No More Learning

The great attack on England had failed
or at least had led to a peaceful settlement, which furnished no outlet for
Viking energy,
while at the same time affairs in France were once more
unsettled. Charles the Bald died in 877, followed 18 months later by
his son Louis the Stammerer, who left two youthful children, Louis and
Carloman, and a posthumous son Charles. Factions arose and the
Vikings were never slow to hear and take advantage of them. When a
great fleet which had wintered at Fulham found no opening in England,
it crossed to France. There the young Louis won a decisive victory over
a
it at Saucourt on the Somme, and the victory finds its record in the well-
known Ludwigslied. An attack by the Northmen on Saxony and the
lower Rhine was more successful. In a great fight which took place
somewhere on the Lüneburg Heath 2 February 880, there fell Duke Bruno
of Saxony together with two bishops, eleven counts and eighteen royal
vassals. In 882 the Emperor Charles the Fat came to terms with the
Viking leaders, Sigefrid and Guðröðr. King Guðröðr, who was probably
a son of the Harold of Mayence, himself accepted Christianity and
was granted lands on the lower Rhine, and at the same time undertook
to defend Charles's territory from attack. King Sigefrid retired with a
heavy payment of money. Guðröðr received his lands on much the same
conditions as Charles the Simple granted Normandy to Rollo, but
intriguing with the enemies of Charles he aroused hostility and was slain
in 885. He had thrown away the chance of establishing a Normandy in
the Low Countries. Viking rule was now brought to an end in Frisia,
and henceforward we hear only of sporadic attacks which continued into
the tenth century. So also from 885 Saxony was free from attack, and
when trouble was renewed in the tenth century the attack was not made
by sea but across the Eider boundary.
The West Frankish kingdom was still in the midst of the storm.
Louis III and Carloman and the local magnates offered a stout resistance,
but it seemed impossible to throw off the yoke of the here which ravaged
the whole country between the Rhine and the Loire. The contest cul-
minated in the great siege of Paris by King Sigefrid in 885–7. The
Viking army numbered some 40,000 men with 700 vessels, and it was only
through the stout resistance of Count Odo, and Bishop Joscelin and the
withdrawal of the Vikings to Burgundy by an arrangement with Charles
21
C. MED. H. VOL. III. CH. XIII.


## p. 322 (#368) ############################################

322
Founding of Normandy
the Fat, that the siege was raised. With the overthrow of Charles in
887 the West Frankish realm fell into anarchy, and the Vikings ravaged
Burgundy and eastern France almost without a check, while Brittany and
the Cotentin fared no better. Finally the great here concentrated its
attack on the valley of the Scheldt. In the autumn of 891 they were
defeated on the banks of the Dyle in Brabant by the new King Arnulf,
and after more desultory fighting they sailed for England in the autumn
of 892. They had been in France some thirteen years, ravaging and
plundering, and now for the first time since 840 France was free of the
Northmen. In England, after three years' hard fighting, the greater
number settled down to a peaceful existence in East Anglia and North-
umbria, but a few in whom the spirit of roving was still strong returned
to the Seine in 896. Twenty-five years earlier the Vikings had seemed
in a fair way to conquer Europe, but now the battle of Edington in
England (878), the siege of Paris in France (885–7) and the battle of
the Dyle in Germany (891), were significant of failure in these three
kingdoms alike.
The West Frankish realm was weakened by the dissensions of the
rival kings Odo and Charles the Simple, and soon all the old troubles
were renewed. Unfortunately the Annals provide us with very meagre
information about events during the next fifteen years, and we know
almost nothing about the critical period immediately preceding the
cession of Normandy to the Northmen. The Vikings would seem to have
settled themselves in the lower basin of the Seine, with Rouen as their
centre, and by 910 they appear under the leadership of the famous Rollo
(O. N. Hrollaugr). This Viking was probably of Norse origin (the Heims-
kringla describes him as one Hrólfr, son of Rögnvaldr, earl of Möre), though
the main body of the settlers were certainly Danes, and he had already
made himself a name in England, where he was closely associated with
Guthrum of East Anglia. He probably came to France soon after 896 and
gradually became the chief person among that band of equals. For some
time he carried on a hard struggle with Charles the Simple, and then,
towards the end of 911, each party frankly recognised the other's strength.
Charles could not oust the Northmen from the Seine valley, while they were
unable permanently to extend their settlement, so at St Clair-sur-Epte
it was agreed that the part of the Seine basin which includes the
counties of Rouen, Lisieux and Evreux, together with the country lying
between the rivers Bresle and Epte and the sea, should be left in the hands
of the Northmen on condition that they defended the kingdom against
attack, received baptism and did homage to Charles for their lands.
To these were added in 924 the districts of Bayeux and Séez, and in 933
those of Avranches and Coutances, thus bringing the Normans right up
to the Breton border. With the establishment of Normandy, Viking
activity was practically at an end in the Frankish kingdom : there were
still Northmen on the Loire who ravaged far inland, while the settlers


## p. 323 (#369) ############################################

Scandinavian kings in Northumbria
323
a
in Normandy freely raided Brittany, but no fresh settlements were made
and the Viking here had become a recognised part of the Frankish ost.
We must now turn our attention to the Danish settlements in
England. We have seen that already by the year 880 they had attained
the same measure of independence which was granted to Normandy in
911, but their later fortunes were by no means so peaceful or uneventful.
The Danes in East Anglia, Mercia and Northumbria were not willing to
confine themselves to their settlements, and soon Edward the Elder and his
sister Aethelfleda, the “Lady of the Mercians,” established a line of fortified
towns in Southern Mercia preparatory to an advance on Danish territory.
By the year 917 all was ready. Derby fell in that year and Leicester in
918 before the advance of Aethelfleda, while in the same years
Northampton, Stamford and Nottingham were captured by Edward, and
East Anglia made its submission. By the end of his reign Edward was
master of the whole realm, including English, Danes and Norwegians.
These last were settled chiefly in Northumbria, where we find towards
the close of the ninth and in the early years of the tenth century a line
of kings closely associated with the Norse kingdom of Dublin. The
Norsemen were often in alliance with the Scots, and matters came to
a crisis in 937 when a great confederation of Scots, Strathclyde Welsh,
and Norsemen was formed against Aethelstan. The confederates were
defeated in the famous battle of Brunanburh (perhaps the modern
Birrenswark in Dumfriesshire), and England was freed from its greatest
danger since the days of King Alfred and his struggle with Guthrum
(O. N. Guðormr) and the sons of Ragnarr Loðbrók. The Norse leaders
retired for a time, but trouble was renewed in 940 by an Anlaf (? Olaf
Guðfridson)'. Next year the famous Anlaf Sihtricsson (O. N. Olafr Sig.
tryggson), nicknamed “Cuaran," is found at York. He marched south and
endeavoured to conquer the district of the Five Boroughs. King Edmund
advanced to their help, and soon drove Anlaf out of Northern Mercia
and relieved the Danish boroughs from Norse oppression. During the
next twelve years Northumbria was in a state of anarchy. At times
Anlaf was acknowledged as king, at others English sovereignty was
recognised. Twice during this period Eric Blood-axe, son of Harold
Fairhair, appeared as king, but was finally expelled in 954. Later
Scandinavian tradition tells us that Aethelstan was on friendly terms with
Harold Fairhair, and that when Eric was expelled from Norway in 934
he was welcomed to England by Aethelstan and given charge of North-
umbria, where he ruled at York. Edmund was less favourably disposed
towards Norwegians and appointed one Olaf in his stead. Ultimately Eric
was defeated and killed by his rival. Eric may have been appointed to
rule Northumbria after the defeat of Anlaf-Olaf at Brunanburh, while the
appointment of Olaf as ruler of Northumbria may refer to the partition
of England between Olaf and Edmund in 942. With the expulsion of
1 These Anlafs are variously identified ; but cf. infra, p. 368.
CH, XIII.
21-2


## p. 324 (#370) ############################################

324
The battles of Clontarf and Maldon
Eric in 954 (Olaf had already retired to Dublin) Norse rule in Northumbria
was at an end. Henceforward that district was directly under the rule
of the English king, and earls were appointed in his name.
We have seen that during these
years
there was intimate connexion
between the Norsemen in Ireland and Northumbria, and that the kings
of Northumbria often ruled in Dublin at the same time. Viking rule in
Ireland was in a state of flux. The chief centres of influence were Dublin
and Limerick, but their rulers were often at variance with one another
and a succession of great Irish leaders, Niall Glundubh, Muirchertach
and Brian Borumha (Boru), made bold and often successful attacks on the
Viking strongholds. Brian was the greatest and most famous of these
leaders, and when he became chief king of all Ireland, he built a great
fleet and received tribute from Northmen and Irish alike. His power
was threatened by the treachery of his wife Gormflaith, who intrigued
with her brother Maelmordha, King of Leinster, and Sigtryggr of the
Silken Beard, King of Dublin, against Brian. A great confederacy of the
western Vikings was formed, including Sigurðr, the earl of the Orkneys, and
men from the Shetlands, the Western Islands, Man and Scandinavian
settlements on the Continent. Dublin was the rendezvous and thither
the great army gathered by Palm Sunday 1014. Brian had collected a
vast army, including Vikings from Limerick, and on Good Friday the two
forces met in the decisive battle of Clontarf, just north of Dublin. For
some time the fortune of battle wavered, both Brian and Sigurðr fell, but
in the end the Irish were completely victorious, and the Vikings had lost
their last and greatest fight in Ireland. They were not expelled from
their settlements, but henceforward they led a peaceful existence under
Irish authority and the Norse kingdoms of Dublin, Limerick and other
cities either lost all power or ceased to exist.
After the fall of the Northumbrian kingdom in 954 England had
peace for some five-and-twenty years, especially under the strong rule of
Edgar, but with the weak Aethelred II troubles were renewed and from
980 onwards the whole of the English coast was open to attack. These
raids were the result of a fresh outburst of Viking activity over the whole
of the British Isles. Danes and Norsemen united under one banner and
their leader was the famous Olaf Tryggvason. In 991 after ravaging
the east coast Olaf engaged Brihtnoth, the ealdorman of East Anglia,
near Maldon. The struggle was heroic and gave occasion to one of the
finest of Old English poems, but Brihtnoth fell, and an ignominious
peace was made whereby for the first time since the days of Alfred
“Danegeld” was paid to buy off Viking attacks. Svein Forkbeard now
united forces with Olaf and together they besieged London in 994: the
siege was a failure, but all southern England was harried and once more
a heavy Danegeld had to be paid. In 995 Olaf went to Norway hoping
to gain the kingdom by the overthrow of the tyranny of Earl Hákon, while
Svein returned to Denmark. The raids continued but England saw nothing


## p. 325 (#371) ############################################

King Svein and King Knut
325
more of King Svein until he returned in 1003 to avenge the ill-advised
massacre of St Brice's day. Year after year the kingdom was ravaged,
Danegeld after Danegeld was paid, until in 1013 Aethelred fled to
Normandy and Svein became King of all England. A few months later
he died suddenly at Gainsborough in Lincolnshire (February 1014).
His English realm went to his younger son Knut. On the death of
Aethelred in 1016, his son Edmund Ironside offered so stout a resistance
that for a few months, until his death by treachery, he compelled Knut
to share the realm with him. Knut then ruled alone, firmly and well
until his death in 1035, having succeeded to the Danish throne also in
1018. On his death the succession was not settled but, after some
difficulty, Harold Harefoot succeeded his father in England. He was
succeeded in 1040 by his brother Harthacnut (O. N. Harðacnútr), but
neither king was of the same stamp as their father and they were both
overshadowed by the great Godwin, Earl of Wessex. When Harthacnut
died in 1042 the male line in descent from Knut was extinct and,
though some of the Danes were in favour of choosing Knut's sister's son
Svein, Godwin secured the election of Edward the Confessor, who had
been recalled from Normandy and highly honoured by Harthacnut
himself. With the accession of Edward, Danish rule in England was at
an end, and never afterwards was there any serious question of a Scan-
dinavian kingship either in or over England.
We have now traced the story of Viking activity in its chief centres
in the British Isles and the mainland of Europe. A word remains to be
said about other settlements in Western Europe, in the Orkneys, the
Shetlands, the Western Islands (or as the Norsemen called them
“Suðreyjar” (i. e. Sodor), the southern islands) and Man, and the Scottish
mainland, and then we must turn our attention to Eastern Europe, to the
famous Jómsviking settlement in North Germany and to the important
but little known movements of the Vikings through Russia down to the
shores of the Mediterranean. We have seen how early the Shetlands were
settled, and there is no doubt that it was not long before Vikings made
their way by the Orkneys round the coast of Scotland to the Hebrides.
From the Orkneys settlements were made in Sutherland and Caithness,
while Galloway (possibly the land of the Gall-Gaedhil, the foreign Irish)
was settled from the Hebrides. In the ninth century the Norse element
in the Hebrides was already so strong that the Irish called the islands
Innsi Gall (i. e. the islands of the foreigners) and their inhabitants were
known as the Gall-Gaedhil. Olaf the White and Ívarr made more than
one expedition from Ireland to the lowlands of Scotland, and the former
was married to Auðr the daughter of Ketill Flat-nose, who had made
himself the greatest chieftain in the Western Islands. When Harold
Fairhair won his victory at Hafrsfjord he felt that his power would still
be insecure unless he gained the submission of these Vikings who belonged
to the great families in rivalry with him. He made therefore a mighty
CH, XIII.


## p. 326 (#372) ############################################

326 The Orkneys, the Shetlands, Western Islands and Man
a
expedition to the Shetlands, the Orkneys and the west coast of Scotland,
received their submission and gave the Northern Islands to Sigurðr,
brother of Rögnvaldr, earl of Möre, as his vassal. Sigurðr's successor
Einar, known as Turf Einar because he first taught the islanders to cut
peat for fuel, founded a long line of Orkney earls. Warrior and skald,
he came into collision with Harold Fairhair, but made his peace on
promise of a heavy fine. When the peasants declared themselves unable
to pay it, Einar paid it himself and received in return all the óðal
(the holdings of the freeholders) as his own property. The most
famous of the Orkney earls was Sigurðr Loðvesson, who succeeded c. 980.
Though he acknowledged the overlordship of Earl Hákon, he ruled with
almost independent power, and made himself popular by the return of
the óðal. After a reign of thirty years he fell fighting for the Viking
cause at Clontarf in 1014. Of the Vikings in the Western Islands from
Lewis to the Isle of Man we have less definite and continuous record.
There was a line of kings in the tenth century, of whom the most famous
were Maccus or Magnus and Guðröðr, the son of one Harold. They
are found ruling with certain officers known as “lawmen" by their side.
The Isle of Man, which had kings of its own, was at times under their
authority, at others under that of the kingdom of Dublin. It was
probably from the Isle of Man that the extensive Norse settlements in
Cumberland and Westmorland were made, and either from here or from
Ireland came the various Viking raiders who throughout the tenth
century made attacks on Wales. There they founded no permanent
kingdom, but left a mark in place nomenclature along the coast from
Anglesey to Pembrokeshire and in some districts of South Wales.
From the days of Guðröðr in the beginning of the ninth century to
those of Harold Gormson (Bluetooth) in the middle of the tenth, Denmark
had paid little heed to her Slavonic neighbours, but the rivalry between
Harold Gormson and the Emperor Otto probably turned the Danish
king's attention eastwards, and it was in his days that the great Viking
settlement of Jómsborg was established at the mouth of the Oder. For
many years there had been an important trading centre at Julin on the
island of Wollin, where merchants from Scandinavia, Saxony and Russia
were settled. Large finds of Byzantine and Arabic coins belonging to the
tenth century have been made both in Denmark and in Wollin, bearing
witness to the extensive trade which passed through Julin between
Denmark and the Orient, using as its high road the broad stream of the
Oder and the great Russian rivers. To secure to Denmark its full share
in the products of the rich lands south of the Baltic and in the trade
with the East, Harold built the fortified town of Jómsborg close to
Julin and established there a famous Viking community. He gave
them certain laws, and we probably find their substance in the laws given
by Palnatóki to his followers in the unhistorical account of the founding
of Jómsborg given in Jómsvíkingusaga No one under 18 or over 50


## p. 327 (#373) ############################################

The Jómsvikings
32
was admitted to their fellowship, no woman was allowed in their towi
and none of the warriors might be absent for more than three days.
They were bound by oaths of fidelity to one another and each must
avenge the fall of any of his companions. No word of fear was allowed
and all outside news must in the first place be told to their leader. All
plunder was divided by lot among the community. The harbour of
Jómsborg could shelter a fleet of 300 vessels and was protected by a
mole with twelve iron gates. The Jómsvikings played an important part
in the affairs of Denmark and Norway in the late tenth and early eleventh
centuries, and made many Viking expeditions both in Baltic lands and in
the West. In 1043 their stronghold was destroyed by Magnus the Good
of Norway. Other Vikings from Denmark made raids still further east
than Jómsborg, but the true Viking conquest of those districts was due not
to the Danes but to the Swedes.
In the chronicle of the Russian monk Nestor (c. 1100) we read how
in the middle of the ninth century certain Varangians came from beyond
the sea and that one band of them, the Rus, was soon invited to rule
among the Slavs and put an end to their mutual quarrels. Their leader
Rurik (O. N. Hrærekr) settled in Novgorod, while two of his men,
Askold (O. N. Höskuldr) and Dir (O. N. Dyri), sailed down the Dnieper
and settled in Kiev. These events probably took place in the half
century preceding 862. Twenty years later Kiev was conquered by
Rurik's successor Olég (O. N. Helgi), and Kiev, the mother of all Russian
towns, was henceforward the capital of the Russian state. From Kiev
the Rus advanced down the Dnieper and in 865 ravaged the shores of
the Black Sea (soon to be known as the Russian Sea) and the Sea of
Marmora. They appeared with a fleet of 200 vessels before Constan-
tinople, but the city was saved by a sudden storm and the greater part
of the fleet of the “Rhôs," as Byzantine historians call them, was
destroyed. Olég made a more successful attack in 907 with a fleet
of 2000 vessels, and the Greeks were forced to pay a heavy ransom.
Attacks of this kind continued down to the middle of the eleventh
century. At the same time the Rus secured valuable trading privileges
from the Eastern emperors and exchanged furs, slaves and honey for the
luxuries of the East. From Arab writers we hear of these Rus in
districts still further east, on the banks of the Volga and the shores
of the Caspian.
Though the point has been hotly contested by Slavonic patriots,
there can be no doubt that these Rhos or Rus are really Swedish
Vikings. Some of them accompanied a Greek embassy to the Emperor
Louis the Pious in 839 and, though they called themselves Rhos, Louis
made inquiries and found that they were really of Swedish nation-
ality. They were detained for some time under suspicion of being
spies: the Emperor no doubt feared some fresh design against the
Empire on the part of the Northmen. A few years later, when the
a
CH, XIII.


## p. 328 (#374) ############################################

328
The Swedes in Russia
Vikings attacked Seville (844), an Arab writer calls them Rūs, using
probably a name for the Vikings which was already well known in the
East. The descriptions of the life of the ancient Rus, which we find in
Greek and Arabic writers, tally in remarkable fashion with those of the
Vikings in the West, and archaeological and philological evidence tends
to strengthen the belief that their original home was in Scandinavia.
Certain types of fibulae found in Western Russia are derived from
Scandinavia, and the hoards of Anglo-Saxon pennies and sceatts found
there are probably our Danegeld. One runic inscription, belonging to
the eleventh century and shewing evidence of connexion with Gothland,
has been found in a burial mound in Berezan, an island at the mouth
of the Dnieper. Professor Braun says that no others have been found
because of the rarity of suitable stone. The names of the Dnieper
rapids as given in their Russian form (side by side with the Slavonic)
by Constantine Porphyrogenitus (c. 950) are undoubtedly Scandinavian
in origin. Exactly how the term Rus came to be applied to the Swedish
nation (or a part of it) has been much disputed'. Still more difficult is
the question of the origin of the term Varangian or Variag, to use the
Russian form. We have seen that it is applied to the whole of the
nation of whom the Rus formed part. It is also given to the guard of
the Byzantine emperors. It is probable that the term Varangians was
first applied to the whole of the Scandinavian peoples, but more espe-
cially to the Swedes with whom the Slavs had chiefly to deal, and later
to the Emperor's guard recruited from these hardy Northerners. Most
famous of such Varangians was the great Harold Hardrada, who after a
career of adventure in the East ultimately fell at Stamford Bridge in 1066.
Of the later history of the Scandinavians in Russia we know little,
but it is probable that by the year 1000 they were largely Slavised
and by the end of the eleventh century they were entirely absorbed by
the native element.
We have now traced the main outlines of Viking activity in eastern
and western Europe: it remains to say something of their civilisation
and its influence on the development of the various countries in which
they formed settlements.
During the years of Viking activity the Scandinavian peoples stood
at a critical period in the history of their civilisation : side by side with
a large element of primitive barbarism we find certain well-developed
forms of civilisation, while throughout their activity the Vikings shewed
an eager understanding and appreciation of the culture of the older
civilisations then prevailing in western Europe. This strange blend
of barbarism and culture finds its clearest illustration in their daily life
and in the slow and halting passage from heathendom to Christianity.
i The form Rus is probably the Slavonic version of the Finnish Ruotsi, the name
given by the Finns to the Swedes generally, and taken from the district of Uppland,
known as Roþr, with which they were most familiar.


## p. 329 (#375) ############################################

Viking civilisation
329
а
Dr Alexander Bugge has pointed out for us how many characteristic
features of Viking life find their closest parallel among uncivilised peoples
of the ancient or of the modern world. Their cruelty in warfare finds
illustration in their custom of exposing the heads of their enemies
outside their camps and towns, or in the strange picture given us in
some Irish annals of Danes cooking their food on the field of battle on
spits stuck in the bodies of their fallen foes. The custom of human
sacrifice was fairly common, while that of cutting the blood-eagle in
the back of the fallen foe is well known from the vengeance for their
father taken by the sons of Ragnarr Loðbrók. Children were not spared
in warfare and were often tossed on the spears of their foes. A curious
survival of primitive habit is found in the famous Berserk fury, when
men in the heat of battle were seized with sudden madness and, according
to the popular belief, received a double portion of strength and lost all
sense of bodily pain. There is of course much that is superstitious in
this idea, but it finds its parallel in the “running amok” of the races
of the Malay peninsula. Side by side with these traits of primitive
barbarism we find certain well-developed forms of culture, an extensive
commerce, a mastery of the whole art of shipbuilding, and great artistic
skill, shewn not only in articles of personal adornment but also in the
sculptured memorial stones to be found from Gothland in the East to
Man in the West. In warfare their cavalry were skilled, and they under-
stood the construction of siege engines with the whole art of fortification.
Above all the Northmen had a genius for law, and few early communities
shew their aptitude in the making of laws or such strictness in their
observance.
The passage from heathendom to Christianity at this critical period
is in some ways even more interesting.
We have already seen how in
the middle years of the ninth century Christianity was preached in
Denmark and Sweden, but it had little effect on the main body of the
nations concerned. The best evidence of this is to be found perhaps in
the fact that it is in all probability to the ninth and tenth centuries
that we owe the poems of the elder Edda, the main source of our
knowledge of Old Norse mythology and cosmogony. It is true, no doubt,
that in some of these poems we find a note of detachment, touches of
irony and even of burlesque, which remind us that the belief in the old
gods is passing away, but in the great body of those which deal with
the world of the Aesir, there is no question of fading beliefs or of
insincere statement. The greater number of the Vikings were undoubted
heathen, and like the impious Onlafbald when defying the power of
St Cuthbert would have sworn by their great gods Thor and Othin.
When the Danes made peace with Alfred in 876 they swore an oath on
the holy ring, which would be found on the altar of every heathen
temple : such a ring sacred to Thor was taken by the Irish from a
temple in Dublin in 996. There was a grove sacred to Thor just north
CH, XIII.


## p. 330 (#376) ############################################

330
Christianity and heathendom
of Dublin and place-names throughout the British Isles and in Normandy
bear witness to the worship of this god. At the same time, in religion
as in everything else, the Vikings shewed themselves very ready to seize
new ideas and, more especially, to avail themselves of any advantages
which adhesion to the Christian religion might give. Scandinavian
merchants settled in the various European countries were often “prime-
signed,” i. e. received the sign of the cross, preliminary to baptism, which
raised them to the rank of catechumens and enabled them to live in
trading and social intercourse with Christians, while they did not
necessarily proceed to the full renunciation of their heathen faith. Even
in the ninth century, when the Danes were fighting the Norsemen
in Ireland, we hear how they invoked the aid of St Patrick, thinking
that he must take vengeance on those who had done him such
injury. When victorious they gave him large offerings, for “the Danes
were a people with a certain piety, whereby they could refrain from
flesh and from women for a time. ” As was to be expected in a time of
transition from one faith to another, superstition was rife and more
than once the Viking hosts fell a prey to it. When the army of Ragnarr
Loðbrók was besieging Paris in 845 his followers were attacked by a
mysterious sickness : prayer to the heathen gods was unsuccessful, but
when, on the advice of a Christian prisoner, they prayed to his God,
wisely abstaining at the same time from flesh and mead, the plague was
removed. The blending of the old and new is happily illustrated in the
sepulchral stones of the Isle of Man and Gothland: here we have stones
in the shape of a cross, or with the sign of the cross on them, decorated
with scenes from Valhalla or with an inscription praying at the same time
for the repose of the dead man's soul and that God may betray those who
betrayed him. More than once do we hear of men who believed neither
in the heathen gods nor in Christ and had faith in nought but their own
strength: the nickname “the godless” is by no means unfrequent
among the settlers in Iceland. Throughout the period, however,
Christianity made steady advance : by the year 921 we find the Vikings
sparing hospitals and churches when sacking Armagh; the great king
Olaf Cuaran, who died in 981, spent his old age as a monk in Iona; at
one time in the tenth century the primates of York and Canterbury were
both of Scandinavian family, and in the later tenth and early eleventh
centuries the Roman Church had no more faithful sons than the
Normans.
Their general philosophy of life was that every man must rely on
himself and his own wisdom; he must place no reliance on others, least
of all upon women. The great aim in life is to attain fame and fair
speech from men after death. Though their beliefs were strongly tinged
with fatalism, this brought no weakening of character or gloom of out-
look. “ Joyous and happy must every man be until death comes upon
him,” is the counsel of Hávamál, and the highest ideal of the end of life


## p. 331 (#377) ############################################

Ideals of life and material civilisation
331
for the hero is found in the picture of Ragnarr Loðbrók who when
tortured in the snake-pit goes laughing to his death. With their
enemies the Vikings had an evil reputation for cunning and deceit, but
the incidents cited in illustration (such as the feigned desire for baptism
on the part of a dying leader, which led to the capture of Luna, and
the frequent mention of feigned retreats) hardly support this: the
enemy were outwitted rather than deceived. Two common but widely
different aspects of Viking character are reflected in the portraiture of
their two chief gods; on the one side Othin (Odin), whose common
epithets are “the wise, the prudent, the sagacious," on the other, Thor,
endowed with mighty strength, but less polished and refined. The
besetting sins of the Vikings were too great love of wine and women.
The rich vine-lands of the Rhine were ceded to the Vikings at their
special request, in 885, and one of the best known examples of Viking
cruelty is the murder of Archbishop Aelfheah (Alphege) at a drunken orgie
in 1012, when he was pelted to death with the skulls of oxen slaughtered
for the feast. Many are the references to their immorality. Wandering
from country to country they often had wives in each and polygamy pre-
vailed, at least among the leaders. From Ireland in the west to Russia in
the east the same story is told. In Ireland we hear of what would seem to
be harems for women, while in Russia we are told of the Grand Duke
Vladimir, great grandson of Rurik, the founder of the Russian kingdom,
that he had more than 800 concubines, Such excesses were unknown in
Scandinavia itself. Legitimate wives were esteemed and took part in
the national life to an unusual extent. Women at times took part in
fighting, and heroic figures are found in the sagas and other historical
records : such are Ota (Auðr), the wife of Turgeis, who, as a völva or pro-
phetess, gave audience on the high altar at Clonmacnois, and Auðr the
Deep-minded, wife of Olaf the White, whose figure stands out clear among
the early settlers in Iceland.
In outward appearance the Vikings were marked by a love of “purple
and fine raiment. " Foreign, and more especially English, clothing was
much sought after, and when in 968 the Irish plundered Limerick we
hear how they carried off from the Norsemen “their choicest possessions,
their beautiful foreign saddles, their gold and silver, their woven cloths of
every kind and colour, their silk and satin raiment, beauteous and
variegated, both scarlet and green. ” From John of Wallingford we
learn how much attention the Vikings paid to the care of the body,
indulging in Sabbath baths and daily hair-combing. The graves of the
period have often yielded rich finds of ornaments in silver and bronze,
and the geographical distribution of the famous Viking brooches, oval
and convex in shape, can be used as an index of the extent of the
conquests of the Northmen. The style of decoration is that derived
from the interweaving of heads and limbs of animals which is found in
Northern Europe in the preceding age, but the influence of Irish art is
:
CH. XIII.


## p. 332 (#378) ############################################

332
Ships
now often discernible, more especially in the use of spiral and interlacing
designs. English and Carolingian influences are also to be traced. The
same style of ornamentation is to be found in the memorial stones,
as for example in the famous Jellinge stone at the tomb of Gorm the
Old in Jutland. Their houses were wooden but often richly decorated
with carvings and tapestries. In the latter half of the tenth century we
hear how the house of Olaf the Peacock in Iceland was decorated with
scenes from the legends of gods and heroes, such as the fight of Loki
and Heimdallr, Thor's fishing, and Balder's funeral. Traces of tapestry
hangings are found in grave-chambers. The dead chief was often buried
in his ship, and ship-graves have been found not only in Norway but also
at Groix in Brittany. In Denmark grave-chambers of wood seem to
take the place of ship-graves.
Of their ships we know a good deal both from the sagas and from
archaeological finds. The Oseberg ship is a vessel for time of peace and
coast-navigation only, but in the Gokstad ship we have an example of
the ordinary war vessel. It dates from about 900, is of oak, clinker-
built, with seats for 16 pairs of rowers, 78 ft. long and 16 ft. broad
amidships, with the rudder at the side. The gunwale was decorated
with shields painted alternately black and gold, and there was a single
sail. In the course of the Viking period their size was greatly increased
and in the famous dragon- and snake-boats of Olaf Tryggvason and
Knut the Great we hear of 34 and even 60 pairs of oars. The trading
vessels probably differed very little from those of war, just as the line
of division between merchant and Viking was often a very thin one.
Time and again we read how, when merchants visited a foreign land,
they arranged a definite time for the conclusion of their business and
agreed after that to treat each other as enemies. The most remarkable
feature about the Vikings as sailors was the fearless way in which they
crossed the open sea, going boldly on such stormy journeys as those to
the Hebrides and Ireland, to Greenland, and even to Vinland or America.
Hitherto, seamen both in peace and war had confined themselves as
much as possible to coasting voyages. The sea was indeed their element,
and the phrase which William of Malmesbury uses (quoting probably
from an old poem) when describing the failure (after four days' trial) on
the part of Guðfrið of Northumbria to settle down at the court of King
Aethelstan, “he returned to piracy as a fish to the sea,” is probably as
true as it is picturesque.
The chief trading centres in Scandinavia itself were Skiringssalr on
the Vík in Norway, Hedeby-Slesvík in Denmark, Bjørkø, Sigtuna and
Lund in Sweden, besides a great market in Bohuslän on the Götaelv where
the three kingdoms met. The chief articles of export were furs, horses,
wool and flesh: those of import would consist chiefly in articles of luxury,
whether for clothing or ornament. The slave-trade also was of the highest
importance: one incident may be mentioned for the vivid light which it


## p. 333 (#379) ############################################

Trade and Social organisation
333
sheds on the international character of Viking trade. Once, in the market
on the Götaelv, the Icelander Höskuldr bought a female slave from the
merchant Gille (a Celtic name), surnamed the Russian (because of his
journeys to that country). The slave proved to be an Irish king's
daughter made captive by Viking raiders. The Scandinavian countries,
like Rome, are very rich in Anglo-Saxon coins, and though many of these
must represent our Danegeld, the fact that they are most frequent in
Eastern Sweden, on the shores of Lake Mälar and in the neighbourhood
of the great waterways connecting Sweden and the Baltic, but above all on
the islands of Öland and Gothland, whence, in all probability, very few of
the Viking raiders came, would seem to shew that there was extensive
peaceful intercourse with England in Viking days. Yet more interesting
are the frequent finds of Oriental coins. They first made their way to
Scandinavia about the end of the ninth century, and are most common
in Sweden. There can be no doubt that the vast majority of these coins
reached Sweden overland through Russia, where extensive finds of
Arabian coins mark the route along which trade at that time travelled
from Asia to the north. The greater number of these coins were
minted at Samarcand and Bagdad.
In social organisation the Viking communities were aristocratic. !
The famous answer of the followers of Rollo when asked who was their
lord: “We have no lord, we are all equal,” was essentially true, but
with their practical genius the Vikings realised that leadership was
necessary if any military success was to be gained, and we find through-
out their history a series of able leaders, sometimes holding the title of
jarl, but, if of royal birth, commonly known as kings. That the title
did not have its full modern connotation is evident from their numbers
and from the frequency with which they changed. When, however, the
Vikings established permanent settlements, hereditary kingship became
common, and royal houses bore sway in Dublin and other Irish towns :
thence a hereditary line of kings was introduced into Northumbria. The
rulership of Normandy was hereditary and so possibly was the kingship
in East Anglia, but in the districts grouped round the Five Boroughs
the organisation was of a different kind, the chief authority resting with
the Lawmen. We find frequent mention of these Lawmen both in
Scandinavia itself and in those countries where Scandinavian influence
prevailed. Originally men skilled in the law, who could state and interpret
it when required, they often presided in the Thing or popular assembly
and represented the local or provincial community as against the king
or his officers, though they do not themselves seem to have exercised
judicial functions. They are usually mentioned in the plural number
and probably acted as a collective body. In England and the Western
Islands they attained a position of yet greater importance. In Man and
the Hebrides they became actual chieftains and are mentioned side by
side with the kings, while it is probable that they were the chief judicial
а
>
CH, XIII.


## p. 334 (#380) ############################################

334
Influence in Ireland
authorities in the aristocratic organisation of the Five Boroughs and other
parts of the Danelaw. They were usually twelve in number, and their
presence may be definitely traced in Cambridge, Stamford, Lincoln, York
and Chester. The office would seem as a rule to have been hereditary.
The influence of the Vikings varied from country to country, not
only according to the political and social condition of the lands in which
they settled, but also to some extent according to the nation from which
they came. In Ireland the settlements were chiefly Norse, though there
is some evidence for the presence of Danes in Cork and Limerick. Here
their influence was concentrated in certain important towns on the coast
(Dublin, Wexford, Waterford, and the two already mentioned) and
the districts immediately surrounding them. Scandinavian influence on
Irish place-names is confined almost entirely to these localities and to
the harbours and islands which must from time to time have given shelter
to their fleets. Intermarriage between the Irish and the Norse settlers
began at a very early date, and interesting evidence of it is found in the
large numbers of Irish names in the genealogies of the chief Icelandic
families preserved in Landnamabók. Such intermarriage was frequent,
but the strength of the clan system would seem to have enabled the races
to continue distinct. Norse words are very rare in Irish, and even when
the old Norse kingdoms were shorn of their glory and reduced to
dependence, the “Ostmen,” as they were called, remained an entirely
distinct element in the community, and frequent mention is made of
them in the records of the great towns. They still survived at the time
of the English conquest, and often both claimed and received privileges
entirely different from those accorded to the natives or to the English
settlers. In Ireland as in other countries there is no doubt that the
Vikings did much harm to religion and to learning, but at the same
time they strengthened town-life and developed trade. For many years
the trade of Ireland was largely in Scandinavian hands.
Norse influence in Scotland was great, but varied much from place to
place. The Orkneys and Shetlands are thoroughly Norse. They formed
part of the Norwegian kingdom till 1468, and Norse speech lingered
on until the close of the eighteenth century. Place-names are almost
entirely of Norse origin and the dialect is full of Norse words. In the
system of landholding the udallers are an interesting survival of the
old Norse freeholders, whose óðal was held on precisely the same free
tenure as the Scotch udal. The Hebrides were also largely influenced
.
by the Vikings, and it was not till 1266 that Magnus Hákonson
renounced all claims of Norway to the islands and to Man. Place-
nomenclature both in the names of the islands themselves and of their
physical features shews a strong Norse element, and there are many Norse
words in the Gaelic of the islands and of the mainland. These words
have undergone such extensive changes and corruption in a language so
different from their original source that their recognition is a difficult
a


## p. 335 (#381) ############################################

Influence in Scotland, Man and the Isles
335
problem. There is at present perhaps a danger of exaggerating this
element, the existence of which was long overlooked. Similarly, affinities
have been traced between Scandinavian and Gaelic popular tales and
folk-lore, but this evidence is of doubtful value to the student of
history. As was to be expected, the chief traces of Viking influence on
the mainland are to be found in the modern counties of Sutherland (the
district south of the Orkneys was so called by the Norsemen), Caithness,
Ross and Cromarty, which were for a long time under the authority of
the Orkney earls, and in Galloway, which was naturally exposed to attacks
from the powerful Norse settlements in Man. The name of this district
(perhaps derived from Gall-Gaedhil) possibly bears witness, as we have
seen, to the mixed race resulting from their presence, and the evidence of
place-names confirms it. In the history of Scotland, as a whole, it is
to be remembered that it was the weakening of Pictish power under
Norse attack which paved the way for the unification of the land under
the rule of Kenneth Mac Alpin.
The Isle of Man bears many and deep marks of its Norse occupa-
tion. Here as in the Hebrides the occupation was long and continuous.
Attacked by Vikings from the early years of the ninth century, it came
first under the rule of the kingdom of Dublin and then of the earls of
Orkney. The successors of Godred Crovan, who conquered the island in
1079, took the title of king and were kings both of Man and the Isles
(i. e. the Hebrides). The chief witnesses to Norse rule are the Manx legal
system and the sculptured stones scattered about the island. The highest
executive and legislative authority in the island (after the Governor) is
still the Tynwald Court, whose name goes back to the Old Norse þingvöllr
(the open plain where the popular assembly met), and the House of Keys,
which is the oldest division of the court, consisted originally of 24 mem-
bers (a duodecimal notation which constantly recurs in Scandinavian law
and polity) chosen by co-option and for life, the office being generally, as
a matter of fact, hereditary. These men who have the “ keys of the law”
in their bosom resemble closely the Lawmen, of whom mention has
already been made. All laws to be valid must still be announced from
the Tynwald Hill, which corresponds to the lögberg or law-hill in the
Icelandic allthing. When the assembly is held the coroner “fences the
court” against all disturbance or disorder, just as in the old Norwegian
Gula-thing we hear of vé-bönd or sanctuary-ropes drawn around the
assembly. Of the sculptured stones we have already spoken more than once:
suffice it to say here that in addition to runic inscriptions they often give us
pictorial representations of the great scenes in myth and legend, such as
the fight of Odin with Fenrir's Wolf and the slaying of the serpent Fafnir
by Sigurðr. In many ways Man is the district of the British Isles in
which we can get closest to the life of the old Viking days.
Cumberland and Westmorland stand somewhat apart from the rest of
England in the matter of Viking influence, for they were fairly certainly
CH. XIII.


## p. 336 (#382) ############################################

336 Influence in Northumbria and the Five Boroughs
colonised by Norsemen from Man and the islands. The greater number
of the place-names are purely Scandinavian and the local dialects are full
of terms of similar origin. It is probable that such parts of Lancashire
as shew Viking influence, viz. Furness and Lancashire north of the
Ribble, should be grouped with these districts; south of that river their
influence on place-nomenclature is slight, except on the coast, where we
have evidence of a series of Viking settlements extending to and including
the Wirral in Cheshire. A twelfth-century runic inscription survives at
Loppergarth in Furness, and the Gosforth cross in Cumberland bears
heathen as well as Christian sculptures. The parallel existence of hundred
and wapentake and the carucal assessment in Domesday warn us that we
must not underrate the importance of Norse influence.
The Scandinavian kingdom of Northumbria must have been much
smaller than the earlier realm of that name. Northumberland shews
but few traces of Viking influence, and it is not till we reach Teesdale
that it becomes strongly marked. From here to the Humber place-
nomenclature and dialect, ridings and wapentakes, carucates and duo-
decimal notation in the Domesday assessments, bear witness to their
presence from the shores of the North Sea right up to the Pennines.
For the extent and character of the Viking settlements in the district
of the Five Boroughs we have not only the usual (and often somewhat
unsatisfactory) tests of place-names and dialects, ancient and modern,
but also a far more accurate index in the facts recorded in the Domesday
assessment of the eleventh century. For the northern counties this is
largely non-existent or too scanty to be of any great value, but here it
has its usual fulness of detail. The chief tests derived from this source
with their respective applications are as follows: (1) The use of the
Danish “ wapentake"
wapentake ” as the chief division of the county in place of
the English “ hundred. " This is found in Derbyshire (with one ex-
ception on its southern border), Nottinghamshire, Lincolnshire (with
certain exceptions along the sea-coast which have a curious and unex-
plained parallel in the Domesday divisions of Yorkshire), Leicester-
shire, Rutland and one district of Northamptonshire now included in
Rutland. (2) The assessment by carucates in multiples and sub-
multiples of twelve, which is characteristic of the Danelaw, as opposed
to that by hides arranged on a decimal system. This we find in the shires
of Derby, Nottingham, Lincoln, Leicester and Rutland (with the above
exception). In the two N. E. hundreds of Northamptonshire there are also
traces of a duodecimal assessment. (3) The use of the ore of 16d. instead
of that of 20d. is found in Derbyshire, Nottinghamshire, Lincolnshire and
Lancashire. In Leicestershire we are told on the other hand that the
ore was of 20d. (4) In Lincolnshire, Nottinghamshire, Derbyshire (and
Yorkshire) we have traces of the use of the Danish “ long” hundred
(= 120), e. g. the fine for breaking the king's peace is £8 (i. e. 120 ores).
These tests establish Derbyshire, Nottinghamshire, Lincolnshire (Lincoln
a


## p. 337 (#383) ############################################

Influence in East Anglia
337
and Stamford), Leicestershire and (probably) the whole of Rutland
(Stamford), as belonging to the Five Boroughs, and place-names confirm
this evidence. The counties to the west and south answer none of the
tests, and there is only a slight sprinkling of Danish names in Stafford-
shire and Warwickshire on their eastern borders. Northamptonshire
furnishes a difficulty. Except in the extreme north-east it fails to pass
our tests, but Danish place-nomenclature is strongly evident, though it
shades off somewhat to the S. W. It resembles Danish East Anglia rather
than the district of the Five Boroughs, and it is possible that the boundary
of Guthrum's kingdom, which is only carried as far as Stony Stratford
in the peace of Alfred and Guthrum, really ran along Watling Street for
a few miles, giving two-thirds of that county to the East Anglian realm '.
While the judicial authority was in the hands of the Lawmen in the Five
Boroughs, we hear at the same time of jarls in these towns and in North-
ampton and other places, who lead their forces to war and sign royal
charters and documents. Probably to the Danes we owe the organisa-
tion of the modern counties of Derby, Leicester, Nottingham, Lincoln
(and Stamford), Northampton, Bedford, Cambridge and Hertford.
In East Anglia the tests which we used for the Five Boroughs fail,
and we are left with the boundaries of Guthrum's kingdom, certain
evidence from place-names, and other miscellaneous facts. A few holmes
in Bedfordshire, some holmes, biggins and tofts in Hertfordshire, Cam-
bridgeshire, and Huntingdonshire, a “ Danish” hundred in Hertfordshire,
are almost all the evidence from place-names. Essex shews a few,
Suffolk more traces of Danes on the coast, and the latter county has
some traces inland, especially in the north. Norfolk is strongly Danish,
even if we overlook the doubtful “ thorpes,” which are so abundant here.
The Historia Eliensis and other documents tend to shew the presence of
a strong Danish element in the population and social organisation of the
district around Cambridge. As a whole, however, the Viking impress
on East Anglia is much less deep than on Mercia. The difference
rests probably on a difference of original organisation, but it is im-
possible now to define it.
Other features of interest in our social system due to Viking influence
may be observed from a study of Domesday and other authorities.
Attention has often been called to the number of freeholders in the
Danelaw, and it would seem that Lincolnshire, Leicestershire and Norfolk
more especially had not been feudalised to any great extent before the
Norman conquest. In the other counties the influence of southern
custom is more apparent. The “holds ” of Northumbria, who rank next
after the earls, and the “drengs" of Cumberland, Westmorland, North-
umberland and Durham, are undoubtedly of Scandinavian origin. The
2
9
1 The Welland is so natural a border that it is very unlikely English authority
really came north of it. The hides must remain an unexplained difficulty.
22
C. MED, H. VOL. III. CH. XIII.


## p. 338 (#384) ############################################

338
Influence on law and society
,
“socmen,” a class of free peasants, are most numerous in the Five
Boroughs and East Anglia and are only found sporadically in other
places.
Our legal system shews again and again the influence of Scandinavian
law and custom. The word “law” itself is a Scandinavian term in
contrast to the English “doom. " We have already mentioned the
Lawmen: still more interesting are the “Twelve senior thanes” of
Aethelred's laws for the Five Boroughs enacted at Wantage in 997.
They have to come forward in the court of every wapentake and to
swear that they will not accuse any innocent man or conceal any guilty
one. The exact force of this enactment has been a matter of dispute,
but there can be little doubt that (in the words of Vinogradoff) such a
custom "prepared the way for the indictment jury of the twelfth century. "
“
In criminal law the Danes introduced a new conception of crime. The
idea of honour in the relationship of members of a military society to
one another led to the appearance of a group of crimes whose perpe-
trators are branded as nithings, men unworthy of comradeship with
others and, more especially, with their fellow warriors. In the general
life of the nation the Danes placed an effective check on learning and
literature except during the heroic activities of Alfred the Great, but on
the other hand we probably owe to them an extensive development
of town-life and of trade and the revival of English naval power. Dis-
astrous as were the Danish wars, there can be little doubt that the
Danish settlements were for the ultimate good of the nation.
In the Frankish Empire the only permanent settlement was in
Normandy. Scandinavian influence was strong in Frisia and the lower
basin of the Rhine (Dorestad was the centre of their commercial activity),
but there is no question of influence on law, social organisation or
government. In Normandy on the other hand we have a powerful and
almost independent State with a full Viking organisation. The history
of the Normans does not belong to this chapter. Suffice it to say here
that perhaps more than any other of the Vikings they shewed themselves
readily able to assimilate themselves to their surroundings, and they were
soon Gallicised; nevertheless law and custom, dialect and place-names,
still shew their presence clearly.
Of Scandinavian influence in Eastern Europe little can be said owing
to our lack of knowledge. Attempts have been made to distinguish Scan-
dinavian elements in the old Russian law and language but without any
very definite results, and we must confine ourselves to the points men-
tioned earlier.