No More Learning

]

[Footnote 415: See a Full and True Account of the Death of George Lord
Jeffreys, licensed on the day of his death. The wretched Le Noble was
never weary of repeating that Jeffreys was poisoned by the usurper.
I will give a short passage as a specimen of the calumnies of which
William was the object. "Il envoya," says Pasquin "ce fin ragout de
champignons au Chancelier Jeffreys, prisonnier dans la Tour, qui les
trouva du meme goust, et du mmee assaisonnement que furent les derniers
dont Agrippine regala le bon-homme Claudius son epoux, et que Neron
appella depuis la viande des Dieux. " Marforio asks: "Le Chancelier est
donc mort dans la Tour? " Pasquin answers: "Il estoit trop fidele a son
Roi legitime, et trop habile dans les loix du royaume, pour echapper a
l'Usurpateur qu'il ne vouloit point reconnoistre. Guillemot prit soin de
faire publier que ce malheureux prisonnier estoit attaque du'ne fievre
maligne; mais, a parler franchement, i1 vivroit peutestre encore s'il
n'avoit rien mange que de la main de ses anciens cuisiniers. "--Le Festin
de Guillemot, 1689. Dangeau (May q. ) mentions a report that Jeffreys had
poisoned himself. ]

[Footnote 416: Among the numerous pieces in which the malecontent Whigs
vented their anger, none is more curious than the poem entitled the
Ghost of Charles the Second. Charles addresses William thus:

"Hail my blest nephew, whom the fates ordain
To fill the measure of the Stuart's reign,
That all the ills by our whole race designed
In thee their full accomplishment might find
'Tis thou that art decreed this point to clear,
Which we have laboured for these fourscore year. "]

[Footnote 417: Grey's Debates, June 12 1689. ]

[Footnote 418: See Commons' Journals, and Grey's Debates, June 1. 3. and
4. 1689; Life of William, 1704. ]

[Footnote 419: Barnet MS. Harl. 6584. ; Avaux to De Croissy, June 16/26
1689. ]

[Footnote 420: As to the minutes of the Privy Council, see the Commons'
Journals of June 22. and 28. , and of July 3. 5. 13. and 16. ]

[Footnote 421: The letter of Halifax to Lady Russell is dated on the 23d
of July 1689, about a fortnight after the attack on him in the Lords,
and about a week before the attack on him in the Commons. ]

[Footnote 422: See the Lords' Journals of July 10. 1689, and a letter
from London dated July 11/21, and transmitted by Croissy to Avaux. Don
Pedro de Ronquillo mentions this attack of the Whig Lords on Halifax in
a despatch of which I cannot make out the date. ]

[Footnote 423: This was on Saturday the 3d of August. As the division
was in Committee, the numbers do not appear in the journals. Clarendon,
in his Diary, says that the majority was eleven. But Narcissus Luttrell,
Oldmixon, and Tindal agree in putting it at fourteen. Most of the little
information which I have been able to find about the debate is contained
in a despatch of Don Pedro de Ronquillo. "Se resolvio" he says, "que el
sabado, en comity de toda la casa, se tratasse del estado de la nation
para representarle al Rey. Emperose por acusar al Marques de Olifax;
y reconociendo sus emulos que no tenian partido bastante, quisieron
remitir para otro dia esta motion: pero el Conde de Elan, primogenito
del Marques de Olifax, miembro de la casa, les dijo que su padre no era
hombre para andar peloteando con el, y que se tubiesse culpa lo acabasen
de castigar, que el no havia menester estar en la corte para portarse
conforme a su estado, pues Dios le havia dado abundamente para poderlo
hazer; conque por pluralidad de votes vencio su partido. " I suspect
that Lord Eland meant to sneer at the poverty of some of his father's
persecutors, and at the greediness of others. ]

[Footnote 424: This change of feeling, immediately following the debate
on the motion for removing Halifax, is noticed by Ronquillo,]

[Footnote 425: As to Ruvigny, see Saint Simon's Memoirs of the year
1697: Burnet, i. 366. There is some interesting information about
Ruvigny and about the Huguenot regiments in a narrative written by
a French refugee of the name of Dumont. This narrative, which is in
manuscript, and which I shall occasionally quote as the Dumont MS. , was
kindly lent to me by the Dean of Ossory. ]

[Footnote 426: See the Abrege de la Vie de Frederic Duc de Schomberg by
Lunancy, 1690, the Memoirs of Count Dohna, and the note of Saint Simon
on Dangeau's Journal, July 30, 1690. ]

[Footnote 427: See the Commons' Journals of July 16. 1689, and of July
1. 1814. ]

[Footnote 428: Journals of the Lords and Commons, Aug. 20. 1689; London
Gazette, Aug, 22. ]

[Footnote 429: "J'estois d'avis qu', apres que la descente seroit faite,
si on apprenoit que des Protestans se fassent soulevez en quelques
endroits du royaume, on fit main basse sur tous generalement. "--Avaux,
July 31/Aug 10 1689. ]

[Footnote 430: "Le Roy d'Angleterre m'avoit ecoute assez paisiblement la
première fois que je luy avois propose ce qu'il y avoit a faire contre
les Protestans. "--Avaux, Aug. 4/14]

[Footnote 431: Avaux, Aug. 4/14. He says, "Je m'imagine qu'il est
persuade que, quoiqu'il ne donne point d'ordre sur cela, la plupart des
Catholiques de la campagne se jetteront sur les Protestans. "]

[Footnote 432: Lewis, Aug 27/Sept 6, reprimanded Avaux, though much
too gently, for proposing to butcher the whole Protestant population
of Leinster, Connaught, and Munster. "Je n'approuve pas cependant la
proposition que vous faites de faire main basse sur tous les Protestans
du royaume, du moment qu', en quelque endroit que ce soit, ils se seront
soulevez: et, outre que la punition du'ne infinite d'innocens pour peu
de coupables ne seroit pas juste, d'ailleurs les represailles contre
les Catholiques seroient d'autant plus dangereuses, que les premiers se
trouveront mieux armez et soutenus de toutes les forces d'Angleterre. "]

[Footnote 433: Ronquillo, Aug. 9/19 speaking of the siege of
Londonderry, expresses his astonishment "que una plaza sin fortification
y sin genies de guerra aya hecho una defensa tan gloriosa, y que los
sitiadores al contrario ayan sido tan poltrones. "]

[Footnote 434: This account of the Irish army is compiled from numerous
letters written by Avaux to Lewis and to Lewis's ministers. I will quote
a few of the most remarkable passages. "Les plus beaux hommes," Avaux
says of the Irish, "qu'on peut voir. Il n'y en a presque point au
dessous de cinq pieds cinq a six pouces. " It will be remembered that the
French foot is longer than ours. "Ils sont tres bien faits: mais; il ne
sont ny disciplinez ny armez, et de surplus sont de grands voleurs. "
"La plupart de ces regimens sont levez par des gentilshommes qui
n'ont jamais este á l'armee. Ce sont des tailleurs, des bouchers,
des cordonniers, qui ont forme les compagnies et qui en sont les
Capitaines. " "Jamais troupes n'ont marche comme font celles-cy. Ils
vent comme des bandits, et pillent tout ce qu'ils trouvent en chemin. "
"Quoiqu'il soit vrai que les soldats paroissent fort resolus a bien
faire, et qu'ils soient fort animez contre les rebelles, neantmoins il
ne suffit pas de cela pour combattre. . . . . Les officiers subalternes sont
mauvais, et, a la reserve d'un tres peut nombre, il n'y en a point qui
ayt soin des soldats, des armes, et de la discipline. " "On a beaucoup
plus de confiance en la cavalerie, dont la plus grande partie est
assez bonne. " Avaux mentions several regiments of horse with particular
praise. Of two of these he says, "On ne peut voir de meilleur regiment. "
The correctness of the opinion which he had formed both of the infantry
and of the cavalry was, after his departure from Ireland, signally
proved at the Boyne. ]

[Footnote 435: I will quote a passage or two from the despatches written
at this time by Avaux. On September 7/17. he says: "De quelque coste
qu'on se tournat, on ne pouvoir rien prevoir que de desagreable. Mais
dans cette extremite chacun s'est evertue. Les officiers ont fait leurs
recrues avec beaucoup de diligence. " Three days later he says: "Il y a
quinze jours que nous n'esperions guare de pouvoir mettre les choses en
si bon estat mais my Lord Tyrconnel et tous les Irlandais ont travaille
avec tant d'empressement qu'on s'est mis en estat de deffense. "]

[Footnote 436: Avaux, Aug 25/Sep 4 Aug 26/Sep 5; Life of James, ii.
373. ; Melfort's vindication of himself among the Nairne Papers. Avaux
says: "Il pourra partir ce soir a la nuit: car je vois bien qu'il
apprehende qu'il ne sera pas sur pour luy de partir en plein jour. "]

[Footnote 437: Story's Impartial History of the Wars of Ireland, 1693;
Life of James, ii. 374; Avaux, Sept. 7/17 1689; Nihell's journal,
printed in 1689, and reprinted by Macpherson. ]

[Footnote 438: Story's Impartial History. ]

[Footnote 439: Ibid. ]

[Footnote 440: Avaux, Sep. 10/20. 1689; Story's Impartial History; Life
of James, ii. 377, 378 Orig. Mem. Story and James agree in estimating
the Irish army at about twenty thousand men. See also Dangeau, Oct. 28.
1689. ]

[Footnote 441: Life of James, ii. 377, 378. Orig. Mem. ]

[Footnote 442: See Grey's Debates, Nov. 26, 27, 28. 1689, and the
Dialogue between a Lord Lieutenant and one of his deputies, 1692. ]

[Footnote 443: Nihell's Journal. A French officer, in a letter to Avaux,
written soon after Schomberg's landing, says, "Les Huguenots font plus
de mal que les Anglois, et tuent force Catholiques pour avoir fait
resistance. "]

[Footnote 444: Story; Narrative transmitted by Avaux to Seignelay, Nov
26/Dec 6 1689 London Gazette, Oct. 14. 1689. It is curious that, though
Dumont was in the camp before Dundalk, there is in his MS. no mention of
the conspiracy among the French. ]

[Footnote 445: Story's Impartial History; Dumont MS. The profaneness
and dissoluteness of the camp during the sickness are mentioned in
many contemporary pamphlets both in verse and prose. See particularly a
Satire entitled Reformation of Manners, part ii. ]

[Footnote 446: Story's Impartial History. ]

[Footnote 447: Avaux, Oct. 11/21. Nov. 14/24 1689; Story's Impartial
History; Life of James, ii. 382, 383. Orig. Mem. ; Nihell's Journal. ]

[Footnote 448: Story's Impartial History; Schomberg's Despatches;
Nihell's Journal, and James's Life; Burnet, ii. 20. ; Dangeau's journal
during this autumn; the Narrative sent by Avaux to Seignelay, and the
Dumont MS. The lying of the London Gazette is monstrous. Through the
whole autumn the troops are constantly said to be in good condition.
In the absurd drama entitled the Royal Voyage, which was acted for the
amusement of the rabble of London in 1689, the Irish are represented as
attacking some of the sick English. The English put the assailants to
the rout, and then drop down dead. ]

[Footnote 449: See his despatches in the appendix to Dalrymple's
Memoirs. ]

[Footnote 450: London Gazette; May 20 1689. ]

[Footnote 451: Commons' Journals, Nov. 13, 23. 1689; Grey's Debates,
Nov. 13. 14. 18. 23. 1689. See, among numerous pasquinades, the Parable
of the Bearbaiting, Reformation of Manners, a Satire, the Mock Mourners,
a Satire. See also Pepys's Diary kept at Tangier, Oct. 15. 1683. ]

[Footnote 452: The best account of these negotiations will be found in
Wagenaar, lxi. He had access to Witsen's papers, and has quoted largely
from them. It was Witsen who signed in violent agitation, "zo als" he
says, "myne beevende hand getuigen kan. " The treaties will be found in
Dumont's Corps Diplomatique. They were signed in August 1689. ]

[Footnote 453: The treaty between the Emperor and the States General is
dated May 12. 1689. It will be found in Dumont's Corps Diplomatique. ]

[Footnote 454: See the despatch of Waldeck in the London Gazette, Aug.
26, 1689; historical Records of the First Regiment of Foot; Dangeau,
Aug. 28. ; Monthly Mercury, September 1689. ]

[Footnote 455: See the Dear Bargain, a Jacobite pamphlet clandestinely
printed in 1690. "I have not patience," says the writer, "after
this wretch (Marlborough) to mention any other. All are innocent
comparatively, even Kirke himself. "]

[Footnote 456: See the Mercuries for September 1689, and the four
following months. See also Welwood's Mercurius Reformatus of Sept. 18.
Sept. 25. and Oct. 8. 1689. Melfort's Instructions, and his memorials to
the Pope and the Cardinal of Este, are among the Nairne Papers; and some
extracts have been printed by Macpherson. ]

[Footnote 457: See the Answer of a Nonjuror to the Bishop of Sarum's
challenge in the Appendix to the Life of Kettlewell. Among the Tanner
MSS. in the Bodleian Library is a paper which, as Sancroft thought it
worth preserving, I venture to quote. The writer, a strong nonjuror,
after trying to evade, by many pitiable shifts the argument drawn by
a more compliant divine from the practice of the primitive Church,
proceeds thus: "Suppose the primitive Christians all along, from the
time of the very Apostles, had been as regardless of their oaths by
former princes as he suggests will he therefore say that their practice
is to be a rule? Ill things have been done, and very generally abetted,
by men of otherwise very orthodox principles. " The argument from the
practice of the primitive Christians is remarkably well put in a tract
entitled The Doctrine of Nonresistance or Passive Obedience No Way
concerned in the Controversies now depending between the Williamites
and the Jacobites, by a Lay Gentleman, of the Communion of the Church of
England, as by Law establish'd, 1689. ]

[Footnote 458: One of the most adulatory addresses ever voted by a
Convocation was to Richard the Third. It will be found in Wilkins's
Concilia. Dryden, in his fine rifacimento of one of the finest passages
in the Prologue to the Canterbury Tales, represents the Good Parson
as choosing to resign his benefice rather than acknowledge the Duke of
Lancaster to be King of England. For this representation no warrant can
be found in Chaucer's Poem, or any where else. Dryden wished to write
something that would gall the clergy who had taken the oaths, and
therefore attributed to a Roman Catholic priest of the fourteenth
century a superstition which originated among the Anglican priests of
the seventeenth century. ]

[Footnote 459: See the defence of the profession which the Right
Reverend Father in God John Lake, Lord Bishop of Chichester, made upon
his deathbed concerning passive obedience and the new oaths. 1690. ]

[Footnote 460: London Gazette, June 30. 1689; Narcissus Luttrell's
Diary. "The eminentest men," says Luttrell. ]

[Footnote 461: See in Kettlewell's Life, iii. 72. , the retractation
drawn by him for a clergyman who had taken the oaths, and who afterwards
repented of having done so. ]

[Footnote 462: See the account of Dr. Dove's conduct in Clarendon's
Diary, and the account of Dr. Marsh's conduct in the Life of
Kettlewell. ]

[Footnote 463: The Anatomy of a Jacobite Tory, 1690.
]

[Footnote 464: Dialogue between a Whig and a Tory. ]

[Footnote 465: Narcissus Luttrell's Diary, Nov. 1697, Feb. 1692. ]

[Footnote 466: Life of Kettlewell, iii. 4. ]

[Footnote 467: See Turner's Letter to Sancroft, dated on Ascension Day,
1689. The original is among the Tanner MSS. in the Bodleian Library. But
the letter will be found with much other curious matter in the Life of
Ken by a Layman, lately published. See also the Life of Kettlewell, iii.
95. ; and Ken's letter to Burnet, dated Oct. 5. 1689, in Hawkins's Life
of Ken. "I am sure," Lady Russell wrote to Dr. Fitzwilliam, "the Bishop
of Bath and Wells excited others to comply, when he could not bring
himself to do so, but rejoiced when others did. " Ken declared that he
had advised nobody to take the oaths, and that his practice had been to
remit those who asked his advice to their own studies and prayers. Lady
Russell's assertion and Ken's denial will be found to come nearly to
the same thing, when we make those allowances which ought to be made
for situation and feeling, even in weighing the testimony of the most
veracious witnesses. Ken, having at last determined to cast in his lot
with the nonjurors, naturally tried to vindicate his consistency as far
as he honestly could. Lady Russell, wishing to induce her friend to take
the oaths, naturally made as munch of Ken's disposition to compliance as
she honestly could. She went too far in using the word "excited. " On the
other hand it is clear that Ken, by remitting those who consulted him
to their own studies and prayers, gave them to understand that, in his
opinion, the oath was lawful to those who, after a serious inquiry,
thought it lawful. If people had asked him whether they might lawfully
commit perjury or adultery, he would assuredly have told them, not to
consider the point maturely and to implore the divine direction, but to
abstain on peril of their souls. ]

[Footnote 468: See the conversation of June 9. 1784, in Boswell's Life
of Johnson, and the note. Boswell, with his usual absurdity, is sure
that Johnson could not have recollected "that the seven bishops, so
justly celebrated for their magnanimous resistance to arbitrary power,
were yet nonjurors. " Only five of the seven were nonjurors; and anybody
but Boswell would have known that a man may resist arbitrary power, and
yet not be a good reasoner. Nay, the resistance which Sancroft and the
other nonjuring bishops offered to arbitrary power, while they continued
to hold the doctrine of nonresistance, is the most decisive proof that
they were incapable of reasoning. It must be remembered that they were
prepared to take the whole kingly power from James and to bestow it on
William, with the title of Regent. Their scruple was merely about the
word King.

I am surprised that Johnson should have pronounced William Law no
reasoner. Law did indeed fall into great errors; but they were errors
against which logic affords no security. In mere dialectical skill
he had very few superiors. That he was more than once victorious
over Hoadley no candid Whig will deny. But Law did not belong to the
generation with which I have now to do. ]

[Footnote 469: Ware's History of the Writers of Ireland, continued by
Harris. ]

[Footnote 470: Letter to a member of the Convention, 1689]

[Footnote 471: Johnson's Notes on the Phoenix Edition of Burnet's
Pastoral Letter, 1692. ]

[Footnote 472: The best notion of Hickes's character will be formed from
his numerous controversial writings, particularly his Jovian, written
in 1684, his Thebaean Legion no Fable, written in 1687, though not
published till 1714, and his discourses upon Dr. Burnet and Dr.
Tillotson, 1695. His literary fame rests on works of a very different
kind. ]

[Footnote 473: Collier's Tracts on the Stage are, on the whole his best
pieces. But there is much that is striking in his political pamphlets.
His "Persuasive to Consider anon, tendered to the Royalists,
particularly those of the Church of England," seems to me one of the
best productions of the Jacobite press. ]

[Footnote 474: See Brokesby's Life of Dodwell. The Discourse against
Marriages in different Communions is known to me, I ought to say, only
from Brokesby's copious abstract. That Discourse is very rare. It was
originally printed as a preface to a sermon preached by Leslie. When
Leslie collected his works he omitted the discourse, probably because he
was ashamed of it. The Treatise on the Lawfulness of Instrumental Music
I have read; and incredibly absurd it is. ]

[Footnote 475: Dodwell tells us that the title of the work in which he
first promulgated this theory was framed with great care and precision.
I will therefore transcribe the title-page. "An Epistolary Discourse
proving from Scripture and the First Fathers that the Soul is naturally
Mortal, but Immortalized actually by the Pleasure of God to Punishment
or to Reward, by its Union with the Divine Baptismal Spirit, wherein
is proved that none have the Power of giving this Divine Immortalizing
Spirit since the Apostles but only the Bishops. By H. Dodwell. " Dr.
Clarke, in a Letter to Dodwell (1706), says that this Epistolary
Discourse is "a book at which all good men are sorry, and all profane
men rejoice. "]

[Footnote 476: See Leslie's Rehearsals, No. 286, 287. ]

[Footnote 477: See his works, and the highly curious life of him which
was compiled from the papers of his friends Hickes and Nelson. ]

[Footnote 478: See Fitzwilliam's correspondence with Lady Russell, and
his evidence on the trial of Ashton, in the State Trials. The only
work which Fitzwilliam, as far as I have been able to discover, ever
published was a sermon on the Rye House Plot, preached a few weeks after
Russell's execution. There are some sentences in this sermon which I a
little wonder that the widow and the family forgave. ]

[Footnote 479: Cyprian, in one of his Epistles, addresses the confessors
thus: "Quosdam audio inficere numerum vestrum, et laudem praecipui
nominis prava sua conversatione destruere. . . Cum quanto nominis vestri
pudore delinquitur quando alius aliquis temulentus et lasciviens
demoratur; alius in eam patriam unde extorris est regreditur, ut
deprehensus non eam quasi Christianus, sed quasi nocens pereat. " He uses
still stronger language in the book de Unitate Ecclesiae: "Neque enim
confessio immunem facet ab insidiis diaboli, aut contra tentationes et
pericula et incursus atque impetus saeculares adhuc in saeculo positum
perpetua securitate defendit; caeterum nunquam in confessoribus fraudes
et stupra et adulteria postmodum videremus, quae nunc in quibusdam
videntes ingemiscimus et dolemus. "]

[Footnote 480: Much curious information about the nonjurors will be
found in the Biographical Memoirs of William Bowyer, printer, which
forms the first volume of Nichols's Literary Anecdotes of the eighteenth
century. A specimen of Wagstaffe's prescriptions is in the Bodleian
Library. ]

[Footnote 481: Cibber's play, as Cibber wrote it, ceased to be popular
when the Jacobites ceased to be formidable, and is now known only to
the curious. In 1768 Bickerstaffe altered it into the Hypocrite, and
substituted Dr. Cantwell, the Methodist, for Dr. Wolfe, the Nonjuror.
"I do not think," said Johnson, "the character of the Hypocrite
justly applicable to the Methodists; but it was very applicable to
the nonjurors. " Boswell asked him if it were true that the nonjuring
clergymen intrigued with the wives of their patrons. "I am afraid," said
Johnson, "many of them did. " This conversation took place on the 27th of
March 1775. It was not merely in careless tally that Johnson expressed
an unfavourable opinion of the nonjurors. In his Life of Fenton, who was
a nonjuror, are these remarkable words: "It must be remembered that he
kept his name unsullied, and never suffered himself to be reduced, like
too many of the same sect to mean arts and dishonourable shifts. " See
the Character of a Jacobite, 1690. Even in Kettlewell's Life compiled
from the papers of his friends Hickes and Nelson, will be found
admissions which show that, very soon after the schism, some of
the nonjuring clergy fell into habits of idleness, dependence, and
mendicancy, which lowered the character of the whole party. "Several
undeserving persons, who are always the most confident, by their going
up and down, did much prejudice to the truly deserving, whose modesty
would not suffer them to solicit for themselves. . . . . . Mr. Kettlewell
was also very sensible that some of his brethren spent too much of their
time in places of concourse and news, by depending for their subsistence
upon those whom they there got acquainted with. "]

[Footnote 482: Reresby's Memoirs, 344]

[Footnote 483: Birch's Life of Tillotson. ]

[Footnote 484: See the Discourse concerning the Ecclesiastical
Commission, 1689. ]

[Footnote 485: Birch's Life of Tillotson; Life of Prideaux; Gentleman's
Magazine for June and July, 1745. ]

[Footnote 486: Diary of the Proceedings of the Commissioners, taken by
Dr. Williams afterwards Bishop of Chichester, one of the Commissioners,
every night after he went home from the several meetings. This most
curious Diary was printed by order of the House of Commons in 1854. ]

[Footnote 487: Williams's Diary. ]

[Footnote 488: Williams's Diary. ]

[Footnote 489: Ibid. ]

[Footnote 490: See the alterations in the Book of Common Prayer prepared
by the Royal Commissioners for the revision of the Liturgy in 1689, and
printed by order of the House of Commons in 1854. ]

[Footnote 491: It is difficult to conceive stronger or clearer language
than that used by the Council. Touton toinun anagnosthenton orisan
e agia sunodos, eteran pistin medeni ekseinai prospherein, egoun
suggraphein, e suntithenia, para ten oristheisan para ton agion pateron
ton en te Nikaeon sunegthonton sun agio pneumati tous de tolmontas
e suntithenai pistin eteran, egoun prokomizein, e prospherein tois
ethegousin epistrephein eis epignosin tes agetheias e eks Ellinismou
e eks Ioudaismon, i eks aireseos oiasdepotoun, toutous, ei men eien
episkopoi i klerikoi, allotrious einai tous episkopon, tes
episkopes, kai tous klerikous ton kliron ei de laikoi eien,
agathematizesthai--Concil. Ephes. Actio VI. ]

[Footnote 492: Williams's Diary; Alterations in the Book of Common
Prayer. ]

[Footnote 493: It is curious to consider how those great masters of the
Latin tongue who used to sup with Maecenas and Pollio would have been
perplexed by "Tibi Cherubim et Seraphim incessabili voce proclamant,
Sanctus, Sanctus, Sanctus, Dominus Deus Sabaoth;" or by "Ideo cum
angelis et archangelis, cum thronis et dominationibus. "]

[Footnote 494: I will give two specimens of Patrick's workmanship. "He
maketh me," says David, "to lie down in green pastures: he leadeth me
beside the still waters. " Patrick's version is as follows: "For as a
good shepherd leads his sheep in the violent heat to shady places,
where they may lie down and feed (not in parched but) in fresh and
green pastures, and in the evening leads them (not to muddy and troubled
waters, but) to pure and quiet streams; so hath he already made a fair
and plentiful provision for me, which I enjoy in peace without any
disturbance. "

In the Song of Solomon is an exquisitely beautiful verse. "I charge you,
O daughters of Jerusalem, if ye find my beloved, that ye tell him that
I am sick of love. " Patrick's version runs thus: "So I turned myself to
those of my neighbours and familiar acquaintance who were awakened by
my cries to come and see what the matter was; and conjured them, as they
would answer it to God, that, if they met with my beloved, they would
let him know--What shall I say? --What shall I desire you to tell him but
that I do not enjoy myself now that I want his company, nor can be well
till I recover his love again. "]

[Footnote 495: William's dislike of the Cathedral service is
sarcastically noticed by Leslie in the Rehearsal, No. 7. See also
a Letter from a Member of the House of Commons to his Friend in the
Country, 1689, and Bisset's Modern Fanatic, 1710. ]

[Footnote 496: See the Order in Council of Jan. 9. 1683. ]

[Footnote 497: See Collier's Desertion discussed, 1689. Thomas Carte,
who was a disciple, and, at one time, an assistant of Collier, inserted,
so late as the year 1747, in a bulky History of England, an exquisitely
absurd note in which he assured the world that, to his certain
knowledge, the Pretender had cured the scrofula, and very gravely
inferred that the healing virtue was transmitted by inheritance, and was
quite independent of any unction. See Carte's History of England, vol,
i. page 297. ]

[Footnote 498: See the Preface to a Treatise on Wounds, by Richard
Wiseman, Sergeant Chirurgeon to His Majesty, 1676. But the fullest
information on this curious subject will be found in the Charisma
Basilicon, by John Browne, Chirurgeon in ordinary to His Majesty, 1684.
See also The Ceremonies used in the Time of King Henry VII. for the
Healing of them that be Diseased with the King's Evil, published by
His Majesty's Command, 1686; Evelyn's Diary, March 18. 1684; and Bishop
Cartwright's Diary, August 28, 29, and 30. 1687. It is incredible
that so large a proportion of the population should have been really
scrofulous. No doubt many persons who had slight and transient maladies
were brought to the king, and the recovery of these persons kept up the
vulgar belief in the efficacy of his touch. ]

[Footnote 499: Paris Gazette, April 23. 1689. ]

[Footnote 500: See Whiston's Life of himself. Poor Whiston, who believed
in every thing but the Trinity, tells us gravely that the single person
whom William touched was cured, notwithstanding His Majesty's want of
faith. See also the Athenian Mercury of January 16. 1691. ]

[Footnote 501: In several recent publications the apprehension that
differences might arise between the Convocation of York and the
Convocation of Canterbury has been contemptuously pronounced chimerical.
But it is not easy to understand why two independent Convocations should
be less likely to differ than two Houses of the same Convocation; and
it is matter of notoriety that, in the reigns of William the Third and
Anne, the two Houses of the Convocation of Canterbury scarcely ever
agreed. ]

[Footnote 502: Birch's Life of Tillotson; Life of Prideaux. From
Clarendon's Diary, it appears that he and Rochester were at Oxford on
the 23rd of September. ]

[Footnote 503: See the Roll in the Historical Account of the present
Convocation, appended to the second edition of Vox Cleri, 1690. The most
considerable name that I perceive in the list of proctors chosen by
the parochial clergy is that of Dr. John Mill, the editor of the Greek
Testament. ]

[Footnote 504: Tillotson to Lady Russell, April 19. 1690. ]

[Footnote 505: Birch's Life of Tillotson. The account there given of the
coldness between Compton and Tillotson was taken by Birch from the MSS.
of Henry Wharton, and is confirmed by many circumstances which are known
from other sources of intelligence. ]

[Footnote 506: Chamberlayne's State of England, 18th edition. ]

[Footnote 507: Condo ad Synodum per Gulielmum Beveregium, 1689. ]

[Footnote 508: Narcissus Luttrell's Diary; Historical Account of the
Present Convocation. ]

[Footnote 509: Kennet's History, iii. 552. ]

[Footnote 510: Historical Account of the Present Convocation, 1689. ]

[Footnote 511: Historical Account of the Present Convocation; Burnet,
ii. 58. ; Kennet's History of the Reign of William and Mary. ]

[Footnote 512: Historical Account of the Present Convocation; Kennet's
History. ]

[Footnote 513: Historical Account of the Present Convocation; Kennet. ]

[Footnote 514: Historical Account of the Present Convocation. ]

[Footnote 515: That there was such a jealousy as I have described is
admitted in the pamphlet entitled Vox Cleri. "Some country ministers now
of the Convocation, do now see in what great ease and plenty the City
ministers live, who have their readers and lecturers, and frequent
supplies, and sometimes tarry in the vestry till prayers be ended, and
have great dignities in the Church, besides their rich parishes in the
City. " The author of this tract, once widely celebrated, was Thomas
Long, proctor for the clergy of the diocese of Exeter. In another
pamphlet, published at this time, the rural clergymen are said to have
seen with an evil eye their London brethren refreshing themselves with
sack after preaching. Several satirical allusions to the fable of the
Town Mouse and the Country Mouse will be found in the pamphlets of that
winter. ]

[Footnote 516: Barnet, ii, 33, 34. The best narratives of what passed
in this Convocation are the Historical Account appended to the second
edition of Vox Cleri, and the passage in Kennet's History to which I
have already referred the reader. The former narrative is by a very high
churchman, the latter by a very low churchman. Those who are desirous
of obtaining fuller information must consult the contemporary pamphlets.
Among them are Vox Populi; Vox Laici; Vox Regis et Regni; the Healing
Attempt; the Letter to a Friend, by Dean Prideaux the Letter from a
Minister in the Country to a Member of the Convocation; the Answer to
the Merry Answer to Vox Cleri; the Remarks from the Country upon two
Letters relating to the Convocation; the Vindication of the Letters in
answer to Vox Cleri; the Answer to the Country Minister's Letter. All
these tracts appeared late in 1689 or early in 1690. ]

[Footnote 517: "Halifax a eu une reprimande severe publiquement dans le
conseil par le Prince d'Orange pour avoir trop balance. "--Avaux to De
Croissy, Dublin, June 1689. "his mercurial Wit," says Burnet, ii. 4. ,
"was not well suited with the King's phlegm. "]

[Footnote 518: Clarendon's Diary, Oct. 10 1689; Lords' Journals, Oct.
19. 1689. ]

[Footnote 519: Commons' Journals, Oct. 24. 1689. ]

[Footnote 520: Ibid. , Nov. 2. 1689. ]

[Footnote 521: Commons' Journals, Nov. 7. 19. , Dec. 30 1689. The rule
of the House then was that no petition could be received against the
imposition of a tax. This rule was, after a very hard fight, rescinded
in 1842. The petition of the Jews was not received, and is not mentioned
in the Journals. But something may be learned about it from Narcissus
Luttrell's Diary and from Grey's Debates, Nov. 19. 1689,]

[Footnote 522: James, in the very treatise in which he tried to prove
the Pope to be Antichrist, says "For myself, if that were yet the
question, I would with all my heart give my consent that the Bishop of
Rome should have the first seat. " There is a remarkable letter on this
subject written by James to Charles and Buckingham, when they were in
Spain.