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Yea, for he was a monstrous thing and fashioned marvelously, nor was he like to any man that lives by bread, but like a wooded peak of the towering hills, which stands out apart and alone from others.
" Then I commanded the rest of my well-loved company to tarry there by the ship, and to guard the ship, but I chose out twelve men, the best of my company, and sallied forth. Now I had with me a goatskin of the dark wine and sweet, which Maron, son of Euanthes, had given me, the priest of Apollo, the god that watched over Ismarus. And he gave it, for that we had protected him with his wife and child reverently;
ODYSSEUS AND POLYPHEMUS. 343
for ho dwelt in a thick grove of Phoebus Apollo. And he made me splendid gifts ; he gave me seven talents of gold well wrought, and he gave me a mixing bowl of pure silver, and furthermore wine which he drew off in twelve jars in all, sweet wine unmingled, a draught divine ; nor did any of his servants or of his handmaids in the house know thereof, but himself and his dear wife and one house dame only. And as often as they drank that red wine honey sweet, he would fill one cup and pour it into twenty measures of water, and a marvelous sweet smell went up from the mixing bowl: then truly it was no pleasure to refrain.
" With this wine I filled a great skin, and bare it with me, and corn too I put in a wallet, for my lordly spirit straightway had a boding that a man would come to me, a strange man, clothed in mighty strength, one that knew not judgment and justice.
" Soon we came to the cave, but we found him not within ; he was shepherding his fat flocks in the pastures. So we went into the cave, and gazed on all that was therein. The baskets were well laden with cheeses, and the folds were thronged with lambs and kids ; each kind was penned by itself, the firstlings apart, and the summer lambs apart, apart too the younglings of the flock. Now all the vessels swam with whey, the milk pails and the bowls, the well- wrought vessels whereinto he milked. My company then spake and besought me first of all to take of the cheeses and to return, and afterwards to make haste and drive off the kids and lambs to the swift ships from out of the pens, and to sail over the salt sea water. Howbeit I hearkened not (and far better would it have been), but waited to see the giant himself, and whether he would give me gifts as a stranger's due. " Yet was not his coming to be with joy to my company.
Then we kindled a fire, and made burnt offering, and our selves likewise took of the cheeses, and did eat, and sat waiting for him within till he came back, shepherding his flocks. And he bore a grievous weight of dry wood, against supper time. This log he cast down with a din inside the cave, and in fear we fled to the secret place of the rock. As for him, he drave his fat flocks into the wide cavern, even all that he was wont to milk ; but the males both of the sheep and of the goats he left without in the deep yard. Thereafter he lifted a huge door- stone and weighty, and set it in the mouth of the cave, such an one as two and twenty good four-wheeled wains could not raise
ODYSSEUS AND POLYPHEMUS.
from the ground, so mighty a sheer rock did he set against the doorway. Then he sat down and milked the ewes and bleating goats all orderly, and beneath each ewe he placed her young. And anon he curdled one half of the white milk, and massed it together, and stored it in wicker baskets, and the other half he let stand in pails, that he might have it to take and drink against supper time. Now when he had done all his work busily, then he kindled the fire anew, and espied us, and made question : —
"'Strangers, who are ye? Whence sail ye over the wet ways ? On some trading enterprise or at adventure do ye rove, even as sea robbers over the brine, for at hazard of their own lives they wander, bringing bale to alien men. '
" So spake he, but as for us our heart within us was broken for terror of the deep voice and his own monstrous shape ; yet despite all I answered and spake unto him, saying : —
" ' Lo, we are Achaeans, driven wandering from Troy, by all manner of winds over the great gulf of the sea ; seeking our homes we fare, but another path have we come, by other ways : even such, methinks, was the will and the counsel of Zeus. And we avow us to be the men of Agamemnon, son of Atreus, whose fame is even now the mightiest under heaven, so great a city did he sack, and destroyed many people ; but as for us we have lighted here, and come to these thy knees, if perchance thou wilt give us a stranger's gift, or make any present, as is the due of strangers. Nay, lord, have regard to the gods, for we are thy suppliants ; and Zeus is the avenger of suppliants and sojourners, Zeus, the god of the stranger, who fareth in the company of reverend strangers. '
" So I spake, and anon he answered out of his pitiless heart : ' Thou art witless, my stranger, or thou hast come from afar, who biddest me either to fear or shun the gods. For the Cy clopes pay no heed to Zeus, lord of the aegis, nor to the blessed gods, for verily we are better men than they. Nor would I, to shun the enmity of Zeus, spare either thee or thy company, unless my spirit bade me. But tell me where thou didst stay thy well-wrought ship on thy coming? Was it perchance at the far end of the island, or hard by, that I may know ? '
" So he spake tempting me, but he cheated me not, who knew full much, and I answered him again with words of guile : " ' As for my ship, Poseidon, shaker of the earth, brake it to pieces, for he cast it upon the rocks at the border of your
ODYSSEUS AND POLYPHEMUS. 345
" So I spake, and out of his pitiless heart he answered me not a word, but sprang up, and laid his hands upon my fellows, and clutching two together dashed them, as they had been whelps, to the earth, and the brain flowed forth upon the ground, and the earth was wet. Then cut he them up piece meal, and made ready his supper. So he ate even as a moun tain-bred lion, and ceased not, devouring entrails and flesh and bones with their marrow. And we wept and raised our hands to Zeus, beholding the cruel deeds ; and we were at our wits' end. And after the Cyclops had filled his huge maw with human flesh and the milk he drank thereafter, he lay within the cave, stretched out among his sheep.
country, and brought it nigh the headland, and a wind bare it thither from the sea. But I with these my men escaped from utter doom. '
" So I took counsel in my great heart, whether I should draw near, and pluck my sharp sword from my thigh, and stab him in the breast, where the midriff holds the liver, feeling for the place with my hand. But my second thought withheld me, for so should we too have perished even there with utter doom. For we should not have prevailed to roll away with our hands from the lofty door the heavy stone which he set there. So for that time we made moan, awaiting the bright Dawn.
"Now when early Dawn shone forth, the rosy-fingered, again he kindled the fire and milked his goodly flocks all orderly, and beneath each ewe set her lamb. Anon when he had done all his work busily, again he seized yet other two men and made ready his midday meal. And after the meal, lightly he moved away the great doorstone, and drave his fat flocks forth from the cave, and afterwards he set it in his place again, as one might set the lid on a quiver. Then with a loud whoop, the Cyclops turned his fat flocks towards the hills ; but I was left devising evil in the deep of my heart, if in any wise I might avenge me, and Athene grant me renown.
" And this was the counsel that showed best in my sight. There lay by a sheepfold a great club of the Cyclops, a club of olive wood, yet green, which he had cut to carry with him when it should be seasoned. Now when we saw it we likened it in size to the mast of a black ship of twenty oars, a wide merchant vessel that traverses the great sea gulf, so huge it was to view in bulk and length. I stood thereby and cut off from it a portion as it were a fathom's length, and set it by my
346 ODYSSEUS AND POLYPHEMUS.
fellows, and bade them fine it down, and they made it even, while I stood by and sharpened it to a point, and straightway I took it and hardened it in the bright fire. Then I laid it well away, and hid it beneath the dung, which was scattered in great heaps in the depths of the cave. And I bade my company cast lots among them, which of them should risk the adventure with me, and lift the bar and turn it about in his eye, when sweet sleep came upon him. And the lot fell upon those four whom I myself would have been fain to choose, and I appointed my self to be the fifth among them. In the evening he came shepherding his flocks of goodly fleece, and presently he drave his fat flocks into the cave each and all, nor left he any without in the deep courtyard, whether through some foreboding, or perchance that the god so bade him do. Thereafter he lifted the huge doorstone and set it in the mouth of the cave, and sitting down he milked the ewes and bleating goats, all orderly, and beneath each ewe he placed her young. Now when he had done all his work busily, again he seized yet other two and
made ready his supper. Then I stood by the Cyclops and spake to him, holding in my hands an ivy bowl of the dark wine : —
"'Cyclops, take and drink wine after thy feast of man's meat, that thou mayest know what manner of drink this was that our ship held. And lo, I was bringing it thee as a drink offering, if haply thou mayest take pity and send me on my way home, but thy mad rage is past all sufferance. O hard of heart, how may another of the many men there be come ever to thee again, seeing that thy deeds have been lawless? '
"So I spake, and he took the cup and drank it off, and found great delight in drinking the sweet draught, and asked me for it yet a second time : —'
" ' Give it me again of thy grace, and tell me thy name straightway, that I may give thee a stranger's gift, wherein thou mayest be glad. Yea for the earth, the grain giver, bears for the Cyclopes the mighty clusters of the juice of the grape, and the rain of Zeus gives them increase, but this is a rill of very nectar and ambrosia. '
"So he spake, and again I handed him the dark wine. Thrice I bare and gave it him, and thrice in his folly he drank it to the lees. Now when the wine had got about the wits of the Cyclops, then did I speak to him with soft words : —
" ' Cyclops, thou askest me my renowned name, and I will declare it unto thee, and do thou grant me a stranger's gift, as
ODYSSEUS AND POLYPHEMUS. 347
thou didst promise. Noman is my name, and Noman they call me, my father and my mother and all my fellows. '
"So I spake, and straightway he answered me out of his pitiless heart : —
" ' Noman will I eat last in the number of his fellows, and the others before him : that shall be thy gift. '
" Therewith he sank backwards and fell with face upturned, and there he lay with his great neck bent round, and sleep, that conquers all men, overcame him. And the wine and the fragments of men's flesh issued forth from his mouth, and he vomited, being heavy with wine. Then I thrust in that stake under the deep ashes, until it should grow hot, and I spake to my companions comfortable words, lest any should hang back from me in fear. But when that bar of olive wood was just about to catch fire in the flame, green though it was, and began to glow terribly, even then I came nigh, and drew it from the coals, and my fellows gathered about me, and some god breathed great courage into us. For their part they seized the bar of olive wood, that was sharpened at the point, and thrust it into his eye, while I from my place aloft turned it about, as when a man bores a ship's beam with a drill while his fellows below spin it with a strap, which they hold at either end, and the auger runs round continually. Even so did we seize the fiery- pointed brand and whirled it round in his eye, and the blood flowed about the heated bar. And the breath of the flame singed his eyelids and brows all about, as the ball of the eye burnt away, and the roots thereof crackled in the flame. And as when a smith dips an ax or an adz in chill water with a great hissing, when he would temper it — for hereby anon comes the strength of iron — even so did his eye hiss round the stake of olive. And he raised a great and terrible cry, that the rock rang around, and we fled away in fear, while he plucked forth
from his eye the brand bedabbled in much blood. Then mad dened with pain he cast it from him with his hands, and called with a loud voice on the Cyclopes, who dwelt about him in the caves along the windy heights. And they heard the cry and flocked together from every side, and gathering round the cave asked him what ailed him : —
" ' What hath so distressed thee, Polyphemus, that thou criest thus aloud through the immortal night, and makest us sleepless ? Surely no mortal driveth off thy flocks against thy will : surely none slayeth thyself by force or craft? '
348 ODYSSEUS AND POLYPHEMUS.
" And the strong Polyphemus spake to them again from out the cave : ' My friends, Noman is slaying me by guile, nor at
all by force. '
" And they answered and spake winged words : '
If then no man is violently handling thee in thy solitude, it can in no wise be that thou shouldest escape the sickness sent by mighty Zeus.
Nay, pray thou to thy father, the lord Poseidon. '
" On this wise they spake and departed ; and my heart within
me laughed to see how my name and cunning counsel had be guiled them. But the Cyclops, groaning and travailing in pain, groped with his hands, and lifted away the stone from the door of the cave, and himself sat in the entry, with arms outstretched to catch, if he might, any one that was going forth with his sheep, so witless, methinks, did he hope to find me. But I advised me how all might be for the very best, if perchance I might find a way of escape from death for my companions and myself, and I wove all manner of craft and counsel, as a man will for his life, seeing that great mischief was nigh. And this was the counsel that showed best in my sight. The rams of the flock were well nurtured and thick of fleece, great and goodly, with wool dark as the violet. Quietly I lashed them together with twisted withies, whereon the Cyclops slept, that lawless monster. Three together I took : now the middle one of the three would bear each a man, but the other twain went on either side, saving my fellows. Thus every three sheep bare their man. But as for me I laid hold of the back of a young ram who was far the best and the goodliest of all the flock, and curled beneath his shaggy belly there I lay, and so clung face upward, grasping the wondrous fleece with a steadfast heart. So for that time making moan we awaited the bright Dawn.
" So soon as early Dawn shone forth, the rosy-fingered, then did the rams of the flock hasten forth to pasture, but the ewes bleated unmilked about the pens, for their udders were swollen to bursting. Then their lord, sore stricken with pain, felt along the backs of all the sheep as they stood up before him, and guessed not in his folly how that my men were bound beneath the breasts of his thick-fleeced flocks. Last of all the sheep came forth the ram, cumbered with his wool, and the weight of me and my cunning. And the strong Polyphemus laid his hands on him and spake to him, saying : —
" ' Dear ram, wherefore, I pray thee, art thou the last of all the flocks to go forth from the cave, who of old wast not wont
ODYSSEUS AND POLYPHEMUS. 349
to lag behind the sheep, but wert ever the foremost to pluck the tender blossom of the pasture, faring with long strides, and wert still the first to come to the streams of the rivers, and first didst long to return to the homestead in the evening. But now art thou the very last. Surely thou art sorrowing for the eye of thy lord, which an evil man blinded, with his accursed fel lows, when he had subdued my wits with wine, even Noman, whom I say hath not yet escaped destruction. Ah, if thou couldst feel as I, and be endued with speech, to tell me where he shifts about to shun my wrath ; then should he be smitten, and his brains be dashed against the floor here and there about the cave, and my heart be lightened' of the sorrows which Noman, nothing worth, hath brought me !
" Therewith he sent the ram forth from him, and when we had gone but a little way from the cave and from the yard, first I loosed myself from under the ram and then I set my fellows free. And swiftly we drave on those stiff-shanked sheep, so rich in fat, and often turned to look about, till we came to the ship. And a glad sight to our fellows were we that had fled from death, but the others they would have bemoaned with tears ; howbeit I suffered it not, but with frowning brows forbade each man to weep. Rather I bade them to cast on board the many sheep with goodly fleece, and to sail over the salt sea water. So they embarked forthwith, and sat upon the benches, and sitting orderly smote the gray sea water with their oars. But when I had not gone so far, but that a man's shout might be heard, then I spoke unto the Cyclops taunting him : —
" ' Cyclops, so thou wert not to eat the company of a weak ling by main might in thy hollow cave ! Thine evil deeds were very sure to find thee out, thou cruel man, who hadst no shame to eat thy guests within thy gates, wherefore Zeus hath requited thee, and the other gods. '
"So I spake, and he was yet the more angered at heart, and he brake off the peak of a great hill and threw it at us, and it fell in front of the dark-prowed ship. And the sea heaved beneath the fall of the rock, and the backward flow of the wave bare the ship quickly to the dry land, with the wash from the deep sea, and drave it to the shore. Then I caught up a long pole in my hands, and thrust the ship from off the land, and roused my company, and with a motion of the head bade them dash in with their oars, that so we might
350 ODYSSEUS AND POLYPHEMUS.
escape our evil plight. So they bent to their oars and rowed on. But when we had now made twice the distance over the brine, I would fain have spoken to the Cyclops, but my com pany stayed me on every side with soft words, saying : —
" ' Foolhardy that thou art, why wouldst thou rouse a wild man to wrath, who even now hath cast so mighty a throw towards the deep and brought our ship back to land, yea and we thought that we had perished even there? If he had heard any of us utter sound or speech, he would have crushed our heads and our ship timbers with a cast of a rugged stone, so mightily he hurls. '
" So spake they, but they prevailed not on my lordly spirit, and I answered him again from out an angry heart : —
" ' Cyclops, if any one of mortal men shall ask thee of the unsightly blinding of thine eye, say that it was Odysseus that blinded it, the waster of cities, son of Laertes, whose dwelling is in Ithaca. '
" So I spake, and with a moan he answered me, saying : —
" ' Lo now, in very truth the ancient oracles have come upon me. There lived here a soothsayer, a noble man and a mighty, Telemus, son of Eurymus, who surpassed all men in soothsaying, and waxed old as a seer among the Cyclopes. He told me that all these things should come to pass in the aftertime, even that I should lose my eyesight at the hand of Odysseus. But I ever looked for some tall and goodly man to come hither, clad in great might, but behold now one that is a dwarf, a man of no worth and a weakling, hath blinded me of my eye after subduing me with wine. Nay, come hither, Odysseus, that I may set by thee a stranger's cheer, and speed thy parting hence, that so the Earth Shaker may vouchsafe it thee, for his son am I, and he avows him for my father. And he himself will heal me, if it be his will ; and none other of the blessed gods or of mortal men. '
" Even so he spake, but I answered him, and said : ' Would god that I were as sure to rob thee of soul and life, and send thee within the house of Hades, as I am that not even the Earth Shaker will heal thine eye ! '
" So I spake, and then he prayed to the lord Poseidon stretch ing forth his hands to the starry heaven : ' Hear me, Poseidon, girdler of the earth, god of the dark hair, if indeed I be thine, and thou avowest thee my sire, — grant that he may never come to his home, even Odysseus, waster of cities, the son of
ODYSSEUS AND POLYPHEMUS. 351
Laertes, whose dwelling is in Ithaca ; yet if he is ordained to see his friends and come unto his well-builded house, and his own country, late may he come in evil case, with the loss of all his company, in the ship of strangers and find sorrows in his house. '
"So he spake in prayer, and the god of the dark locks heard him. And once again he lifted a stone, far greater than the first, and with one swing he hurled it, and he put forth a measureless strength, and cast it but a little space behind the dark-prowed ship, and all but struck the end of the rudder. And the sea heaved beneath the fall of the rock, but the wave bare on the ship and drave it to the further shore.
" But when we had now reached that island, where all our other decked ships abode together, and our company were gathered sorrowing, expecting us evermore, on our coming thither we ran our ship ashore upon the sand, and ourselves too stept forth upon the seabeach. Next we took forth the sheep of the Cyclops from out the hollow ship, and divided them, that none through me might go lacking his proper share. But the ram for me alone my goodly-greaved company chose out, in the dividing of the sheep, and on the shore I offered him up to Zeus, even to the son of Cronos, who dwells in the dark clouds, and is lord of all, and I burnt the slices of the thighs. But he heeded not the sacrifice, but was devising how my decked ships and my dear company might perish utterly. Thus for that time we sat the livelong day, until the going down of the sun, feasting on abundant flesh and sweet wine. And when the sun had sunk and darkness had come on, then we laid us to rest upon the seabeach. So soon as early Dawn shone forth, the rosy-fingered, I called to my company, and commanded them that they should themselves climb the ship and loose the hawsers. So they soon embarked and sat upon the benches, and sitting orderly smote the gray sea water with their oars.
"Thence we sailed onward stricken at heart, yet glad as men saved from death, albeit we had lost our dear companions. "
352 ULYSSES.
ULYSSES.
By ALFRED TENNYSON.
[Alfred Tennyson, Baron Tennyson : English poet ; born at Somersby, England, August 6, 1809 ; died at Aldworth, October 6, 1892. His first poems were published with his brother Charles' in a small volume entitled "Poems of Two Brothers," in 1827. Two years later he won the chancellor's gold medal for his prize poem, "Timbuctoo. " The following year came his "Poems Chiefly Lyrical. " In 1832 a new volume of miscellaneous poems was published, and was attacked savagely by the Quarterly Review. Ten years afterward another volume of miscellaneous verse was collected. In 1847 he published " The Princess," which was warmly received. In 1850 came " In Memoriam," and he was appointed poet laureate to succeed Wordsworth. Among his other works may be mentioned: "Idylls of the King" (1859), "Enoch Arden" and "The Holy Grail" (1869), "Queen Mary" (1875), "Harold" (1876), "The Cup" (1884), "Tiresias" (1885), "Locksley Hall Sixty Years After" (1886), "The Foresters" and "The Death of Oinone" (1892)].
It little profits that an idle king,
By this still hearth, among these barren crags, Matched with an aged wife, I mete and dole Unequal laws unto a savage race,
That hoard, and sleep, and feed, and know not me.
I cannot rest from travel :
I will drink Life to the lees : all times I have enjoyed
Greatly, have suffered greatly, both with those That loved me, and alone ; on shore, and when Thro' scudding drifts the rainy Hyades
Iam become aname ;
Vext the dim sea :
For always roaming with a hungry heart
Much have I seen and known ; cities of men
And manners, climates, councils, governments, Myself not least, but honored of them all ;
And drunk delight of battle with my peers,
Far on the ringing plains of windy Troy.
I am a part of all that I have met ;
Yet all experience is an arch wherethro'
Gleams that untraveled world, whose margin fades
Forever and forever when I move.
How dull it is to pause, to make an end,
To rust unburnished, not to shine in use !
As tho' to breathe were life. Life piled on life Were all too little, and of one to me
Little remains : but every hour is saved
From that eternal silence, something more,
A bringer of new things ; and vile it were
ULYSSES. 353
For some three suns to store and hoard myself, And this gray spirit yearning in desire
To follow knowledge like a sinking star, Beyond the utmost bound of human thought.
This is my son, mine own Telemachus,
To whom I leave the scepter and the isle — Well-loved of me, discerning to fulfill
This labor, by slow prudence to make mild
A rugged people, and thro' soft degrees
Subdue them to the useful and the good.
Most blameless is he, centered in the sphere
Of common duties, decent not to fail
In offices of tenderness, and pay
Meet adoration to my household gods,
When I am gone. He works his work, I mine.
There lies the port ; the vessel puffs her sail :
There gloom the dark broad seas. My mariners,
Souls that have toiled, and wrought, and thought with me— That ever with a frolic welcome took
The thunder and the sunshine, and opposed
Free hearts, free foreheads — you and I are old ;
Old age hath yet his honor and his toil ;
Death closes all : but something ere the end,
Some work of noble note, may yet be done,
Not unbecoming men that strove with Gods.
The lights begin to twinkle from the rocks :
The long day wanes : the slow moon climbs : the deep
Moans round with many voices. Come, my friends,
'Tis not too late to seek a newer world.
Push off, and sitting well in order smite
The sounding furrows ; for my purpose holds
To sail beyond the sunset, and the baths
Of all the western stars, until I die.
It may be that the gulfs will wash us down :
It may be we shall touch the Happy Isles,
And see the great Achilles, whom we knew.
Tho' much is taken, much abides ; and tho'
We are not now that strength which in old days
Moved earth and heaven ; that which we are, we are ;
One equal temper of heroic hearts,
Made weak by time and fate, but strong in will
To strive, to seek, to find, and not to yield.
vol. ii. —23
354 NATURE AND MAN IN GREECE.
NATURE AND MAN IN GREECE.
By ERNST CTJRTIUS.
(From " History of Greece. ")
[Ernst Cubtius, one of the leading modern historians of Greece, antiqua rian, geographer, and philologist, was born at Lttheck, Germany, September 2, 1814 ; died July, 1896. He studied philology at Bonn, Gottingen, and Berlin, and spent 1837-1840 in Greece as tutor to Brandis, the confidential adviser to King Otho, then with K. O. Miiller ; graduated at Halle in 1841. He became extraor dinary professor in the University of Berlin, tutor to the Crown Prince, after wards Emperor Frederick ; in 1856 professor at GBttingen ; in 1868 ordinary professor of classical archaeology at Berlin, and director of the cabinet of antiq uities in the Royal Museum. He has been permanent secretary of the Academy of Sciences, president of the Archaeological Society, and editor of the Archceo- logical Journal, and founded the German Archaeological Institute at Athens. In 1874 he was German commissioner to Greece to negotiate for permission to excavate at Olympia. His chief works are " Peloponnesus " (1851-1852), " His tory of Greece" (1852-1867), — a standard work, but most valuable for the exhaustive topographical knowledge brought to bear on historical problems,— "The Ionians and their Migrations" (1855), "Attic Studies" (1864), "Seven Maps of Athens" (1886), " History of the City of Athens" (1891). ]
We speak of Europe and Asia, and involuntarily allow these terms to suggest to us two distinct quarters of the globe, sepa rated from one another by natural boundaries. But where are these boundaries ? Possibly a frontier line may be found in the north, where the Ural Mountains cut through the broad com plexes of land; but to the south of the Pontus nature has nowhere severed east from west, but rather done her utmost closely and inseparably to unite them. The same mountain ranges which pass across the Archipelago extend on dense suc cessions of islands over the Propontis : the coast lands on either side belong to one another as if they were two halves of one country : and harbors such as Thessalonica and Athens have from the first been incomparably nearer to the coast towns of Ionia than to their own interior, while from the western shores of their own continent they are still farther separated by broad tracts of land and by the difficulties of a lengthy sea voyage.
Sea and air unite the coasts of the Archipelago into one connected whole ; the same periodical winds blow from the Hellespont as far as Crete, and regulate navigation by the same conditions, and the climate by the same changes. Scarcely a single point is to be found between Asia and Europe where, in clear weather, a mariner would feel himself left in a solitude
NATURE AND MAN IN GREECE. 355
between sky and water ; the eye reaches from island to island, and easy voyages of a day lead from bay to bay. And there fore at all times the same nations have inhabited either shore, and since the days of Priam the same languages and customs have obtained both here and there. The Greek of the islands is as much at home at Smyrna as he is at Nauplia ; Salonichi lies in Europe, and yet belongs to the trading towns of the Levant ; notwithstanding all changes of political circumstances, Byzantium to this day ranks as the metropolis on either side ; and as one swell of the waves rolls from the shore of Ionia up to Salamis, so neither has any movement of population ever affected the coast on one side without extending itself to the other. Arbitrary political decisions have in ancient and mod ern times separated the two opposite coasts, and used some of the broader straits between the islands as boundary lines ; but no separation of this kind has ever become more than an ex ternal one, nor has any succeeded in dividing what nature has so clearly appointed for the theater of a common history.
As decided as the homogeneous character of the coast lands, which lie opposite one another from east to west, is the differ ence between the regions in the direction from north to south. On the northern border of the iEgean Sea no myrtle leaf adorns the shore, and the climate resembles that of a district of Central Germany ; no southern fruit grows in any part of Roumelia.
With the 40th degree of latitude a new region begins. Here, on the coasts, and in the sheltered valleys, occur the first signs of the neighborhood of a warmer world, and the first forests of constant verdure. But here, also, a trifling elevation suffices to change the whole condition of its vicinity ; thus a mountain like Athos bears on its heights nearly all European species of trees at once.
And totally and utterly different is the natural condition of the interior. The Bay of Joannina, lying nearly a degree farther south than Naples, has the climate of Lombardy : in the interior of Thessaly no olive tree will flourish, and the entire Pindus is a stranger to the flora of Southern Europe.
At the 39th degree, and not before, the warm air of sea and coast penetrates into the interior, where a rapid advance makes itself visible. Even in Phthiotis rice and cotton are already grown, and frequent specimens of the olive tree begin to occur. In Eubcea and Attica there are even scattered instances of the palm tree, which in larger groups adorns the southern Cyclades,
356 NATURE AND MAN IN GREECE.
and which in the plains of Messenia will, under favorable cir cumstances, at times even produce edible dates. None of the rarer southern fruits prosper in the neighborhood of Athens without special cultivation ; while on the east coast of Argolis lemon and orange trees grow in thick forests, and in the gardens of the Naxiotes even the tender lime ripens, whose fragrant fruit, plucked in January, is transported in the space of a few hours to coasts where neither vine nor olive will flourish.
Thus, within a boundary of not more than two degrees of latitude, the land of Greece reaches from the beeches of Pindus into the climate of the palm ; nor is there on the entire known surface of the globe any other region in which the different zones of climate and flora meet one another in so rapid a succession.
The results are a variety in the living forms of nature and an abundance of her produce, which necessarily excited the minds of the inhabitants, awakened their attention and indus try, and called mercantile interchange into life among them.
These differences of climate are, as a rule, common to both shores. Yet even the regions of the eastern and western shores, with all their homogeneousness, show a thorough difference be tween one another ; for the similarity of the shores is not more strongly marked than the difference in the formation of the countries themselves.
It would seem as if the . 3Sgean were in possession of the peculiar power of transforming, after a fashion of its own, all the mainland — in other words, of everywhere penetrating into and breaking it up, of forming by this resolving process islands, peninsulas, necks of land, and promontories, and thus creating a line of coast of disproportionately great extent, with innumer able natural harbors. Such a coast may be called a Greek coast, because those regions in which Hellenes have settled possess it as peculiar to them before all countries of the earth.
In Asia great complexes of countries possess a history com mon to all of them. There one nation raises itself over a mul titude of others, and in every case decrees of fate fall, to which vast regions, with their millions of inhabitants, are uniformly subjected. Against a history of this kind every foot breadth of Greek land rises in protest. There the ramification of the mountains has formed a series of cantons, every one of which has received a natural call and a natural right to a separate existence.
NATURE AND MAN IN GREECE. 357
The villagers of wide plains quail at the thought of defend ing their laws and property against an overpowering force of arms; they submit to what is the will of heaven, and the sur vivor tranquilly builds himself a new hut near the ruins of the old. But where the land which has been with difficulty culti vated is belted by mountains with lofty ridges and narrow passes, which a little band is able to hold against a multitude, there men receive, together with these weapons of defense, the courage for using them. In the members of every local federa tion arises the feeling of belonging together by the will and command of God ; the common state grows by itself out of the hamlets of the valley; and in every such state there springs up at the same time a consciousness of an independence fully justified before God and man. He who desires to enslave such a land must attack and conquer it anew in every one of its mountain valleys. In the worst case the summits of the moun tains and inaccessible caves are able to shelter the remnant of the free inhabitants of the land.
But, besides the political independence, it is also the mul tiplicity of culture, manners, and language characteristic of Ancient Greece which it is impossible to conceive as existent without the multiplicitous formation of its territory, for with out the barriers of the mountains the various elements compos ing its population would have early lost their individuality by contact with one another.
Now Hellas is not only a secluded and well-guarded coun try, but, on the other hand, again, more open to commerce than any other country of the ancient world. For from three sides the sea penetrates into all parts of the country; and while it accustoms men's eyes to greater acuteness and their minds to higher enterprise, never ceases to excite their fancy for the sea, which, in regions where no ice binds it during the whole course of the year, effects an incomparably closer union between the lands than is the case with the inhospitable inland seas of the North.
Men soon learn all the secrets of the art of river navigation to an end, but never those of navigating the sea; the differ ences between dwellers on the banks of a river soon vanish by mutual contact, whereas the sea suddenly brings the greatest contrasts together; strangers arrive, who have been living under another sky and according to other laws: there ensues an endless comparing, learning, and teaching, and the more remu nerative the interchange of the produce of different countries, the
358 NATURE AND MAN IN GREECE.
more restlessly the human mind labors victoriously to oppose the dangers of the sea by a constant succession of new inventions.
The Euphrates and the Nile from year to year offer the same advantages to the population on their banks, and regulate its occupations in a constant monotony, which makes it possible for centuries to paso over the land without any change taking place in the essential habits of the lives of its inhabitants. Revolu tions occur, but no development, and mummylike, the civiliza tion of the Egyptians stagnates, enshrouded in the valley of the Nile ; they count the monotonous beats of the pendulum of time, but time contains nothing for them ; they possess a chro nology, but no history in the full sense of the word. Such a death in life is not permitted by the flowing waves of the ^Egean, which, as soon as commerce and mental activity have been once awakened, unceasingly continues and develops them.
Lastly, with regard to the natural gifts of the soil, a great difference prevailed between the eastern and western half of the land of Greece. The Athenian had only to ascend a few hours' journey from the mouths of the rivers of Asia Minor to assure himself how much more remunerative agriculture was there, and to admire and envy the deep layers of most fertile soil in . 3iolis and Ionia. There the growth of both plants and animals manifested greater luxuriance, the intercourse in the wide plains incomparably greater facility. We know how in the European country the plains are only let in between the mountains like furrows or narrow basins, or, as it were, washed on to their ex- tremest ridge ; and the single passage from one valley to the other led over lofty ridges, which men were obliged to open up for themselves, and then, with unspeakable labor, to provide with paths for beasts of burden and vehicles. The waters of the plains were equally grudging of the blessings expected from them. Far the greater number of them in summer were dried- up rivers, sons of the Nereides dying in their youth, according to the version of mythology ; and although the drought in the country is incomparably greater now than it was in ancient times, yet, since men remembered, the veins of water of the Ilissus, as well as of the Inachus, had been hidden under a dry bed of pebbles. Yet this excessive drought is again accompa nied by a superabundance of water, which, stagnating in one place in the basin of a valley, in another between mountains and sea, renders the air pestiferous and cultivation difficult. Every where there was a call for labor and a struggle. And yet at
WHY ROME BECAME GREAT. 359
how early a date would Greek history have come to an end had its only theater been under the skies of Ionia ! It was, after all, only in European Hellas that the fullness of energy of which the nation was capable came to light, on that soil so much more sparingly endowed by nature ; here, after all, men's bodies re ceived a more powerful, and their minds a freer, development ; here the country which they made their own, by drainage, and embankment, and artificial irrigation, became their native land in a fuller sense than the land on the opposite shore, where the gifts of God dropped into men's laps without any effort being necessary for their attainment. Its inhabitant enjoys the full blessings of the South. His necessaries of life he easily obtains from land and sea ; nature and climate train him in temperance. His country is hilly ; but his hills, instead of being rude heights, are arable and full of pastures, and thus act as the guardians of liberty. He dwells in an island country blessed with all the advantages of southern coasts, yet enjoying at the same time the benefits proper to a vast and uninterrupted complex of territory.
WHY ROME BECAME GREAT. By THEODOR MOMMSEN.
(From the " History of Rome. ")
[Theodoh Mommsen : A German historian ; born at Garding, Schleswig, November 30, 1817. He was professor of law at Leipsic (1848-1850), of Roman law at Zurich (1852-1854), and at Breslau (1854-1858). He was professor of ancient history at Berlin in 1858. His works are : " Roman History " (1854- 1856 ; 8th ed. , 1888-1889; vol. 5, 3d ed. , 1886), "Roman Chronology down to Cajsar" (2d ed. , 1859), " History of Roman Coinage" (1860), " Roman Investi gations " (1864-1879), " History of Roman Political Law " (3d ed. , 1888). He was editor in chief of the "Body of Latin Inscriptions" (15 vols, and supple ment, 1863-1893). ]
About fourteen miles up from the mouth of the river Tiber, hills of moderate elevation rise on both banks of the stream, higher on the right, lower on the left bank. With the latter group there have been closely associated for at least two thousand five hundred years the name of the Romans. We are unable, of course, to tell how or when that name arose ; this much only is certain, that in the oldest form of it known to us the inhabitants of the canton are called not Romans, but
360 WHY ROME BECAME GREAT.
(by a shifting of sound that frequently occurs in the earlier period of a language, but fell very early into abeyance in Latin) Ramnians (Ramne»), a fact which constitutes an expres sive testimony to the immemorial antiquity of the name. Its derivation cannot be given with certainty; possibly "Ramnes" may mean "foresters " or "bushmen. "
But they were not the only dwellers on the hills by the bank of the Tiber. In the earliest division of the burgesses of Rome a trace has been preserved of the fact that that body arose out of the amalgamation of three cantons once probably independent, the Ramnians, Tities, and Luceres, into a single commonwealth —in other words, out of such a synoikismos as that from which Athens arose in Attica. The great antiquity of this threefold division of the community is perhaps best evinced by the fact that the Romans, in matters especially of constitutional law, regularly used the forms tribuere
divide into three ") and tribus (" a third ") in the general sense of " to divide," and " a part," and the latter expression tribus, like our " quarter," early lost its original signification of number. After the union each of these three communities — once separate, but now forming subdivisions of a single com munity — still possessed its third of the common domain, and had its proportional representation in the burgess force and in the council of the elders. In ritual also, the number divisible
by three of the members of almost all the oldest colleges — of the Vestal Virgins, the Salii, the Arval Brethren, the Luperci, the Augurs — probably had reference to that threefold parti tion. These three elements into which the primitive body of burgesses in Rome was divided have had theories of the most extravagant absurdity engrafted upon them. The irrational opinion that the Roman nation was a mongrel people finds its support in that division, and its advocates have striven by various means to represent the three great Italian races as elements entering into the composition of the primitive Rome, and to transform a people which has exhibited in language, polity, and religion a pure and national development such as few have equaled, into a confused aggregate of Etruscan and Sabine, Hellenic and, forsooth ! even Pelasgian fragments.
Setting aside self-contradictory and unfounded hypotheses, we may sum up in a few words all that can be said respecting the nationality of the component elements of the primitive Roman commonwealth. That the Ramnians were a Latin
("to
WHY ROME BECAME GREAT. 361
stock cannot be doubted, for they gave their name to the new Roman commonwealth, and therefore must have substantially determined the nationality of the united community. Respect ing the origin of the Luceres nothing can be affirmed, except that there is no difficulty in the way of our assigning them, like the Ramnians, to the Latin stock. The second of these communities, on the other hand, is with one consent derived from Sabina ; and this view can at least be traced to a tradi tion preserved in the Titian brotherhood, which represented that priestly college as having been instituted, on occasion of the Tities being admitted into the collective community, for the preservation of their distinctive Sabine ritual. It would appear, therefore, that at a period very remote, when the Latin and Sabellian stocks were beyond question far less sharply con trasted in language, manners, and customs than were the Roman and the Samnite of a later age, a Sabellian community entered into a Latin canton union ; and, as in the older and more credible traditions without exception the Tities take pre cedence of the Ramnians, it is probable that the intruding Tities compelled the older Ramnians to accept the synoikismos. A mixture of different nationalities certainly therefore took place ; but it hardly exercised an influence greater than the migration, for example, which occurred some centuries after wards of the Sabine Attus Clauzus, or Appius Claudius, and his clansmen and clients to Rome. The earlier admission of the Tities among the Ramnians does not entitle us to class the community among mongrel peoples any more than does that subsequent reception of the Claudii among the Romans. With the exception, perhaps, of isolated national institutions handed down in connection with ritual, the existence of Sabellian elements can nowhere be pointed out in Rome ; and the Latin language in particular furnishes absolutely no support to such an hypothesis. It would in fact be more than surprising if the Latin nation should have had its nationality in any sen sible degree affected by the insertion of a single community from a stock so very closely related to it ; and, besides, it must not be forgotten that at the time when the Tities settled beside the Ramnians, Latin nationality rested on Latium as its basis, and not on Rome. The new tripartite Roman commonwealth was, notwithstanding some incidental elements which were originally Sabellian, just what the community of the Ramnians had previously been — a portion of the Latin nation.
362 WHY ROME BECAME GREAT.
Long, in all probability, before an urban settlement arose on the Tiber, these Ramnians, Tities, and Luceres, at first sep arate, afterwards united, had their stronghold on the Roman hills, and tilled their fields from the surrounding villages. The " wolf festival " (Lupercalia), which the gens of the Quinctii celebrated on the Palatine hill, was probably a tradition from these primitive ages — a festival of husbandmen and shepherds, which more than any other preserved the homely pastimes of patriarchal simplicity, and, singularly enough, maintained itself longer than all the other heathen festivals in Christian Rome.
From these settlements the later Rome arose. The found ing of a city in the strict sense, such as the legend assumes, is of course to be reckoned altogether out of the question : Rome was not built in a day. But the serious consideration of the historian may well be directed to the inquiry, in what way Rome could so early attain the prominent political position which it held in Latium — so different from what the physical character of the locality would have led us to anticipate. The site of Rome is less healthy and less fertile than that of most of the Latin towns. Neither the vine nor the fig succeed well in the immediate environs, and there is a want of springs yield ing a good supply of water ; for neither the otherwise excellent fountain of the Camenae before the Porta Capena, nor the Capitoline well, afterwards inclosed within the Tullianum, furnish it in any abundance. Another disadvantage arises from the frequency with which the river overflows its banks. Its very slight fall renders it unable to carry off the water, which during the rainy season descends in large quantities from the mountains, with sufficient rapidity to the sea, and in consequence it floods the low-lying lands and the valleys that open between the hills, and converts them into swamps. For a settler the locality was anything but attractive. In antiquity itself an opinion was expressed that the first body of immigrant cultivators could scarce have spontaneously resorted in search of a suitable settlement to that unhealthy and unfruitful spot in a region otherwise so highly favored, and that it must have been necessity, or rather some special motive, which led to the establishment of a city there. Even the legend betrays its sense of the strangeness of the fact : the story of the founda tion of Rome by refugees from Alba under the leadership of the sons of an Alban prince, Romulus and Remus, is nothing
WHY ROME BECAME GREAT. 363
but a naive attempt of primitive quasi history to explain the singular circumstance of the place having arisen on a site so unfavorable, and to connect at the same time the origin of Rome with the general metropolis of Latium. Such tales, which profess to be historical but are merely improvised ex planations of no very ingenious character, it is the first duty of history to dismiss ; but it may perhaps be allowed to go a step further, and after weighing the special relations of the locality to propose a positive conjecture not regarding the way in which the place originated, but regarding the circumstances which occasioned its rapid and surprising prosperity and led to its occupying its peculiar position in Latium.
Let us notice first of all the earliest boundaries of the Roman territory. Towards the east the towns of Antemnte, Fidenae, Caenina, Collatia, and Gabii lie in the immediate neighborhood, some of them not five miles distant from the gates of the Servian Rome; and the boundary of the canton must have been in the close vicinity of the city gates. On the south we find at a distance of fourteen miles the powerful com munities of Tusculum and Alba ; and the Roman territory ap pears not to have extended in this direction beyond the Fossa Cluilia, five miles from Rome. In like manner, towards the southwest, the boundary betwixt Rome and Lavinium was at the sixth milestone. While in a landward direction the Roman canton was thus everywhere confined within the narrowest possible limits, from the earliest times, on the other hand, it extended without hindrance on both banks of the Tiber towards the sea. Between Rome and the coast there occurs no locality that is mentioned as an ancient canton center, and no trace of any ancient canton boundary. The legend, indeed, which has its definite explanation of the origin of everything, professes to tell us that the Roman possessions on the right bank of the Tiber, the "seven hamlets " (septem pagi), and the important salt works at its mouth, were taken by King Romulus from the Veientes, and that King Ancus fortified on the right bank the tSte du pont, the " mount of Janus " (Iani- culurn), and founded on the left the Roman Peiraeus, the sea port at the river's "mouth" (Ostia). But in fact we have evidence more trustworthy than that of legend, that the pos sessions of the Etruscan bank of the Tiber must have belonged to the original territory of Rome ; for in this very quarter, at the fourth milestone on the later road to the port, lay the
364 WHY ROME BECAME GREAT.
grove of the creative goddess (2>ea Dia), the primitive chief seat of the Arval festival and Arval brotherhood of Rome. Indeed, from time immemorial the clan of the Romilii, the chief probably of all the Roman clans, was settled in this very quar ter ; the Janiculum formed a part of the city itself, and Ostia was a burgess colony or, in other words, a suburb.
This cannot have been the result of mere accident. The Tiber was the natural highway for the traffic of Latium ; and its mouth, on a coast scantily provided with harbors, became necessarily the anchorage of seafarers. Moreover, the Tiber formed from very ancient times the frontier defense of the Latin stock against their northern neighbors. There was no place better fitted for an emporium of the Latin river and sea traffic, and for a maritime frontier fortress of Latium, than Rome. It combined the advantages of a strong position and of immediate vicinity to the river ; it commanded both banks of the stream down to its mouth ; it was so situated as to be equally convenient for the river navigator descending the Tiber or the Anio, and for the seafarer with vessels of so moderate a size as those which were then used ; and it afforded greater protection from pirates than places situated immediately on the coast. That Rome was indebted accordingly, if not for its origin, at any rate for its importance, to these commercial and strategical advantages of its position, there are numerous indications to show — indications which are very different weight from the statements of quasi-historical romances. Thence arose its very ancient relations with Caere, which was to Etruria what Rome was to Latium, and accordingly became Rome's most intimate neighbor and commercial ally. Thence arose the unusual importance of the bridges over the Tiber, and of bridge building generally in the Roman commonwealth. Thence came the galley in the city arms ; thence, too, the very ancient Roman port duties on the exports and imports of Ostia, which were from the first levied only on what was to be ex posed for sale (promercale), not on what was for the shipper's own use (usuarium), and which were therefore in reality a tax upon commerce. Thence, to anticipate, the comparatively early occurrences in Rome of coined
treaties with transmarine states. In this sense, then, it is cer tainly not improbable that Rome may have been, as the legend assumes, a creation rather than a growth, and the youngest
money, and of commercial
WHY ROME BECAME GREAT. 365
rather than the oldest among the Latin cities. Beyond doubt the country was already in some degree cultivated, and the Alban range as well as various other heights of the Campagna were occupied by strongholds, when the Latin frontier empo rium arose on the Tiber. Whether it was a resolution of the Latin confederacy, or the clear-sighted genius of some unknown founder, or the natural development of traffic, that called the city of Rome into being, it is vain even to surmise.
But in connection with this view of the position of Rome as the emporium of Latium, another observation suggests itself. At the time when history begins to dawn on us, Rome appears, in contradistinction to the league of the Latin communities, as a compact urban unity. The Latin habit of dwelling in open villages, and of using the common stronghold only for festivals and assemblies or in case of special need, was subjected to restriction at a far earlier period, probably, in the canton of Rome than anywhere else in Latium. The Roman did not cease to manage his farm in person, or to regard it as his proper home ; but the unwholesome atmosphere of the Campagna could not but induce him to take up his abode as much as pos sible on the more airy and salubrious city hills ; and by the side of the cultivators of the soil there must have been a numerous non-agricultural population, partly foreigners, partly natives, settled there from early times. This to some extent accounts for the dense population of the old Roman territory, which may be estimated at the utmost at 115 square miles, partly of marshy or sandy soil, and which, even under the earliest constitu tion of the city, furnished a force of 3300 freemen ; so that it must have numbered at least 10,000 free inhabitants. But further, every one acquainted with the Romans and their history is aware that it is their urban and mercantile character which forms the basis of whatever is peculiar in their public and private life, and that the distinction between them and the other Latins and Italians in general is preeminently the distinc tion between citizen and rustic. Rome, indeed, was not a mer cantile city like Corinth or Carthage ; for Latium was an essentially agricultural region, and Rome was in the first instance, and continued to be, preeminently a Latin city. But the distinction between Rome and the mass of the other Latin towns must certainly be traced back to its commercial position, and to the type of character produced by that position in its
366 GREECE AND ROME.
citizens. If Rome was the emporium of the Latin districts, we can readily understand how, along with and in addition to Latin husbandry, an urban life should have attained vigorous and rapid development there, and thus have laid the foundation for its distinctive career.
GREECE AND ROME. By PERCY BYSSHE SHELLEY.
[Percy Bysshe Shelley, English poet, was born in Sussex, August 4, 1792, and educated at Eton and at University College, Oxford, whence he was expelled for a tract on the "Necessity of Atheism. " His first notable poem, "Queen Mab," was privately printed in 1813. He succeeded to his father's estate in 1815. " Alastor " was completed in 1816 ; " The Revolt of Islam," " Rosalind and Helen," and "Julian and Maddalo," in 1818; "Prometheus Unbound," "The Cenci," "The Coliseum," "Peter Bell the Third," and the "Mask of Anarchy," in 1819 ; " (Edipus Tyrannus " and the " Witch of Atlas," in 1820 ; " Epipsychidion," "The Defense of Poetry," "Adonais," and "Hellas," in
1822.
He was drowned at sea July 8, 1822. ]
The nodding promontories, and blue isles,
And cloudlike mountains, and dividuous waves
Of Greece, baskt glorious in the open smiles
Of favoring heaven : from their enchanted caves
Prophetic echoes flung dim melody.
On the unapprehensive wild
The vine, the corn, the olive mild,
Grow savage yet, to human use unreconciled ; And, like unfolded flowers beneath the sea,
Like the man's thought dark in the infant's brain, Like aught that is which wraps what is to be,
Art's deathless dreams lay veiled by many a vein Of Parian stone ; and yet a speechless child,
Verse murmured, and Philosophy did strain
Her lidless eyes for thee ; when o'er the jEgean main
Athens arose : a city such as vision
Builds from the purple crags and silver towers
Of battlemented cloud, as in derision
Of kingliest masonry : the ocean floors
Pave it ; the evening sky pavilions it ; Its portals are inhabited
By thunder-zoned winds, each head Within its cloudy wings with sunfire garlanded,
GREECE AND ROME.
A divine work ! Athens diviner yet
Gleamed with its crest of columns, on the will
Of man, as on a mount of diamond, set;
For thou wert, and thine all-creative skill
Peopled with forms that mock the eternal dead
In marble immortality, that hill
Which was thine earliest throne and latest oracle.
Within the surface of Time's fleeting river Its wrinkled image lies, as then it lay
Immovably unquiet, and forever
It trembles, but it cannot pass away!
The voices of thy bards and sages thunder With an earth-awakening blast Thro' the caverns of the past ;
Religion veils her eyes : Oppression shrinks aghast : A winged sound of joy, and love, and wonder, Which soars where Expectation never flew,
Rending the veil of space and time asunder I
One ocean feeds the clouds, and streams, and dew
One sun illumines heaven; one spirit vast
With life and love makes chaos ever new,
As Athens doth the world with thy delight renew.
Then Rome was, and from thy deep bosom fairest, Like a wolf cub from a Cadmsean Meenad,
She drew the milk of greatness, tho' thy dearest From that Elysian food was yet un weaned ;
And many a deed of terrible uprightness By thy sweet love was sanctified; And in thy smile, and by thy side,
Saintly Camillus lived, and firm Atilius died.
But when tears stained thy robe of vestal whiteness,
And gold profaned thy Capitolian throne, Thou didst desert, with spirit-winged lightness,
The senate of the tyrants : they sunk prone Slaves of one tyrant : Palatinus sighed
Faint echoes of Ionian song ; that tone
Thou didst delay to hear, lamenting to disown.
368 LEGENDS OF EARLY ROME.
LEGENDS OF EARLY ROME. By LIVY.
[Titos Livius, Roman historian, was born near what is now Padua, b. c. 59. He lived at Rome under Augustus, making so splendid a literary reputation that one man went from Spain to Rome and back merely to look at him ; but he re tired to his native town, and died there b. c. 17. His enduring repute rests on his History of Rome from its foundation to the death of Drusus, in one hundred and forty-two books, of which only thirty -five are extant]
Birth of Romulus and Remus.
Ascanius, the son of ^Eneas, Lavinium being overstocked with inhabitants, left that flourishing — and considering the times, wealthy — city to his mother or stepmother, and built for himself a new one at the foot of Mount Alba which being extended on the ridge of a hill, was from its situation called Longa Alba. Between the founding of Lavinium and the transplanting this colony to Longa Alba, about thirty years intervened. Yet its power had increased to such a degree, especially after the defeat of the Etrurians, that not even upon the death of iEneas, nor after that, during the regency of Lavinia, and the first essays of the young prince's reign, did Mezentius, the Etrurians, or any other of its neighbors dare to take up arms against it. A peace had been concluded between the two nations on these terms : that the river Albula, now called Tiber, should be the common boundary between the Etrurians and Latins. . . .
Proca begets Numitor and Amulius. To Numitor, his eldest son, he bequeaths the ancient kingdom of the Sylvian family. But force prevailed more than the father's will or the respect due to seniority ; for Amulius, having dispossessed his brother, seizes the kingdom ; he adds crime to crime, murders his brother's male issue ; and under pretense of doing his brother's daughter, Rhea Sylvia, honor, having made her a vestal virgin, by obliging her to perpetual virginity he deprives her of all hopes of issue. The vestal Rhea, being deflowered by force, when she had brought forth twins, declares Mars to be the father of her illegitimate offspring, either because she believed it to be so, or because a god was a more credit able author of her offense. But neither gods nor men protect her or her children from the king's cruelty : the priestess is
LEGENDS OF EARLY ROME. 369
bound and thrown into prison ; the children he commands to be thrown into the ourrent of the river. By some interposition of Providence, the Tiber, having overflowed its banks in stag nant pools, did not admit of any access to the regular bed of the river ; and the bearers supposed that the infants could be drowned in water however still ; thus, as if they had effectually executed the king's orders, they expose the boys in the nearest land flood, where now stands the ficus Ruminalis (they say that it was called Romularis). The country thereabout was then a vast wilderness.
The tradition is, that when the water, subsiding, had left the floating trough in which the children had been exposed, on dry ground, a thirsty she-wolf, coming from the neighboring mountains, directed her course to the cries of the infants, and that she held down her dugs to them with so much gentleness, that the keeper of the king's flock found her licking the boys with her tongue. It is said his name was Faustulus ; and that they were carried by him to his homestead to be nursed by his wife Laurentia. The children thus born and thus brought up, when arrived at the years of manhood, did not loiter away their time in tending the folds or following the flocks, but roamed and hunted in the forests. Having by this exercise improved their strength and courage, they not only encountered wild beasts, but even attacked robbers laden with plunder, and afterwards divided the spoil among the shepherds.
Foundation op Rome.
A desire seized Romulus and Remus to build a city on the spot where they had been exposed and brought up. And there was an overflowing population of Albans and of Latins. The shepherds, too, had come into that design, and all these readily inspired hopes, that Alba and Lavinium would be but petty places in comparison with the city which they intended to build. But ambition of the sovereignty, the bane of their grandfather, interrupted these designs, and thence arose a shameful quarrel from a beginning sufficiently amicable. For as they were twins, and the respect due to seniority could not determine the point, they agreed to leave to the tutelary gods of the place to choose, by augury, which should give a name to the new city, which govern it when built.
Romulus chose the Palatine and Remus the Aventine hill vol. ii. —24
370 LEGENDS OF EARLY ROME.
as their stands to make their observations. It is said, that to Remus an omen came first, six vultures ; and now, the omen having been declared, when double the number presented itself to Romulus, his own party saluted each king ; the former claimed the kingdom on the ground of priority of time, the latter on account of the number of birds. Upon this, having met in an altercation, from the contest of angry feelings they turn to bloodshed ; there Remus fell from a blow received in the crowd. A more common account is, that Remus, in deri sion of his brother, leaped over his new-built wall, and was, for that reason, slain by Romulus in a passion ; who, after sharply chiding him, added words to this effect, "So shall every one fare, who shall dare leap over my fortifications. " Thus Romu lus got the sovereignty to himself ; the city, when built, was called after the name of its founder. . . .
Meanwhile the city increased by their taking in various lots of ground for buildings, whilst they built rather with a view to future numbers than for the population which they then had. Then, lest the size of the city might be of no avail, in order to augment the population, — according to the ancient policy of the founders of cities, who, after drawing together to them an obscure and mean multitude, used to feign that their offspring sprung out of the earth, — he opened as a sanctuary a place which is now inclosed as you go down "to the two groves. " Hither fled from the neighboring states, without distinction whether freemen or slaves, crowds of all sorts, desirous of change : and this was the first accession of strength to their rising greatness. When he was now not dissatisfied with his strength, he next sets about forming some means of directing that strength. He creates one hundred senators, either because that number was sufficient, or because there were only one hun dred who could name their fathers. They certainly were called Fathers, through respect, and their descendants, Patricians.