Obedience; of which the condition of Humane Nature, and
the Laws Divine, (both Naturall and Positive) require an inviolable
observation. And though in the revolution of States, there can be no
very good Constellation for Truths of this nature to be born under, (as
having an angry aspect from the dissolvers of an old Government, and
seeing but the backs of them that erect a new;) yet I cannot think
it will be condemned at this time, either by the Publique Judge of
Doctrine, or by any that desires the continuance of Publique Peace.
And
in this hope I return to my interrupted Speculation of Bodies Naturall;
wherein, (if God give me health to finish it,) I hope the Novelty will
as much please, as in the Doctrine of this Artificiall Body it useth to
offend. For such Truth, as opposeth no man profit, nor pleasure, is to
all men welcome.