[397] These caused their
cavalry and chariots to advance as far as the bank of the stream,
seeking, from their commanding position, to dispute the passage; but,
repulsed by the cavalry, they withdrew into a forest where there was a
place singularly fortified by nature and art, a refuge constructed in
former times in their intestine wars.
cavalry and chariots to advance as far as the bank of the stream,
seeking, from their commanding position, to dispute the passage; but,
repulsed by the cavalry, they withdrew into a forest where there was a
place singularly fortified by nature and art, a refuge constructed in
former times in their intestine wars.
Napoleon - History of Julius Caesar - b
It appears that it is not more than a century and
a half that the natural basin of Boulogne has been partly filled; and,
according to tradition and geological observations, the coast advanced
more than two kilomètres, forming two jetties, between which the high
tide filled the valley of the Liane to a distance of four kilomètres
inland.
None of the ports situated to the north of Boulogne could serve as the
basis of Cæsar’s expedition, for none could receive so great a number of
vessels, and we cannot suppose that Cæsar would have left them on the
open coast, during more than a month, exposed to the tempests of the
ocean, which were so fatal to him on the coasts of Britain.
Boulogne was the only point of the coast where Cæsar could place in
safety his depôts, his supplies, and his spare stores. The heights which
command the port offered advantageous positions for establishing his
camps,[379] and the little river Liane allowed him to bring with ease
the timber and provisions he required. At Calais he would have found
nothing but flats and marshes, at Wissant nothing but sands, as
indicated by etymology of the word (_white sand_).
It is worthy of remark, that the reasons which determined Cæsar to start
from Boulogne were the same which decided the choice of Napoleon I. in
1804. In spite of the difference in the times and in the armies, the
nautical and practical conditions had undergone no change. “The Emperor
chose Boulogne,” says M. Thiers, “because that port had long been
pointed out as the best point of departure of an expedition directed
against England; he chose Boulogne, because its port is formed by the
little river Liane, which allowed him, with some labour, to place in
safety from 1,200 to 1,300 vessels. ”
We may point out, as another similarity, that certain flat boats,
constructed by order of the Emperor, had nearly the same dimensions as
those employed by Cæsar. “There required,” says the historian of the
‘Consulate and the Empire,’ “boats which would not need more, when they
were laden, than seven or eight feet of water to float, and which would
go with oars, so as to pass, either in calm or fog, and strand without
breaking on the flat English shores. The great gun-boats carried four
pieces of large bore, and were rigged like brigs, that is, with two
masts, manœuvred by twenty-four sailors, and capable of carrying a
company of a hundred men, with its staff, and its arms and munitions. . . .
These boats offered a vexatious inconvenience, that of falling to the
leeward, that is, yielding to the currents. This was the result of their
clumsy build, which presented more hold to the water than their masts to
the wind. ”[380]
Cæsar’s ships experienced the same inconvenience, and, drawn away by the
currents in his second expedition, they went to the leeward rather far
in the north.
We have seen that Cæsar’s transport boats were flat-bottomed, that they
could go either with sails or oars; carry if necessary 150 men, and be
loaded and drawn on dry ground with promptness (_ad celeritatem
onerandi subductionesque_). They had thus a great analogy with the
flat-bottomed boats of 1804. But there is more, for the Emperor Napoleon
had found it expedient to imitate the Roman galleys. “He had seen the
necessity,” says M. Thiers, “of constructing boats still lighter and
more movable than the preceding, drawing only two or three feet of
water, and calculated for landing anywhere. They were large boats,
narrow, sixty feet long, having a movable deck which could be laid or
withdrawn at will, and were distinguished from the others by the name of
pinnaces. These large boats were provided with sixty oars, carried at
need a light sail, and moved with extreme swiftness. When sixty
soldiers, practised in handling the oar as well as the sailors, set them
in motion, they glided over the sea like the light boats dropped from
the sides of our great vessels, and surprised the eye by the rapidity of
their course. ”
The point of landing has been equally the subject of a host of contrary
suppositions. St. Leonards, near Hastings, Richborough (_Rutupiœ_),
near Sandwich, Lymne, near Hythe, and Deal, have all been proposed.
The first of these localities, we think, must be rejected, for it
answers none of the conditions of the relation given in the
“Commentaries,” which inform us that, in the second expedition, the
fleet sailed with a gentle wind from the south-west. Now, this is the
least favourable of all winds for taking the direction of Hastings, when
starting from the coasts of the department of the Pas-de-Calais. In this
same passage, Cæsar, after having been drawn away from his course during
four hours of the night, perceived, at daybreak, that he had left
Britain to his left. This fact cannot possibly be explained if he had
intended to land at St. Leonards. As to Richborough, this locality is
much too far to the north. Why should Cæsar have gone so far as
Sandwich, since he could have landed at Walmer and Deal? Lymne, or
rather Romney Marsh, will suit no better. This shore is altogether unfit
for a landing-place, and none of the details furnished by the
“Commentaries” can be made to suit it. [381]
There remains Deal; but before describing this place, we must examine
if, on his first passage, when Cæsar sailed, after remaining five days
opposite the cliffs of Dover, the current of which he took advantage
carried him towards the north or towards the south. (_See Page_ 177. )
Two celebrated English astronomers, Halley and Mr. Airy, have studied
this question; but they agree neither on the place where Cæsar embarked,
nor on that where he landed. We may, nevertheless, arrive at a solution
of this problem by seeking the day on which Cæsar landed. The year of
the expedition is known by the consulate of Pompey and Crassus--it was
the year 699. The month in which the departure took place is known by
the following data, derived from the “Commentaries;” the fine season was
near its end, _exuigua parte œstatis reliqua_ (IV. 20); the wheat had
been reaped everywhere, except in one single spot, _omni ex reliquis
partibus demesso frumento, una pars erat reliqua_ (IV. 32); the equinox
was near at hand, _propinqua die œquinoctii_ (IV. 36). These data
point sufficiently clearly to the month of August. Lastly, we have,
relative to the day of landing, the following indications:--After four
days past since his arrival in Britain. . . . there arose suddenly so
violent a tempest. . . . That same night it was full moon, which is the
period of the highest tides of the ocean, _Post diem quartam, quam est
in Britanniam ventum_([382]). . . . _tanta tempestas subita coorta est. . . .
Eadem nocte accidit, ut esset luna plena, qui dies maritimos æstus
maximos in Oceano efficere consuevit_.
According to this, we consider that the tempest took place after four
days, counted from the day of landing; that the full moon fell on the
following night; and lastly, that this period coincided not with the
highest _tide_, but with the highest _tides_ of the ocean. Thus we
believe that it would be sufficient for ascertaining the exact day of
landing, to take the sixth day which preceded the full moon of the month
of August, 699; now this phenomenon, according to astronomical tables,
happened on the 31st, towards three o’clock in the morning. On the eve,
that is, on the 30th, the tempest had occurred; four full days had
passed since the landing; this takes us back to the 25th. Cæsar then
landed on the 25th of August. Mr. Airy, it is true, has interpreted the
text altogether differently from our explanation: he believes that the
expression _post diem quartum_ may be taken in Latin for the third day;
on another hand, he doubts if Cæsar had in his army almanacks by which
he could know the exact day of the full moon; lastly, as the highest
tide takes place a day and a half after the full moon, he affirms that
Cæsar, placing these two phenomena at the same moment, must have been
mistaken, either in the day of the full moon, or in that of the highest
tide; and he concludes from this that the landing may have taken place
on the second, third, or fourth day before the full moon.
Our reasoning has another basis. Let us first state that at that time
the science of astronomy permitted people to know certain epochs of the
moon, since, more than a hundred years before, during the war against
Perseus, a tribune of the army of Paulus Æmilius announced on the
previous day to his soldiers an eclipse of the moon, in order to
counteract the effect of their superstitious fears. [383] Let us remark
also, that Cæsar, who subsequently reformed the calendar, was well
informed in the astronomical knowledge of his time, already carried to a
very high point of advance by Hipparchus, and that he took especial
interest in it, since he discovered, by means of water-clocks, that the
nights were shorter in Britain than in Italy.
Everything, then, authorises us in the belief that Cæsar, when he
embarked for an unknown country, where he might have to make night
marches, must have taken precautions for knowing the course of the moon,
and furnished himself with calendars. But we have put the question
independently of these considerations, by seeking among the days which
preceded the full moon of the end of August, 699, which was the one in
which the shifting of the currents of which Cæsar speaks could have been
produced at the hour indicated in the “Commentaries. ”
Supposing, then, the fleet of Cæsar at anchor at a distance of half a
mile opposite Dover, as it experienced the effect of the shifting of the
currents towards half-past three o’clock in the afternoon, the question
becomes reduced to that of determining the day of the end of the month
of August when this phenomenon took place at the above hour. We know
that in the Channel the sea produces, in rising and falling, two
alternate currents, one directed from the west to the east, called
_flux_ (_flot_), or current of the rising tide; the other directed from
the east to the west, named _reflux_ (_jusant_), or current of the
falling tide. In the sea opposite Dover, at a distance of half a mile
from the coast, the flux begins usually to be sensible two hours before
high tide at Dover, and the reflux four hours after.
So that, if we find a day before the full moon of the 31st of August,
699, on which it was high tide at Dover, either at half-past five in the
afternoon or at midday, that will be the day of landing; and further, we
shall know whether the current carried Cæsar towards the east or towards
the west. Now, we may admit, according to astronomical data, that the
tides of the days which preceded the full moon of the 31st of August,
699, were sensibly the same as those of the days which preceded the full
moon of the 4th of September, 1857; and, as it was the sixth day before
the full moon of the 4th of September, 1857, that it was high tide at
Dover towards half-past five in the afternoon (_see the Annuaire des
Marées des Côtes de France for the year_ 1857),[384] we are led to
conclude that the same phenomenon was produced also at Dover on the
sixth day before the 31st of August, 699; and that it was on the 25th of
August that Cæsar arrived in Britain, his fleet being carried forward by
the current of the rising tide.
This last conclusion, by obliging us to seek the point of landing to the
north of Dover, constitutes the strongest theoretic presumption in
favour of Deal. Let us now examine if Deal satisfies the requirements of
the Latin text.
The cliffs which border the coasts of England towards the southern part
of the county of Kent form, from Folkestone to the castle of Walmer, a
vast quarter of a circle, convex towards the sea, abrupt on nearly all
points; they present several bays or creeks, as at Folkestone, at Dover,
at St. Margaret’s, and at Oldstairs, and, diminishing by degrees in
elevation, terminate at the castle of Walmer. From this point,
proceeding towards the north, the coast is flat, and favourable for
landing on an extent of several leagues.
The country situated to the west of Walmer and Deal is itself flat as
far as the view can reach, or presents only gentle undulations of
ground. We may add that it produces, in great quantities, wheat of
excellent quality, and that the nature of the soil leads us to believe
that it was the same at a remote period. These different conditions
rendered the shore of Walmer and Deal the best place of landing for the
Roman army.
Its situation, moreover, agrees fully with the narrative of the
“Commentaries. ” In the first expedition, the Roman fleet, starting from
the cliffs of Dover and doubling the point of the South Foreland, may
have made the passage of seven miles in an hour; it would thus have
come to anchor opposite the present village of Walmer. The Britons,
starting from Dover, might have made a march of eight kilomètres quickly
enough to oppose the landing of the Romans. (_See Plate_ 16. )
The combat which followed was certainly fought on the part of the shore
which extends from Walmer Castle to Deal. At present the whole extent of
this coast is covered with buildings, so that it is impossible to say
what was its exact form nineteen centuries ago; but, from a view of the
locality, we can understand without difficulty the different
circumstances of the combat described in Book IV. of the “Commentaries. ”
Four days completed after the arrival of Cæsar in Britain, a tempest
dispersed the eighteen ships which, after quitting Ambleteuse, had
arrived just within sight of the Roman camp. All the sailors of the
Channel who have been consulted believe it possible that the same
hurricane, according to the text, might have driven one part of the
ships towards the South Foreland and the other part towards the coast of
Boulogne and Ambleteuse. The conformation of the ground itself indicates
the site of the Roman camp on the height where the village of Walmer
rises. It was situated there at a distance of 1,000 or 1,200 mètres from
the beach, in a position which commanded the surrounding country. And it
is thus easy to understand, from the aspect of the locality, the details
relative to the episode of the 7th legion, surprised while it was
mowing. [385] It might be objected that at Deal the Roman camp was not
near to a water-course, but they could dig wells, which is the only
method by which the numerous population of Deal at the present day
obtain water.
From all that has just been said, the following facts appear to us to be
established in regard to the first expedition. Cæsar, after causing all
his flotilla to go out of the port the day before, started in the night
between the 24th and 25th of August, towards midnight, from the coast of
Boulogne, and arrived opposite Dover towards six o’clock in the morning.
He remained at anchor until half-past three in the afternoon, and then,
having wind and tide in his favour, he moved a distance of seven miles
and arrived near Deal, probably between Deal and Walmer Castle, at
half-past four. As in the month of August twilight lasts till after
half-past seven, and its effect may be prolonged by the moon, which at
that hour was in the middle of the heaven, Cæsar had still four hours
left for landing, driving back the Britons, and establishing himself on
the British soil. As the sea began to ebb towards half-past five, this
explains the anecdote of Cæsius Scæva told by Valerius Maximus; for,
towards seven o’clock, the rocks called the _Malms_ might be left
uncovered by the ebb of the tide.
After four entire days, reckoned from the moment of landing, that is, on
the 30th of August, the tempest arose, and full moon occurred in the
following night.
This first expedition, which Cæsar had undertaken too late in the
season, and with too few troops, could not lead to great results. He
himself declares that he only sought to make an appearance in Britain.
In fact, he did not remove from the coast, and he left the island
towards the 17th of September, having remained there only twenty-three
days. [386]
[Sidenote: _Résumé_ of the Dates of the Campaign of 699. ]
IX. We recapitulate as follows the probable dates of the campaign of
699:--
Cæsar crosses the mountains
_earlier than usual_. April 10.
His arrival at the army between the
Loire and the Seine. April 22.
Abode with the army, and informations.
From April 22 to May 10.
March to between the Meuse and the
Rhine From May 11 to May 28.
Victory over the Usipetes and Tencteri June 4.
Arrival at Bonn for the passage of the
Rhine June 11.
Construction of the bridge of piles (10
days) From June 12 to June 21.
The campaign beyond the Rhine (18
days) From June 22 to July 9.
March from Bonn to Boulogne,
From July 11 to July 28.
Preparations for the expedition to Britain
From July 28 to August 24.
Departure. Night between Aug. 24 and Aug. 25.
Landing. August 25.
The tempest. August 30.
Duration of the abode in Britain (18
days). From August 25 to Sept. 12.
Return to Gaul. Sept. 12.
Autumnal equinox. Sept. 26.
CHAPTER VIII
(Year of Rome 700. )
(BOOK V. OF THE “COMMENTARIES. ”)
MARCH AGAINST THE TREVIRI--SECOND DESCENT IN BRITAIN.
[Sidenote: Inspection of the Fleet. March against the Treviri. ]
I. Cæsar, after having appeased the troubles of Illyria, and passed some
time in Italy, rejoined the army in the country of the Belgæ, at the
beginning of June in the year 700. Immediately on his arrival, he
visited all his quarters, and the naval arsenal established, according
to Strabo, at the mouth of the Seine. [387] He found his fleet ready for
sea. In spite of the scarcity of necessary materials, the soldiers had
laboured in building it with the greatest zeal. He rewarded them with
commendations, complimented those who had directed the works, and
appointed for the general rendezvous the Portus Itius (_Boulogne_).
The concentration of the fleet required a considerable length of time,
of which Cæsar took advantage to prevent the effects of the agitation
which had shown itself among the Treviri. These populations, rebelling
against his orders, and suspected of having called the Germans from
beyond the Rhine, did not send their representatives to the assemblies.
Cæsar marched against them with four legions, without baggage, and 800
cavalry, and left troops in sufficient number to protect the fleet.
The Treviri possessed, in addition to a considerable infantry, a more
numerous cavalry than any other people in Gaul. They were divided into
two factions, whose chiefs, Indutiomarus and his son-in-law Cingetorix,
disputed the chief power. The latter was no sooner informed of the
approach of the legions, than he repaired to Cæsar, and assured him that
he would not fail in his duties towards the Roman people. Indutiomarus,
on the contrary, raised troops, and caused to be placed in safety, in
the immense forest of the Ardennes, which extended across the country of
the Treviri from the Rhine to the territory of the Remi, all those whose
age rendered them incapable of carrying arms. But when he saw several
chiefs (_principes_), drawn by their alliance with Cingetorix or
intimidated by the approach of the Romans, treat with Cæsar, fearing to
be abandoned by all, he made his submission. Although Cæsar put no faith
in his sincerity, yet, as he did not want to pass the fine season among
the Treviri, and as he was desirous of hastening to Boulogne, where all
was ready for the expedition into Britain, he was satisfied with
exacting 200 hostages, among whom were the son and all the kindred of
Indutiomarus, and, after having assembled the principal chiefs, he
conferred the authority on Cingetorix. This preference accorded to a
rival turned Indutiomarus into an irreconcileable enemy. [388]
[Sidenote: Departure for the Isle of Britain. ]
II. Hoping that he had pacified the country by these measures, Cæsar
proceeded with his four legions to the Portus Itius. His fleet,
perfectly equipped, was ready to sail. Including the vessels of the
preceding years, it was composed of six hundred transport ships and
twenty-eight galleys. It wanted only forty ships built in the country of
the Meldæ,[389] which a tempest had driven back to their point of
departure; adding to it a certain number of light barques which many
chiefs had caused to be built for their own personal usage, the total
amounted to 800 sail. [390] The Roman army concentrated at Boulogne
consisted of eight legions and 4,000 cavalry raised in the whole of Gaul
and in Spain;[391] but the expeditionary body was composed only of five
legions and 2,000 cavalry. Labienus received orders to remain on the
coast of the Channel with three legions, and one-half of the cavalry, to
guard the ports, provide for the supply of the troops, keep watch upon
Gaul, and act according to circumstances. Cæsar had convoked the
principal citizens, of each people (_principes ex omnibus civitatibus_),
and left upon the continent but the small number of those of whose
fidelity he was assured, taking with him the others as pledges of
tranquillity during his absence. Dumnorix, who commanded the Æduan
cavalry in the expedition, was of all the chiefs the one it was most
important to carry with him. Restless, ambitious, and distinguished by
his courage and credit, this man had tried every means in vain to obtain
permission to remain in his country. Irritated by the refusal, he became
a conspirator, and said openly that Cæsar only dragged the nobles into
Britain to sacrifice them. These plots were known and watched with care.
It was the end of June. The wind from the north-west, which on this
coast blows habitually at this period of the year, retarded the
departure of the fleet twenty-five days; at length a favourable wind
rose, and the army received orders to embark. In the middle of the
bustle and confusion of starting, Dumnorix left the camp secretly with
the Æduan cavalry, and took the road for his own country. When this was
known, the embarkment was suspended, and a great part of the cavalry
went in pursuit of the fugitive, with orders to bring him back dead or
alive. Dumnorix, soon overtaken, resists, and is surrounded and slain.
The Æduan cavalry all returned to the camp.
On the 20th of July, we believe, the fleet raised anchor at sunset, with
a light breeze from the south-west. This wind having ceased towards
midnight, the fleet was carried rather far out of its route by the
current of the rising tide. At daybreak, Cæsar perceived that he had
left Britain to his left. (_See Plate_ 16. ) But then came on the
shifting of the current, of which he took advantage, and, aided by the
reflux (_jusant_), laboured with all oars to gain the part of the isle
found, in the preceding year, to offer an easy landing. Under these
circumstances, the soldiers, with a persevering energy, succeeded, by
means of their oars, in giving to the transport ships, in spite of their
heaviness, the speed of galleys. The army landed, towards noon, on
several points at once,[392] without any appearance of the enemy.
Prisoners reported subsequently that the barbarians, terrified at the
view of so great a number of ships, had withdrawn to the heights. [393]
[Sidenote: March into the interior of the Country. ]
III. Having effected the landing, Cæsar established his camp in a good
position, near the sea. [394] The fleet, left at anchor near the shore,
on a level beach without shoals, under the command of Atrius, inspired
him with no uneasiness. [395] As soon as he knew where the enemy was
posted, he began his march at the third watch (midnight), leaving ten
cohorts[396] and 300 cavalry to guard the fleet. After having proceeded
during the night about twelve miles, the Romans at daybreak came in
sight of the barbarians, posted on the heights of Kingston, beyond a
stream of water now called the Little Stour.
[397] These caused their
cavalry and chariots to advance as far as the bank of the stream,
seeking, from their commanding position, to dispute the passage; but,
repulsed by the cavalry, they withdrew into a forest where there was a
place singularly fortified by nature and art, a refuge constructed in
former times in their intestine wars. [398] Numerous _abatis_ of felled
trees closed all the avenues. The Romans pushed the enemy up to the
border of the wood, and made an attempt to carry the position. The
Britons issued forth in small groups to defend the approaches of their
_oppidum_; but the soldiers of the 7th legion, having formed the
tortoise and pushed a terrace up to the inclosure, obtained possession
of the retrenchment, and drove them out of the wood without sensible
loss. Cæsar prevented the pursuit; he was unacquainted with the country,
and wished to employ the rest of the day in fortifying his camp. [399]
[Sidenote: Destruction of a part of the Fleet. ]
IV. Next morning, he divided the infantry and cavalry into three bodies,
and sent them separately in pursuit of the enemy. The troops had
advanced a considerable distance, and already the hindmost of the
fugitives were in view, when a party of cavalry, despatched by Q.
Atrius, came to announce that, in the preceding night, a violent
tempest had damaged and thrown on shore nearly all the vessels. Neither
anchors nor cordage had been strong enough to resist; the efforts of
pilots and sailors had been powerless, and the shocks of the vessels
against one another had caused serious loss. At this news, Cæsar called
in his troops, ordered them to limit their efforts to repulsing the
enemy as they retired, and hurried on before them to his fleet. He
verified the correctness of the losses which were announced: about forty
ships were destroyed, and the repair of the others required a long
labour. He took the workmen attached to the legions, and brought others
from the continent; wrote to Labienus to build, with his troops, the
greatest number of ships possible; and lastly, in order to place his
fleet in safety from all danger, he resolved, in spite of the labour it
must entail upon him, to haul all the vessels on land, and inclose them
in the camp by a new retrenchment. [400] The soldiers employed ten entire
days in this work, without interruption, even during the night. [401]
[Sidenote: Cæsar resumes the offensive. ]
V. The vessels once placed on dry ground and surrounded with substantial
defences, Cæsar left in the camp the same troops as before, and
returned towards the localities where he had been obliged to abandon the
pursuit of the Britons. He found them collected in great number. The
general direction of the war had been entrusted to Cassivellaunus, whose
states were separated from the maritime districts by the Thames, a river
which was about eighty miles distant from the coast. [402] This chief had
heretofore had to sustain continual wars against the other peoples of
the island; but, in face of the danger, all, with unanimous accord,
agreed in giving him the command.
The enemy’s cavalry, with the war-chariots, attacked vigorously the
cavalry in its march; they were everywhere beaten and driven back into
the woods or to the heights. A short time after, while the Romans were
labouring without distrust at their retrenchments, the Britons suddenly
issued from the woods and attacked their advanced posts. The struggle
becoming obstinate, Cæsar sent forward two picked cohorts, the first of
two legions. They had hardly taken their position, leaving a slight
interval between them, when the barbarians, manœuvring with their
chariots according to custom, so intimidated the Romans by this mode of
fighting, that they passed and repassed with impunity across the
interval between the cohorts. The enemy was only repulsed on the arrival
of re-enforcements. Q. Laberius Durus, a military tribune, perished in
this action.
The description of this battle, as given in the “Commentaries,” has been
differently understood. According to Dio Cassius, the Britons had at
first thrown the ranks of the Romans into disorder by means of their
chariots; but Cæsar, to baffle this manœuvre, had opened for them a
free passage by placing his cohorts at greater intervals. He would thus
have repeated the dispositions taken by Scipio at the battle of Zama, to
protect him against the Carthaginian elephants.
This engagement, which took place before the camp and under the eyes of
the army, showed how little the Roman tactics were fitted for this kind
of warfare. The legionary, heavily armed, and accustomed to combat in
line, could neither pursue the enemy in his retreat, nor move too far
from his ensigns. There existed a still greater disadvantage for the
cavalry. The Britons, by a simulated flight, drew them away from the
legionaries, and then, jumping down from their chariots, engaged on foot
in an unequal struggle; for, always supported by their cavalry, they
were as dangerous in the attack as in the defence. [403]
The following day, the enemies took a position far from the camp, on the
heights; they only showed themselves in small parties, isolated,
harassing the cavalry with less ardour than before. But, towards the
middle of the day, Cæsar having sent three legions and the cavalry,
under the orders of the lieutenant C. Trebonius, to forage, they rushed
from all sides upon the foragers with such impetuosity, that they
approached the eagles and legions which had remained under arms. The
infantry repulsed them vigorously, and, though they usually left to the
cavalry the care of the pursuit, this time they did not cease to drive
them before them till the cavalry, feeling themselves supported, came
themselves to complete the rout. These left them time neither to rally
nor to halt, nor to descend from their chariots, but made a great
carnage of them. After this defeat, the Britons resolved to combat no
more with their forces united, but to confine themselves to harassing
the Roman army, so as to drag on the war in length. [404]
[Sidenote: March towards the Thames. ]
VI. Cæsar, penetrating their design, hesitated no longer, in order to
terminate the campaign promptly, to advance to the very centre of their
strength: he directed his march towards the territory of Cassivellaunus,
passing, no doubt, by Maidstone and Westerham. (_See Plate 16. _)
Arriving at the banks of the Thames, which was then fordable only at one
place, perhaps at Sunbury, he perceived a multitude of enemies drawn up
on the opposite bank. [405] It was defended by a palisade of sharp
pointed stakes, before which other stakes driven into the bed of the
river remained hidden under the water. Cæsar was informed of this by
prisoners and deserters, and he sent the cavalry forward (probably a
certain distance above or below), in order to turn the enemy’s position
and occupy his attention, while the infantry destroyed the obstacles and
crossed the ford. The soldiers entered the river resolutely, and,
although they were in the water up to their shoulders, such was their
ardour that the enemy could not sustain the shock, but abandoned the
bank and fled. Polyænus relates that on this occasion Cæsar made use of
an elephant to facilitate the passage; but, as the “Commentaries” do not
mention such a fact, it is difficult to believe. [406]
[Sidenote: Submission of a part of Britain. ]
VII. This check deprived Cassivellaunus of all hope of resistance; he
sent away the greatest part of his troops, and only kept with him about
4,000 men, mounted in chariots. (Supposing six _essedarii_ to the
chariot, this would still amount to the considerable number of 660
carriages. ) Sometimes confining himself to watching the march of the
army, at others hiding in places of difficult access, or making a void
before the march of the Roman columns; often, also, profiting by his
knowledge of the localities, he fell unexpectedly with his chariots on
the cavalry when it ventured far plundering and sacking, which obliged
the latter to keep near the legions. Thus the damage inflicted on the
enemy could not extend beyond the march of the infantry.
Meanwhile the Trinobantes, one of the most powerful peoples of Britain,
sent deputies to offer their submission and demand Mandubratius for
their king. This young man, flying from the anger of Cassivellaunus, who
had put his father to death, had come to the continent to implore the
protection of Cæsar, and had accompanied him into Britain. The Roman
general listened favourably to the demand of the Trinobantes, and
exacted from them forty hostages and wheat for the army.
The protection obtained by the Trinobantes engaged the Cenimagni, the
Segontiaci, the Ancalites, the Bibroci, and the Cassi (_see p. 168_), to
follow their example. The deputies of these different peoples informed
Cæsar that the _oppidum_ of Cassivellaunus (_St. Albans_) stood at a
short distance, defended by marshes and woods, and containing a great
number of men and cattle. [407] Although this formidable position had
been further fortified by the hands of men, Cæsar led his legions
thither, and attacked it on two points without hesitation. After a
feeble resistance, the barbarians, in their attempt to escape, were
slain or captured in great numbers.
Nevertheless, Cæsar was operating too far from his point of departure
not to tempt Cassivellaunus to deprive him of the possibility of
returning to the continent, by seizing upon his fleet. In effect,
Cassivellaunus had ordered the four kings of the different parts of
Cantium (_Kent_), Cingetorix, Carvilius, Taximagulus, and Segovax, to
collect all their troops, and attack unexpectedly the camp in which the
Roman ships were inclosed. They hastened thither; but the cohorts did
not leave them time to attack; they made a sortie, killed a great number
of barbarians, captured one of their principal chiefs, Lugotorix, and
re-entered their camp without loss. On the news of this defeat,
Cassivellaunus, discouraged by so many reverses and the defection of
several peoples, employed Commius to offer his submission. [408]
[Sidenote: Re-embarkment of the Army. ]
VIII. Summer approached its end (they were in the last days of August).
Cæsar, aware that there no longer remained sufficient time to be
employed with advantage, prepared for his departure; he wished,
moreover, to pass the winter on the continent, fearing sudden revolts on
the part of the Gauls. He therefore caused hostages to be delivered to
him, fixed the tribute to be paid annually by Britain to the Roman
people, and expressly prohibited Cassivellaunus from all acts of
hostility against Mandubratius and the Trinobantes.
After receiving the hostages, Cæsar hastened to return in person to the
coast, and ordered his army to follow him afterwards; he found the ships
repaired, and caused them to be put afloat. His great number of
prisoners, and the loss of several of his ships, obliged him to pass the
army across the channel in two convoys. It is remarkable that, of so
many ships employed several times in the passage this year or the year
before, not one of those which carried the troops was lost; but, on the
contrary, the greater part of the ships which returned empty, after
having landed the soldiers of the first transport, and those built by
Labienus, to the number of sixty, did not reach their destination; they
were nearly all thrown back upon the coast of the continent. Cæsar, who
had resolved to leave Britain only with the last convoy, waited for them
some time in vain. The approach of the equinox led him to fear that the
period favourable for navigation would pass by, and he decided on
overloading his ships with soldiers, sailed in a moment of calm at the
beginning of the second watch (nine o’clock), and, after a favourable
passage, landed at daybreak. [409]
This second expedition, though more successful than the first, did not
bring as its result the complete submission of the isle of Britain.
According to Cæsar, the Romans did not even obtain any booty; yet Strabo
speaks of a considerable booty,[410] and another author confirms this
fact by relating that Cæsar formed out of the spoils of the enemy a
cuirass ornamented with pearls, which he consecrated to Venus. [411]
[Sidenote: Observations. ]
IX. Several indications enable us again to fix precisely the period of
the second expedition to Britain. We know, from a letter from Quintus to
his brother Cicero, that Cæsar was at the end of May at Lodi (we admit
the 22nd of May). [412] He might therefore have arrived towards the 2nd
of June on the shores of the ocean, where he inspected his fleet. During
the interval before it assembled at the Portus Itius, he proceeded to
the country of the Treviri, where he did not remain long; for, towards
the middle of the summer (_ne æstatem in Treviris consumere cogeretur_),
he started for Boulogne, where he arrived at the end of June. The winds
from the north-west retained him there twenty-five days, that is, till
towards the end of July. On another hand, Cicero wrote to Atticus on the
26th of July: “I see, from my brother’s letters, that he must already be
in Britain. ”[413] In reply to another letter of Quintus, dated on the
4th of the Ides of August (the 8th of August), he rejoices at having
received on the day of the Ides of September (9th of September), the
news of his arrival in that island. [414] These data fix the departure of
the expedition to the end of July, for the letters took from twenty to
thirty days to pass from Britain to Rome. [415] When the army moved from
the coasts, the news was naturally much longer on the way; and in the
month of October, Cicero wrote to his brother, “Here are fifty days
passed without the arrival of letter or sign of life from you, or Cæsar,
or even from where you are. ”[416] Having ascertained the month of July
for that of his departure, we have next to find the day on which that
departure took place.
Cæsar sailed at sunset, that is, towards eight o’clock (_solis occasu
naves solvit, leni Africo provectus_). The wind having ceased at
midnight, he was drawn by the currents towards the north; and when day
broke, at four o’clock in the morning, he saw on his left the cliffs of
the South Foreland; but then, the current changing with the tide, by
force of rowing he made land towards midday, as in the preceding summer,
near Deal.
To determine the day on which Cæsar landed, it is necessary, in the
first place, to know to what part the Roman fleet was carried during the
night. It is evident, first, that it was borne towards the north-east by
the current of the rising tide or flux, for otherwise we could not
understand how Cæsar, at sunrise, could have perceived Britain on his
left. We may add that it wandered from its way till it came to the
latitude of the Northern Sea, which is situated to the east of Deal, and
at about ten maritime miles from the coast. (_See Plate 14. _) In fact,
according to the text, the fleet took advantage of the current contrary
to that which had carried it away, and consequently of the reflux or
current of the ebbing tide, to reach the coast. Now, we are obliged by
this fact to conclude that it had been carried northward at least to the
latitude of Deal; for, if it had only arrived to the south of that
latitude, the reflux would necessarily have thrown it back into the
Straits. Lastly, to cause the fleet by force of rowing and aided by the
reflux to require eight hours to effect the last part of its passage to
Deal, it must, according to the best information obtained from sailors,
have been, at sunrise, ten miles from the coast.
This being granted, it is evidently sufficient, for determining the day
of landing, to resolve this question: on what day of the month of July
in the year 700 the current of the descending tide began to be perceived
_at sunrise, that is, towards four o’clock in the morning_, in the part
of the sea at ten miles to the east of Deal? or otherwise, if we
consider that the reflux begins there about four hours and a half after
the hour of high tide at Dover,[417] what day of the month of July in
the year 700 it was high tide at Dover towards half-past eleven o’clock
at night?
By following a train of reasoning similar to that which we applied to
determine the day of Cæsar’s first landing in Britain, and remarking
that the tides of the days preceding the full moon of the month of July,
700, which fell on the 21st, correspond to those of the days which
preceded the full moon of the 26th of July, 1858, we find that it was
either fifteen days or one day before the 21st of July of the year 700,
that is, the 6th or the 20th of July, that it was high tide at Dover
towards half-past eleven at night. Cæsar, therefore, landed on the 7th
or on the 21st of July. We adopt the second date, because, according to
Cicero’s letter cited above, he received, before the 26th of July, at
Rome news of his brother, which must have been of the 6th of the same
month, as the couriers were twenty days on the road. In this letter
Quintus announced his approaching departure for Britain.
This date, according to which the Roman army would have landed on the
eve of the day of the full moon, is the more probable, as Cæsar,
immediately on his arrival in Britain, made a night march, which would
have been impossible in complete darkness. The passage of the sea had
taken fifteen hours. In the return, it only took nine hours, since
Cæsar started at nine o’clock in the evening (_secunda inita cum
solvisset vigilia_), and arrived at Boulogne at daybreak (_prima luce_),
which, in the middle of September, is at six o’clock in the
morning. [418]
The date of his return is nearly fixed by a letter of Cicero, who
expresses himself thus: “On the 11th of the Calends of November (17th of
October), I received letters from my brother Quintus, and from Cæsar;
the expedition was finished, and the hostages delivered. They had made
no booty. They had only imposed contributions. The letters, written from
the shores of Britain, are dated on the 6th of the Calends of October
(21st of September), at the moment of embarking the army, which they are
bringing back. ”[419] This information accords with the date of the
equinox, which fell on the 26th of September, and which, according to
the “Commentaries,” was close at hand (_quod equinoctium suberat_).
Cæsar had, then, remained in Britain about sixty days.
[Sidenote: Presumed Dates of the Second Campaign in Britain. ]
X. Departure of Cæsar from Lodi[420] May 22.
Arrival at the army, in the
country of the Belgæ (in
12 days) June 2.
Inspection of the fleet and of the winter
quarters; junction of the four legions
in the country of the Remi, on the
Meuse, towards Sedan. From June 2 to June 7.
Passage from Sedan to the country of
the Treviri (80 kilometres, 3 days),
From June 8 to June 10.
Occurrences among the Treviri,
From June 10 to June 15.
Passage from Treviri to Boulogne (330
kil. , 12 days) From June 15 to June 26.
Delay of 25 days at Boulogne,
From June 26 to July 20.
Embarkment July 20.
Landing July 21.
Combat July 22.
Cæsar returns to his fleet July 23.
Ten days of reparations, From July 24 to August 2.
New march against the Britons August 3.
Combat August 4.
March towards the Thames (from the
Little Stour to Sunbury, 140 kilomètres)
From August 5 to August 11.
March from the Thames to the _oppidum_
of Cassivellaunus, From August 12 to August 15.
Time employed in negotiations and receiving
hostages (8 days),
From August 16 to August 23.
Return of Cæsar (in person) towards
the sea-coast. The 28th of August,
on his arrival at the fleet, he writes
to Cicero. --(_Epist. ad Quintum_, III.
1. ) August 28.
March of his army to the coast,
From August 24 to Sept. 10.
Embarkation of the last convoy Sept. 21.
[Sidenote: Distribution of the Legions in their Winter Quarters. ]
XI. Cæsar had no sooner arrived on the continent than he caused his
ships to be brought on ground, and then held at Samarobriva, (_Amiens_)
the assembly of Gaul. The defective harvest, caused by the dryness of
the season, obliged him to distribute his winter quarters differently
from the preceding years, by spreading them over a greater extent. [421]
The number of his legions was eight and a half, because, independent of
the eight legions brought together at Boulogne before the departure for
Britain, he had no doubt formed five cohorts of soldiers and sailors
employed on his fleet. The troops were distributed in the following
manner: he sent one legion into the country of the Morini (_to Saint
Pol_), under the orders of C. Fabius; another to the Nervii (_at
Charleroy_), with Quintus Cicero;[422] a third to the Essuvii (_at Sées,
in Normandy_), under the command of L. Roscius; a fourth, under T.
Labienus, to the country of the Remi, near the frontier of the Treviri
(_at Lavacherie, on the Ourthe_). [423] He placed three in Belgium,[424]
one at Samarobriva itself (_Amiens_), under the orders of Trebonius; the
second in the country of the Bellovaci, under M. Crassus, his questor,
at twenty-five miles from Amiens (_Montdidier_); the third under L.
Munatius Plancus, near the confluence of the Oise and the Aisne (_at
Champlieu_). The legion last raised[425] among the Transpadans repaired
with five cohorts, under the orders of Titurius Sabinus and Aurunculeius
Cotta, to the Eburones, whose country, situated in great part between
the Meuse and the Rhine, was governed by Ambiorix and Catuvolcus. It
occupied a fortress named Aduatuca (_Tongres_). [426] This distribution
of the army appeared to Cæsar a more easy manner to supply it with
provisions. Moreover, these different winter quarters, with the
exception of that of M. Roscius, who occupied the most peaceable part of
Gaul, were all included within a circle of a hundred miles radius (148
kil. ). It was Cæsar’s intention not to leave them until he knew that the
legions were firmly established and their quarters fortified. (_See
Plate 14_, the sites of the winter quarters. )
There was among the Carnutes (_country of Chartres_) a man of high
birth, named Tasgetius, whose ancestors had reigned over that nation. In
consideration of his valour and of his important military services,
Cæsar had replaced him, during three years, in the rank held by his
forefather, when his enemies publicly massacred him. The men who had
participated in this crime were so numerous, that there was reason for
fearing that the revolt would spread over the whole country. To prevent
it, Cæsar despatched in the greatest haste L. Plancus at the head of his
legion, with orders to establish his quarters in the country of the
Carnutes, and to send him the accomplices in the murder of
Tasgetius. [427]
[Sidenote: Defeat of Sabinus at Aduatuca. ]
XII. He received at the same period (the end of October), from the
lieutenants and the questor, the news that the legions had arrived and
retrenched in their quarters. They had indeed been established in them
about a fortnight, when suddenly a revolt took place at the instigation
of Ambiorix and Catuvolcus. These chiefs had at first repaired to the
limits of their territory to meet Sabinus and Cotta, and had even
furnished them with provisions; but soon after, urged on by the Treviran
Indutiomaras, they raise the country, fall unexpectedly on the soldiers
occupied in seeking wood, and attack the camp of Sabinus with
considerable forces. Immediately the Romans run to arms and mount on the
_vallum_. The Spanish cavalry makes a successful sortie, and the enemies
retire, deceived in their hope of carrying the retrenchments by storm.
Having then recourse to stratagem, they utter, according to their
custom, loud cries, and demand to enter into negotiations and deliberate
on their common interests, C. Arpineius, a Roman knight and the friend
of Sabinus, and the Spaniard Q. Junius, who had been employed on several
missions to Ambiorix, were sent to them. Ambiorix declared that he had
not forgotten the numerous benefits he had received from Cæsar, but that
he was forced to follow the movement of Gaul, which had conspired in a
common effort to recover its liberty. That very day, according to his
statement, the various quarters were to be attacked at the same time, so
as to hinder them from lending each other mutual succour; the Germans
had passed the Rhine, and would arrive in two days; Sabinus had no
other chance of safety but by abandoning his camp and rejoining Cicero
or Labienus, who were at a distance of fifty miles. In the end, Ambiorix
promised under an oath to give him a free passage. The envoys reported
to Sabinus and Cotta what they had heard. Troubled at this news, and the
more disposed to put faith in it because it was hardly credible that so
small a people as the Eburones would have dared alone to brave the Roman
power, the two lieutenants submitted the affair to a council of war: it
became the subject of warm disputes. Cotta, and with him several of the
tribunes and centurions of the first class, were of opinion that they
should not act hastily, but wait for orders from Cæsar. Their camp was
strong enough to resist all the forces of the Germans; they were not
pressed by want of food; they might receive succours, and, under
circumstances of so much gravity, it would be disgraceful to take their
counsel from the enemy.
Sabinus replied with force that it would be too late to decide when the
number of the assailants would be increased by the arrival of the
Germans, and when the neighbouring quarters would have experienced some
disaster. “The movement requires a prompt decision. Cæsar has, no doubt,
started for Italy: otherwise, would the Carnutes have dared to slay
Tasgetius, and the Eburones to attack the camp with so much boldness? We
must consider the counsel itself, and not him who gives it: the Rhine is
at a short distance; the Germans are irritated by the death of
Ariovistus, and by their preceding defeats; Gaul is in flames; she
supports with impatience the Roman yoke, and the loss of her ancient
military glory. Would Ambiorix have engaged without powerful motives in
such an enterprise? It is safest, therefore, to follow his counsel, and
to gain as quickly as possible the nearest quarters. ”
Cotta and the centurions of the first class earnestly maintained the
contrary opinion. “Let it then be as you will! ” said Sabinus; and then,
raising his voice to be heard by the soldiers, he shouted: “Death does
not terrify me; but behold, Cotta, those who will require of thee a
reckoning for the misfortunes which thou art preparing for them. After
to-morrow, if you would agree to it, they could have rejoined the
nearest legion, and, united with it, incur together the chances of war;
they will know that thou hast preferred leaving them, far from their
companions, exposed to perish by the sword or by famine. ”
When the council was ended, the lieutenants are surrounded and implored
not to compromise the safety of the army by their misunderstanding; let
them go or remain, provided they are agreed, everything will be easy.
a half that the natural basin of Boulogne has been partly filled; and,
according to tradition and geological observations, the coast advanced
more than two kilomètres, forming two jetties, between which the high
tide filled the valley of the Liane to a distance of four kilomètres
inland.
None of the ports situated to the north of Boulogne could serve as the
basis of Cæsar’s expedition, for none could receive so great a number of
vessels, and we cannot suppose that Cæsar would have left them on the
open coast, during more than a month, exposed to the tempests of the
ocean, which were so fatal to him on the coasts of Britain.
Boulogne was the only point of the coast where Cæsar could place in
safety his depôts, his supplies, and his spare stores. The heights which
command the port offered advantageous positions for establishing his
camps,[379] and the little river Liane allowed him to bring with ease
the timber and provisions he required. At Calais he would have found
nothing but flats and marshes, at Wissant nothing but sands, as
indicated by etymology of the word (_white sand_).
It is worthy of remark, that the reasons which determined Cæsar to start
from Boulogne were the same which decided the choice of Napoleon I. in
1804. In spite of the difference in the times and in the armies, the
nautical and practical conditions had undergone no change. “The Emperor
chose Boulogne,” says M. Thiers, “because that port had long been
pointed out as the best point of departure of an expedition directed
against England; he chose Boulogne, because its port is formed by the
little river Liane, which allowed him, with some labour, to place in
safety from 1,200 to 1,300 vessels. ”
We may point out, as another similarity, that certain flat boats,
constructed by order of the Emperor, had nearly the same dimensions as
those employed by Cæsar. “There required,” says the historian of the
‘Consulate and the Empire,’ “boats which would not need more, when they
were laden, than seven or eight feet of water to float, and which would
go with oars, so as to pass, either in calm or fog, and strand without
breaking on the flat English shores. The great gun-boats carried four
pieces of large bore, and were rigged like brigs, that is, with two
masts, manœuvred by twenty-four sailors, and capable of carrying a
company of a hundred men, with its staff, and its arms and munitions. . . .
These boats offered a vexatious inconvenience, that of falling to the
leeward, that is, yielding to the currents. This was the result of their
clumsy build, which presented more hold to the water than their masts to
the wind. ”[380]
Cæsar’s ships experienced the same inconvenience, and, drawn away by the
currents in his second expedition, they went to the leeward rather far
in the north.
We have seen that Cæsar’s transport boats were flat-bottomed, that they
could go either with sails or oars; carry if necessary 150 men, and be
loaded and drawn on dry ground with promptness (_ad celeritatem
onerandi subductionesque_). They had thus a great analogy with the
flat-bottomed boats of 1804. But there is more, for the Emperor Napoleon
had found it expedient to imitate the Roman galleys. “He had seen the
necessity,” says M. Thiers, “of constructing boats still lighter and
more movable than the preceding, drawing only two or three feet of
water, and calculated for landing anywhere. They were large boats,
narrow, sixty feet long, having a movable deck which could be laid or
withdrawn at will, and were distinguished from the others by the name of
pinnaces. These large boats were provided with sixty oars, carried at
need a light sail, and moved with extreme swiftness. When sixty
soldiers, practised in handling the oar as well as the sailors, set them
in motion, they glided over the sea like the light boats dropped from
the sides of our great vessels, and surprised the eye by the rapidity of
their course. ”
The point of landing has been equally the subject of a host of contrary
suppositions. St. Leonards, near Hastings, Richborough (_Rutupiœ_),
near Sandwich, Lymne, near Hythe, and Deal, have all been proposed.
The first of these localities, we think, must be rejected, for it
answers none of the conditions of the relation given in the
“Commentaries,” which inform us that, in the second expedition, the
fleet sailed with a gentle wind from the south-west. Now, this is the
least favourable of all winds for taking the direction of Hastings, when
starting from the coasts of the department of the Pas-de-Calais. In this
same passage, Cæsar, after having been drawn away from his course during
four hours of the night, perceived, at daybreak, that he had left
Britain to his left. This fact cannot possibly be explained if he had
intended to land at St. Leonards. As to Richborough, this locality is
much too far to the north. Why should Cæsar have gone so far as
Sandwich, since he could have landed at Walmer and Deal? Lymne, or
rather Romney Marsh, will suit no better. This shore is altogether unfit
for a landing-place, and none of the details furnished by the
“Commentaries” can be made to suit it. [381]
There remains Deal; but before describing this place, we must examine
if, on his first passage, when Cæsar sailed, after remaining five days
opposite the cliffs of Dover, the current of which he took advantage
carried him towards the north or towards the south. (_See Page_ 177. )
Two celebrated English astronomers, Halley and Mr. Airy, have studied
this question; but they agree neither on the place where Cæsar embarked,
nor on that where he landed. We may, nevertheless, arrive at a solution
of this problem by seeking the day on which Cæsar landed. The year of
the expedition is known by the consulate of Pompey and Crassus--it was
the year 699. The month in which the departure took place is known by
the following data, derived from the “Commentaries;” the fine season was
near its end, _exuigua parte œstatis reliqua_ (IV. 20); the wheat had
been reaped everywhere, except in one single spot, _omni ex reliquis
partibus demesso frumento, una pars erat reliqua_ (IV. 32); the equinox
was near at hand, _propinqua die œquinoctii_ (IV. 36). These data
point sufficiently clearly to the month of August. Lastly, we have,
relative to the day of landing, the following indications:--After four
days past since his arrival in Britain. . . . there arose suddenly so
violent a tempest. . . . That same night it was full moon, which is the
period of the highest tides of the ocean, _Post diem quartam, quam est
in Britanniam ventum_([382]). . . . _tanta tempestas subita coorta est. . . .
Eadem nocte accidit, ut esset luna plena, qui dies maritimos æstus
maximos in Oceano efficere consuevit_.
According to this, we consider that the tempest took place after four
days, counted from the day of landing; that the full moon fell on the
following night; and lastly, that this period coincided not with the
highest _tide_, but with the highest _tides_ of the ocean. Thus we
believe that it would be sufficient for ascertaining the exact day of
landing, to take the sixth day which preceded the full moon of the month
of August, 699; now this phenomenon, according to astronomical tables,
happened on the 31st, towards three o’clock in the morning. On the eve,
that is, on the 30th, the tempest had occurred; four full days had
passed since the landing; this takes us back to the 25th. Cæsar then
landed on the 25th of August. Mr. Airy, it is true, has interpreted the
text altogether differently from our explanation: he believes that the
expression _post diem quartum_ may be taken in Latin for the third day;
on another hand, he doubts if Cæsar had in his army almanacks by which
he could know the exact day of the full moon; lastly, as the highest
tide takes place a day and a half after the full moon, he affirms that
Cæsar, placing these two phenomena at the same moment, must have been
mistaken, either in the day of the full moon, or in that of the highest
tide; and he concludes from this that the landing may have taken place
on the second, third, or fourth day before the full moon.
Our reasoning has another basis. Let us first state that at that time
the science of astronomy permitted people to know certain epochs of the
moon, since, more than a hundred years before, during the war against
Perseus, a tribune of the army of Paulus Æmilius announced on the
previous day to his soldiers an eclipse of the moon, in order to
counteract the effect of their superstitious fears. [383] Let us remark
also, that Cæsar, who subsequently reformed the calendar, was well
informed in the astronomical knowledge of his time, already carried to a
very high point of advance by Hipparchus, and that he took especial
interest in it, since he discovered, by means of water-clocks, that the
nights were shorter in Britain than in Italy.
Everything, then, authorises us in the belief that Cæsar, when he
embarked for an unknown country, where he might have to make night
marches, must have taken precautions for knowing the course of the moon,
and furnished himself with calendars. But we have put the question
independently of these considerations, by seeking among the days which
preceded the full moon of the end of August, 699, which was the one in
which the shifting of the currents of which Cæsar speaks could have been
produced at the hour indicated in the “Commentaries. ”
Supposing, then, the fleet of Cæsar at anchor at a distance of half a
mile opposite Dover, as it experienced the effect of the shifting of the
currents towards half-past three o’clock in the afternoon, the question
becomes reduced to that of determining the day of the end of the month
of August when this phenomenon took place at the above hour. We know
that in the Channel the sea produces, in rising and falling, two
alternate currents, one directed from the west to the east, called
_flux_ (_flot_), or current of the rising tide; the other directed from
the east to the west, named _reflux_ (_jusant_), or current of the
falling tide. In the sea opposite Dover, at a distance of half a mile
from the coast, the flux begins usually to be sensible two hours before
high tide at Dover, and the reflux four hours after.
So that, if we find a day before the full moon of the 31st of August,
699, on which it was high tide at Dover, either at half-past five in the
afternoon or at midday, that will be the day of landing; and further, we
shall know whether the current carried Cæsar towards the east or towards
the west. Now, we may admit, according to astronomical data, that the
tides of the days which preceded the full moon of the 31st of August,
699, were sensibly the same as those of the days which preceded the full
moon of the 4th of September, 1857; and, as it was the sixth day before
the full moon of the 4th of September, 1857, that it was high tide at
Dover towards half-past five in the afternoon (_see the Annuaire des
Marées des Côtes de France for the year_ 1857),[384] we are led to
conclude that the same phenomenon was produced also at Dover on the
sixth day before the 31st of August, 699; and that it was on the 25th of
August that Cæsar arrived in Britain, his fleet being carried forward by
the current of the rising tide.
This last conclusion, by obliging us to seek the point of landing to the
north of Dover, constitutes the strongest theoretic presumption in
favour of Deal. Let us now examine if Deal satisfies the requirements of
the Latin text.
The cliffs which border the coasts of England towards the southern part
of the county of Kent form, from Folkestone to the castle of Walmer, a
vast quarter of a circle, convex towards the sea, abrupt on nearly all
points; they present several bays or creeks, as at Folkestone, at Dover,
at St. Margaret’s, and at Oldstairs, and, diminishing by degrees in
elevation, terminate at the castle of Walmer. From this point,
proceeding towards the north, the coast is flat, and favourable for
landing on an extent of several leagues.
The country situated to the west of Walmer and Deal is itself flat as
far as the view can reach, or presents only gentle undulations of
ground. We may add that it produces, in great quantities, wheat of
excellent quality, and that the nature of the soil leads us to believe
that it was the same at a remote period. These different conditions
rendered the shore of Walmer and Deal the best place of landing for the
Roman army.
Its situation, moreover, agrees fully with the narrative of the
“Commentaries. ” In the first expedition, the Roman fleet, starting from
the cliffs of Dover and doubling the point of the South Foreland, may
have made the passage of seven miles in an hour; it would thus have
come to anchor opposite the present village of Walmer. The Britons,
starting from Dover, might have made a march of eight kilomètres quickly
enough to oppose the landing of the Romans. (_See Plate_ 16. )
The combat which followed was certainly fought on the part of the shore
which extends from Walmer Castle to Deal. At present the whole extent of
this coast is covered with buildings, so that it is impossible to say
what was its exact form nineteen centuries ago; but, from a view of the
locality, we can understand without difficulty the different
circumstances of the combat described in Book IV. of the “Commentaries. ”
Four days completed after the arrival of Cæsar in Britain, a tempest
dispersed the eighteen ships which, after quitting Ambleteuse, had
arrived just within sight of the Roman camp. All the sailors of the
Channel who have been consulted believe it possible that the same
hurricane, according to the text, might have driven one part of the
ships towards the South Foreland and the other part towards the coast of
Boulogne and Ambleteuse. The conformation of the ground itself indicates
the site of the Roman camp on the height where the village of Walmer
rises. It was situated there at a distance of 1,000 or 1,200 mètres from
the beach, in a position which commanded the surrounding country. And it
is thus easy to understand, from the aspect of the locality, the details
relative to the episode of the 7th legion, surprised while it was
mowing. [385] It might be objected that at Deal the Roman camp was not
near to a water-course, but they could dig wells, which is the only
method by which the numerous population of Deal at the present day
obtain water.
From all that has just been said, the following facts appear to us to be
established in regard to the first expedition. Cæsar, after causing all
his flotilla to go out of the port the day before, started in the night
between the 24th and 25th of August, towards midnight, from the coast of
Boulogne, and arrived opposite Dover towards six o’clock in the morning.
He remained at anchor until half-past three in the afternoon, and then,
having wind and tide in his favour, he moved a distance of seven miles
and arrived near Deal, probably between Deal and Walmer Castle, at
half-past four. As in the month of August twilight lasts till after
half-past seven, and its effect may be prolonged by the moon, which at
that hour was in the middle of the heaven, Cæsar had still four hours
left for landing, driving back the Britons, and establishing himself on
the British soil. As the sea began to ebb towards half-past five, this
explains the anecdote of Cæsius Scæva told by Valerius Maximus; for,
towards seven o’clock, the rocks called the _Malms_ might be left
uncovered by the ebb of the tide.
After four entire days, reckoned from the moment of landing, that is, on
the 30th of August, the tempest arose, and full moon occurred in the
following night.
This first expedition, which Cæsar had undertaken too late in the
season, and with too few troops, could not lead to great results. He
himself declares that he only sought to make an appearance in Britain.
In fact, he did not remove from the coast, and he left the island
towards the 17th of September, having remained there only twenty-three
days. [386]
[Sidenote: _Résumé_ of the Dates of the Campaign of 699. ]
IX. We recapitulate as follows the probable dates of the campaign of
699:--
Cæsar crosses the mountains
_earlier than usual_. April 10.
His arrival at the army between the
Loire and the Seine. April 22.
Abode with the army, and informations.
From April 22 to May 10.
March to between the Meuse and the
Rhine From May 11 to May 28.
Victory over the Usipetes and Tencteri June 4.
Arrival at Bonn for the passage of the
Rhine June 11.
Construction of the bridge of piles (10
days) From June 12 to June 21.
The campaign beyond the Rhine (18
days) From June 22 to July 9.
March from Bonn to Boulogne,
From July 11 to July 28.
Preparations for the expedition to Britain
From July 28 to August 24.
Departure. Night between Aug. 24 and Aug. 25.
Landing. August 25.
The tempest. August 30.
Duration of the abode in Britain (18
days). From August 25 to Sept. 12.
Return to Gaul. Sept. 12.
Autumnal equinox. Sept. 26.
CHAPTER VIII
(Year of Rome 700. )
(BOOK V. OF THE “COMMENTARIES. ”)
MARCH AGAINST THE TREVIRI--SECOND DESCENT IN BRITAIN.
[Sidenote: Inspection of the Fleet. March against the Treviri. ]
I. Cæsar, after having appeased the troubles of Illyria, and passed some
time in Italy, rejoined the army in the country of the Belgæ, at the
beginning of June in the year 700. Immediately on his arrival, he
visited all his quarters, and the naval arsenal established, according
to Strabo, at the mouth of the Seine. [387] He found his fleet ready for
sea. In spite of the scarcity of necessary materials, the soldiers had
laboured in building it with the greatest zeal. He rewarded them with
commendations, complimented those who had directed the works, and
appointed for the general rendezvous the Portus Itius (_Boulogne_).
The concentration of the fleet required a considerable length of time,
of which Cæsar took advantage to prevent the effects of the agitation
which had shown itself among the Treviri. These populations, rebelling
against his orders, and suspected of having called the Germans from
beyond the Rhine, did not send their representatives to the assemblies.
Cæsar marched against them with four legions, without baggage, and 800
cavalry, and left troops in sufficient number to protect the fleet.
The Treviri possessed, in addition to a considerable infantry, a more
numerous cavalry than any other people in Gaul. They were divided into
two factions, whose chiefs, Indutiomarus and his son-in-law Cingetorix,
disputed the chief power. The latter was no sooner informed of the
approach of the legions, than he repaired to Cæsar, and assured him that
he would not fail in his duties towards the Roman people. Indutiomarus,
on the contrary, raised troops, and caused to be placed in safety, in
the immense forest of the Ardennes, which extended across the country of
the Treviri from the Rhine to the territory of the Remi, all those whose
age rendered them incapable of carrying arms. But when he saw several
chiefs (_principes_), drawn by their alliance with Cingetorix or
intimidated by the approach of the Romans, treat with Cæsar, fearing to
be abandoned by all, he made his submission. Although Cæsar put no faith
in his sincerity, yet, as he did not want to pass the fine season among
the Treviri, and as he was desirous of hastening to Boulogne, where all
was ready for the expedition into Britain, he was satisfied with
exacting 200 hostages, among whom were the son and all the kindred of
Indutiomarus, and, after having assembled the principal chiefs, he
conferred the authority on Cingetorix. This preference accorded to a
rival turned Indutiomarus into an irreconcileable enemy. [388]
[Sidenote: Departure for the Isle of Britain. ]
II. Hoping that he had pacified the country by these measures, Cæsar
proceeded with his four legions to the Portus Itius. His fleet,
perfectly equipped, was ready to sail. Including the vessels of the
preceding years, it was composed of six hundred transport ships and
twenty-eight galleys. It wanted only forty ships built in the country of
the Meldæ,[389] which a tempest had driven back to their point of
departure; adding to it a certain number of light barques which many
chiefs had caused to be built for their own personal usage, the total
amounted to 800 sail. [390] The Roman army concentrated at Boulogne
consisted of eight legions and 4,000 cavalry raised in the whole of Gaul
and in Spain;[391] but the expeditionary body was composed only of five
legions and 2,000 cavalry. Labienus received orders to remain on the
coast of the Channel with three legions, and one-half of the cavalry, to
guard the ports, provide for the supply of the troops, keep watch upon
Gaul, and act according to circumstances. Cæsar had convoked the
principal citizens, of each people (_principes ex omnibus civitatibus_),
and left upon the continent but the small number of those of whose
fidelity he was assured, taking with him the others as pledges of
tranquillity during his absence. Dumnorix, who commanded the Æduan
cavalry in the expedition, was of all the chiefs the one it was most
important to carry with him. Restless, ambitious, and distinguished by
his courage and credit, this man had tried every means in vain to obtain
permission to remain in his country. Irritated by the refusal, he became
a conspirator, and said openly that Cæsar only dragged the nobles into
Britain to sacrifice them. These plots were known and watched with care.
It was the end of June. The wind from the north-west, which on this
coast blows habitually at this period of the year, retarded the
departure of the fleet twenty-five days; at length a favourable wind
rose, and the army received orders to embark. In the middle of the
bustle and confusion of starting, Dumnorix left the camp secretly with
the Æduan cavalry, and took the road for his own country. When this was
known, the embarkment was suspended, and a great part of the cavalry
went in pursuit of the fugitive, with orders to bring him back dead or
alive. Dumnorix, soon overtaken, resists, and is surrounded and slain.
The Æduan cavalry all returned to the camp.
On the 20th of July, we believe, the fleet raised anchor at sunset, with
a light breeze from the south-west. This wind having ceased towards
midnight, the fleet was carried rather far out of its route by the
current of the rising tide. At daybreak, Cæsar perceived that he had
left Britain to his left. (_See Plate_ 16. ) But then came on the
shifting of the current, of which he took advantage, and, aided by the
reflux (_jusant_), laboured with all oars to gain the part of the isle
found, in the preceding year, to offer an easy landing. Under these
circumstances, the soldiers, with a persevering energy, succeeded, by
means of their oars, in giving to the transport ships, in spite of their
heaviness, the speed of galleys. The army landed, towards noon, on
several points at once,[392] without any appearance of the enemy.
Prisoners reported subsequently that the barbarians, terrified at the
view of so great a number of ships, had withdrawn to the heights. [393]
[Sidenote: March into the interior of the Country. ]
III. Having effected the landing, Cæsar established his camp in a good
position, near the sea. [394] The fleet, left at anchor near the shore,
on a level beach without shoals, under the command of Atrius, inspired
him with no uneasiness. [395] As soon as he knew where the enemy was
posted, he began his march at the third watch (midnight), leaving ten
cohorts[396] and 300 cavalry to guard the fleet. After having proceeded
during the night about twelve miles, the Romans at daybreak came in
sight of the barbarians, posted on the heights of Kingston, beyond a
stream of water now called the Little Stour.
[397] These caused their
cavalry and chariots to advance as far as the bank of the stream,
seeking, from their commanding position, to dispute the passage; but,
repulsed by the cavalry, they withdrew into a forest where there was a
place singularly fortified by nature and art, a refuge constructed in
former times in their intestine wars. [398] Numerous _abatis_ of felled
trees closed all the avenues. The Romans pushed the enemy up to the
border of the wood, and made an attempt to carry the position. The
Britons issued forth in small groups to defend the approaches of their
_oppidum_; but the soldiers of the 7th legion, having formed the
tortoise and pushed a terrace up to the inclosure, obtained possession
of the retrenchment, and drove them out of the wood without sensible
loss. Cæsar prevented the pursuit; he was unacquainted with the country,
and wished to employ the rest of the day in fortifying his camp. [399]
[Sidenote: Destruction of a part of the Fleet. ]
IV. Next morning, he divided the infantry and cavalry into three bodies,
and sent them separately in pursuit of the enemy. The troops had
advanced a considerable distance, and already the hindmost of the
fugitives were in view, when a party of cavalry, despatched by Q.
Atrius, came to announce that, in the preceding night, a violent
tempest had damaged and thrown on shore nearly all the vessels. Neither
anchors nor cordage had been strong enough to resist; the efforts of
pilots and sailors had been powerless, and the shocks of the vessels
against one another had caused serious loss. At this news, Cæsar called
in his troops, ordered them to limit their efforts to repulsing the
enemy as they retired, and hurried on before them to his fleet. He
verified the correctness of the losses which were announced: about forty
ships were destroyed, and the repair of the others required a long
labour. He took the workmen attached to the legions, and brought others
from the continent; wrote to Labienus to build, with his troops, the
greatest number of ships possible; and lastly, in order to place his
fleet in safety from all danger, he resolved, in spite of the labour it
must entail upon him, to haul all the vessels on land, and inclose them
in the camp by a new retrenchment. [400] The soldiers employed ten entire
days in this work, without interruption, even during the night. [401]
[Sidenote: Cæsar resumes the offensive. ]
V. The vessels once placed on dry ground and surrounded with substantial
defences, Cæsar left in the camp the same troops as before, and
returned towards the localities where he had been obliged to abandon the
pursuit of the Britons. He found them collected in great number. The
general direction of the war had been entrusted to Cassivellaunus, whose
states were separated from the maritime districts by the Thames, a river
which was about eighty miles distant from the coast. [402] This chief had
heretofore had to sustain continual wars against the other peoples of
the island; but, in face of the danger, all, with unanimous accord,
agreed in giving him the command.
The enemy’s cavalry, with the war-chariots, attacked vigorously the
cavalry in its march; they were everywhere beaten and driven back into
the woods or to the heights. A short time after, while the Romans were
labouring without distrust at their retrenchments, the Britons suddenly
issued from the woods and attacked their advanced posts. The struggle
becoming obstinate, Cæsar sent forward two picked cohorts, the first of
two legions. They had hardly taken their position, leaving a slight
interval between them, when the barbarians, manœuvring with their
chariots according to custom, so intimidated the Romans by this mode of
fighting, that they passed and repassed with impunity across the
interval between the cohorts. The enemy was only repulsed on the arrival
of re-enforcements. Q. Laberius Durus, a military tribune, perished in
this action.
The description of this battle, as given in the “Commentaries,” has been
differently understood. According to Dio Cassius, the Britons had at
first thrown the ranks of the Romans into disorder by means of their
chariots; but Cæsar, to baffle this manœuvre, had opened for them a
free passage by placing his cohorts at greater intervals. He would thus
have repeated the dispositions taken by Scipio at the battle of Zama, to
protect him against the Carthaginian elephants.
This engagement, which took place before the camp and under the eyes of
the army, showed how little the Roman tactics were fitted for this kind
of warfare. The legionary, heavily armed, and accustomed to combat in
line, could neither pursue the enemy in his retreat, nor move too far
from his ensigns. There existed a still greater disadvantage for the
cavalry. The Britons, by a simulated flight, drew them away from the
legionaries, and then, jumping down from their chariots, engaged on foot
in an unequal struggle; for, always supported by their cavalry, they
were as dangerous in the attack as in the defence. [403]
The following day, the enemies took a position far from the camp, on the
heights; they only showed themselves in small parties, isolated,
harassing the cavalry with less ardour than before. But, towards the
middle of the day, Cæsar having sent three legions and the cavalry,
under the orders of the lieutenant C. Trebonius, to forage, they rushed
from all sides upon the foragers with such impetuosity, that they
approached the eagles and legions which had remained under arms. The
infantry repulsed them vigorously, and, though they usually left to the
cavalry the care of the pursuit, this time they did not cease to drive
them before them till the cavalry, feeling themselves supported, came
themselves to complete the rout. These left them time neither to rally
nor to halt, nor to descend from their chariots, but made a great
carnage of them. After this defeat, the Britons resolved to combat no
more with their forces united, but to confine themselves to harassing
the Roman army, so as to drag on the war in length. [404]
[Sidenote: March towards the Thames. ]
VI. Cæsar, penetrating their design, hesitated no longer, in order to
terminate the campaign promptly, to advance to the very centre of their
strength: he directed his march towards the territory of Cassivellaunus,
passing, no doubt, by Maidstone and Westerham. (_See Plate 16. _)
Arriving at the banks of the Thames, which was then fordable only at one
place, perhaps at Sunbury, he perceived a multitude of enemies drawn up
on the opposite bank. [405] It was defended by a palisade of sharp
pointed stakes, before which other stakes driven into the bed of the
river remained hidden under the water. Cæsar was informed of this by
prisoners and deserters, and he sent the cavalry forward (probably a
certain distance above or below), in order to turn the enemy’s position
and occupy his attention, while the infantry destroyed the obstacles and
crossed the ford. The soldiers entered the river resolutely, and,
although they were in the water up to their shoulders, such was their
ardour that the enemy could not sustain the shock, but abandoned the
bank and fled. Polyænus relates that on this occasion Cæsar made use of
an elephant to facilitate the passage; but, as the “Commentaries” do not
mention such a fact, it is difficult to believe. [406]
[Sidenote: Submission of a part of Britain. ]
VII. This check deprived Cassivellaunus of all hope of resistance; he
sent away the greatest part of his troops, and only kept with him about
4,000 men, mounted in chariots. (Supposing six _essedarii_ to the
chariot, this would still amount to the considerable number of 660
carriages. ) Sometimes confining himself to watching the march of the
army, at others hiding in places of difficult access, or making a void
before the march of the Roman columns; often, also, profiting by his
knowledge of the localities, he fell unexpectedly with his chariots on
the cavalry when it ventured far plundering and sacking, which obliged
the latter to keep near the legions. Thus the damage inflicted on the
enemy could not extend beyond the march of the infantry.
Meanwhile the Trinobantes, one of the most powerful peoples of Britain,
sent deputies to offer their submission and demand Mandubratius for
their king. This young man, flying from the anger of Cassivellaunus, who
had put his father to death, had come to the continent to implore the
protection of Cæsar, and had accompanied him into Britain. The Roman
general listened favourably to the demand of the Trinobantes, and
exacted from them forty hostages and wheat for the army.
The protection obtained by the Trinobantes engaged the Cenimagni, the
Segontiaci, the Ancalites, the Bibroci, and the Cassi (_see p. 168_), to
follow their example. The deputies of these different peoples informed
Cæsar that the _oppidum_ of Cassivellaunus (_St. Albans_) stood at a
short distance, defended by marshes and woods, and containing a great
number of men and cattle. [407] Although this formidable position had
been further fortified by the hands of men, Cæsar led his legions
thither, and attacked it on two points without hesitation. After a
feeble resistance, the barbarians, in their attempt to escape, were
slain or captured in great numbers.
Nevertheless, Cæsar was operating too far from his point of departure
not to tempt Cassivellaunus to deprive him of the possibility of
returning to the continent, by seizing upon his fleet. In effect,
Cassivellaunus had ordered the four kings of the different parts of
Cantium (_Kent_), Cingetorix, Carvilius, Taximagulus, and Segovax, to
collect all their troops, and attack unexpectedly the camp in which the
Roman ships were inclosed. They hastened thither; but the cohorts did
not leave them time to attack; they made a sortie, killed a great number
of barbarians, captured one of their principal chiefs, Lugotorix, and
re-entered their camp without loss. On the news of this defeat,
Cassivellaunus, discouraged by so many reverses and the defection of
several peoples, employed Commius to offer his submission. [408]
[Sidenote: Re-embarkment of the Army. ]
VIII. Summer approached its end (they were in the last days of August).
Cæsar, aware that there no longer remained sufficient time to be
employed with advantage, prepared for his departure; he wished,
moreover, to pass the winter on the continent, fearing sudden revolts on
the part of the Gauls. He therefore caused hostages to be delivered to
him, fixed the tribute to be paid annually by Britain to the Roman
people, and expressly prohibited Cassivellaunus from all acts of
hostility against Mandubratius and the Trinobantes.
After receiving the hostages, Cæsar hastened to return in person to the
coast, and ordered his army to follow him afterwards; he found the ships
repaired, and caused them to be put afloat. His great number of
prisoners, and the loss of several of his ships, obliged him to pass the
army across the channel in two convoys. It is remarkable that, of so
many ships employed several times in the passage this year or the year
before, not one of those which carried the troops was lost; but, on the
contrary, the greater part of the ships which returned empty, after
having landed the soldiers of the first transport, and those built by
Labienus, to the number of sixty, did not reach their destination; they
were nearly all thrown back upon the coast of the continent. Cæsar, who
had resolved to leave Britain only with the last convoy, waited for them
some time in vain. The approach of the equinox led him to fear that the
period favourable for navigation would pass by, and he decided on
overloading his ships with soldiers, sailed in a moment of calm at the
beginning of the second watch (nine o’clock), and, after a favourable
passage, landed at daybreak. [409]
This second expedition, though more successful than the first, did not
bring as its result the complete submission of the isle of Britain.
According to Cæsar, the Romans did not even obtain any booty; yet Strabo
speaks of a considerable booty,[410] and another author confirms this
fact by relating that Cæsar formed out of the spoils of the enemy a
cuirass ornamented with pearls, which he consecrated to Venus. [411]
[Sidenote: Observations. ]
IX. Several indications enable us again to fix precisely the period of
the second expedition to Britain. We know, from a letter from Quintus to
his brother Cicero, that Cæsar was at the end of May at Lodi (we admit
the 22nd of May). [412] He might therefore have arrived towards the 2nd
of June on the shores of the ocean, where he inspected his fleet. During
the interval before it assembled at the Portus Itius, he proceeded to
the country of the Treviri, where he did not remain long; for, towards
the middle of the summer (_ne æstatem in Treviris consumere cogeretur_),
he started for Boulogne, where he arrived at the end of June. The winds
from the north-west retained him there twenty-five days, that is, till
towards the end of July. On another hand, Cicero wrote to Atticus on the
26th of July: “I see, from my brother’s letters, that he must already be
in Britain. ”[413] In reply to another letter of Quintus, dated on the
4th of the Ides of August (the 8th of August), he rejoices at having
received on the day of the Ides of September (9th of September), the
news of his arrival in that island. [414] These data fix the departure of
the expedition to the end of July, for the letters took from twenty to
thirty days to pass from Britain to Rome. [415] When the army moved from
the coasts, the news was naturally much longer on the way; and in the
month of October, Cicero wrote to his brother, “Here are fifty days
passed without the arrival of letter or sign of life from you, or Cæsar,
or even from where you are. ”[416] Having ascertained the month of July
for that of his departure, we have next to find the day on which that
departure took place.
Cæsar sailed at sunset, that is, towards eight o’clock (_solis occasu
naves solvit, leni Africo provectus_). The wind having ceased at
midnight, he was drawn by the currents towards the north; and when day
broke, at four o’clock in the morning, he saw on his left the cliffs of
the South Foreland; but then, the current changing with the tide, by
force of rowing he made land towards midday, as in the preceding summer,
near Deal.
To determine the day on which Cæsar landed, it is necessary, in the
first place, to know to what part the Roman fleet was carried during the
night. It is evident, first, that it was borne towards the north-east by
the current of the rising tide or flux, for otherwise we could not
understand how Cæsar, at sunrise, could have perceived Britain on his
left. We may add that it wandered from its way till it came to the
latitude of the Northern Sea, which is situated to the east of Deal, and
at about ten maritime miles from the coast. (_See Plate 14. _) In fact,
according to the text, the fleet took advantage of the current contrary
to that which had carried it away, and consequently of the reflux or
current of the ebbing tide, to reach the coast. Now, we are obliged by
this fact to conclude that it had been carried northward at least to the
latitude of Deal; for, if it had only arrived to the south of that
latitude, the reflux would necessarily have thrown it back into the
Straits. Lastly, to cause the fleet by force of rowing and aided by the
reflux to require eight hours to effect the last part of its passage to
Deal, it must, according to the best information obtained from sailors,
have been, at sunrise, ten miles from the coast.
This being granted, it is evidently sufficient, for determining the day
of landing, to resolve this question: on what day of the month of July
in the year 700 the current of the descending tide began to be perceived
_at sunrise, that is, towards four o’clock in the morning_, in the part
of the sea at ten miles to the east of Deal? or otherwise, if we
consider that the reflux begins there about four hours and a half after
the hour of high tide at Dover,[417] what day of the month of July in
the year 700 it was high tide at Dover towards half-past eleven o’clock
at night?
By following a train of reasoning similar to that which we applied to
determine the day of Cæsar’s first landing in Britain, and remarking
that the tides of the days preceding the full moon of the month of July,
700, which fell on the 21st, correspond to those of the days which
preceded the full moon of the 26th of July, 1858, we find that it was
either fifteen days or one day before the 21st of July of the year 700,
that is, the 6th or the 20th of July, that it was high tide at Dover
towards half-past eleven at night. Cæsar, therefore, landed on the 7th
or on the 21st of July. We adopt the second date, because, according to
Cicero’s letter cited above, he received, before the 26th of July, at
Rome news of his brother, which must have been of the 6th of the same
month, as the couriers were twenty days on the road. In this letter
Quintus announced his approaching departure for Britain.
This date, according to which the Roman army would have landed on the
eve of the day of the full moon, is the more probable, as Cæsar,
immediately on his arrival in Britain, made a night march, which would
have been impossible in complete darkness. The passage of the sea had
taken fifteen hours. In the return, it only took nine hours, since
Cæsar started at nine o’clock in the evening (_secunda inita cum
solvisset vigilia_), and arrived at Boulogne at daybreak (_prima luce_),
which, in the middle of September, is at six o’clock in the
morning. [418]
The date of his return is nearly fixed by a letter of Cicero, who
expresses himself thus: “On the 11th of the Calends of November (17th of
October), I received letters from my brother Quintus, and from Cæsar;
the expedition was finished, and the hostages delivered. They had made
no booty. They had only imposed contributions. The letters, written from
the shores of Britain, are dated on the 6th of the Calends of October
(21st of September), at the moment of embarking the army, which they are
bringing back. ”[419] This information accords with the date of the
equinox, which fell on the 26th of September, and which, according to
the “Commentaries,” was close at hand (_quod equinoctium suberat_).
Cæsar had, then, remained in Britain about sixty days.
[Sidenote: Presumed Dates of the Second Campaign in Britain. ]
X. Departure of Cæsar from Lodi[420] May 22.
Arrival at the army, in the
country of the Belgæ (in
12 days) June 2.
Inspection of the fleet and of the winter
quarters; junction of the four legions
in the country of the Remi, on the
Meuse, towards Sedan. From June 2 to June 7.
Passage from Sedan to the country of
the Treviri (80 kilometres, 3 days),
From June 8 to June 10.
Occurrences among the Treviri,
From June 10 to June 15.
Passage from Treviri to Boulogne (330
kil. , 12 days) From June 15 to June 26.
Delay of 25 days at Boulogne,
From June 26 to July 20.
Embarkment July 20.
Landing July 21.
Combat July 22.
Cæsar returns to his fleet July 23.
Ten days of reparations, From July 24 to August 2.
New march against the Britons August 3.
Combat August 4.
March towards the Thames (from the
Little Stour to Sunbury, 140 kilomètres)
From August 5 to August 11.
March from the Thames to the _oppidum_
of Cassivellaunus, From August 12 to August 15.
Time employed in negotiations and receiving
hostages (8 days),
From August 16 to August 23.
Return of Cæsar (in person) towards
the sea-coast. The 28th of August,
on his arrival at the fleet, he writes
to Cicero. --(_Epist. ad Quintum_, III.
1. ) August 28.
March of his army to the coast,
From August 24 to Sept. 10.
Embarkation of the last convoy Sept. 21.
[Sidenote: Distribution of the Legions in their Winter Quarters. ]
XI. Cæsar had no sooner arrived on the continent than he caused his
ships to be brought on ground, and then held at Samarobriva, (_Amiens_)
the assembly of Gaul. The defective harvest, caused by the dryness of
the season, obliged him to distribute his winter quarters differently
from the preceding years, by spreading them over a greater extent. [421]
The number of his legions was eight and a half, because, independent of
the eight legions brought together at Boulogne before the departure for
Britain, he had no doubt formed five cohorts of soldiers and sailors
employed on his fleet. The troops were distributed in the following
manner: he sent one legion into the country of the Morini (_to Saint
Pol_), under the orders of C. Fabius; another to the Nervii (_at
Charleroy_), with Quintus Cicero;[422] a third to the Essuvii (_at Sées,
in Normandy_), under the command of L. Roscius; a fourth, under T.
Labienus, to the country of the Remi, near the frontier of the Treviri
(_at Lavacherie, on the Ourthe_). [423] He placed three in Belgium,[424]
one at Samarobriva itself (_Amiens_), under the orders of Trebonius; the
second in the country of the Bellovaci, under M. Crassus, his questor,
at twenty-five miles from Amiens (_Montdidier_); the third under L.
Munatius Plancus, near the confluence of the Oise and the Aisne (_at
Champlieu_). The legion last raised[425] among the Transpadans repaired
with five cohorts, under the orders of Titurius Sabinus and Aurunculeius
Cotta, to the Eburones, whose country, situated in great part between
the Meuse and the Rhine, was governed by Ambiorix and Catuvolcus. It
occupied a fortress named Aduatuca (_Tongres_). [426] This distribution
of the army appeared to Cæsar a more easy manner to supply it with
provisions. Moreover, these different winter quarters, with the
exception of that of M. Roscius, who occupied the most peaceable part of
Gaul, were all included within a circle of a hundred miles radius (148
kil. ). It was Cæsar’s intention not to leave them until he knew that the
legions were firmly established and their quarters fortified. (_See
Plate 14_, the sites of the winter quarters. )
There was among the Carnutes (_country of Chartres_) a man of high
birth, named Tasgetius, whose ancestors had reigned over that nation. In
consideration of his valour and of his important military services,
Cæsar had replaced him, during three years, in the rank held by his
forefather, when his enemies publicly massacred him. The men who had
participated in this crime were so numerous, that there was reason for
fearing that the revolt would spread over the whole country. To prevent
it, Cæsar despatched in the greatest haste L. Plancus at the head of his
legion, with orders to establish his quarters in the country of the
Carnutes, and to send him the accomplices in the murder of
Tasgetius. [427]
[Sidenote: Defeat of Sabinus at Aduatuca. ]
XII. He received at the same period (the end of October), from the
lieutenants and the questor, the news that the legions had arrived and
retrenched in their quarters. They had indeed been established in them
about a fortnight, when suddenly a revolt took place at the instigation
of Ambiorix and Catuvolcus. These chiefs had at first repaired to the
limits of their territory to meet Sabinus and Cotta, and had even
furnished them with provisions; but soon after, urged on by the Treviran
Indutiomaras, they raise the country, fall unexpectedly on the soldiers
occupied in seeking wood, and attack the camp of Sabinus with
considerable forces. Immediately the Romans run to arms and mount on the
_vallum_. The Spanish cavalry makes a successful sortie, and the enemies
retire, deceived in their hope of carrying the retrenchments by storm.
Having then recourse to stratagem, they utter, according to their
custom, loud cries, and demand to enter into negotiations and deliberate
on their common interests, C. Arpineius, a Roman knight and the friend
of Sabinus, and the Spaniard Q. Junius, who had been employed on several
missions to Ambiorix, were sent to them. Ambiorix declared that he had
not forgotten the numerous benefits he had received from Cæsar, but that
he was forced to follow the movement of Gaul, which had conspired in a
common effort to recover its liberty. That very day, according to his
statement, the various quarters were to be attacked at the same time, so
as to hinder them from lending each other mutual succour; the Germans
had passed the Rhine, and would arrive in two days; Sabinus had no
other chance of safety but by abandoning his camp and rejoining Cicero
or Labienus, who were at a distance of fifty miles. In the end, Ambiorix
promised under an oath to give him a free passage. The envoys reported
to Sabinus and Cotta what they had heard. Troubled at this news, and the
more disposed to put faith in it because it was hardly credible that so
small a people as the Eburones would have dared alone to brave the Roman
power, the two lieutenants submitted the affair to a council of war: it
became the subject of warm disputes. Cotta, and with him several of the
tribunes and centurions of the first class, were of opinion that they
should not act hastily, but wait for orders from Cæsar. Their camp was
strong enough to resist all the forces of the Germans; they were not
pressed by want of food; they might receive succours, and, under
circumstances of so much gravity, it would be disgraceful to take their
counsel from the enemy.
Sabinus replied with force that it would be too late to decide when the
number of the assailants would be increased by the arrival of the
Germans, and when the neighbouring quarters would have experienced some
disaster. “The movement requires a prompt decision. Cæsar has, no doubt,
started for Italy: otherwise, would the Carnutes have dared to slay
Tasgetius, and the Eburones to attack the camp with so much boldness? We
must consider the counsel itself, and not him who gives it: the Rhine is
at a short distance; the Germans are irritated by the death of
Ariovistus, and by their preceding defeats; Gaul is in flames; she
supports with impatience the Roman yoke, and the loss of her ancient
military glory. Would Ambiorix have engaged without powerful motives in
such an enterprise? It is safest, therefore, to follow his counsel, and
to gain as quickly as possible the nearest quarters. ”
Cotta and the centurions of the first class earnestly maintained the
contrary opinion. “Let it then be as you will! ” said Sabinus; and then,
raising his voice to be heard by the soldiers, he shouted: “Death does
not terrify me; but behold, Cotta, those who will require of thee a
reckoning for the misfortunes which thou art preparing for them. After
to-morrow, if you would agree to it, they could have rejoined the
nearest legion, and, united with it, incur together the chances of war;
they will know that thou hast preferred leaving them, far from their
companions, exposed to perish by the sword or by famine. ”
When the council was ended, the lieutenants are surrounded and implored
not to compromise the safety of the army by their misunderstanding; let
them go or remain, provided they are agreed, everything will be easy.
