No More Learning

Reinforced by part of the imperial army the Bijapur
division returned and forced Malik 'Ambar back to his own country.
His efforts to persuade the imperial troops to stand aside and
leave him to settle his own quarrels failed. He then made an un-
expected attack on the combined forces and scattering them com-
pletely laid siege at first to Ahmadnagar and then again to Bijapur,
overrunning the whole of the Balaghat. A year before he had
declined to help Shah Jahan, but now he offered him assistance and
was glad to use him as commander of a force to attack Burhanpur
itself, with 'Abdullah Khan as one of his chief officers. The fort was
actually penetrated but the defenders still held out till Parviz and
Mahabat Khan returned from the Duab, when the siege was raised.
Shah Jahan, sick in body and despairing of success after so many
failures, withdrew towards Berar. 'Abdullah Khan, the chief of the
captains who had survived the recent campaigns, became a religious
recluse at Indur (now Nizamabad) but retained sufficient interest
in worldly affairs to send his submission to court. His other allies
being dead or deserters Shah Jahan saw no alternative but to seek
pardon from his father. Nur Jahan, who had become practically
supreme, exacted terms which though rigorous were not excessive
either as a punishment for rebellion or to safeguard the emperor
1 A village in the Allahabad district near the junction of the Tons and Ganses.
2 A name given to several elevated tracts in central and southern India. Here
it refers to the hilly country in the western part of the present Hyderabad state.
2


## p. 174 (#208) ############################################

174
JAHANGIR
against further attempts. Shah Jahan was to give up the two forts
of Rohtas in Bihar and Asir in Khandesh, which were still held by his
adherents, and to send to court two of his sons, Dara and Aurangzib,
who were still boys. He accepted the terms and was formally
.
appointed governor of the Balaghat, a tract at a safe distance from
the capital, and one in which the proximity of dangerous enemies
might tend to keep him occupied.
Qandahar had been lost after a short siege at the beginning of the
rebellion (June, 1622) and there was no hope or even talk of regaining
it. Jahangir had become incapable of any mental exertion and by
the end of 1624 had even discontinued writing his memoirs. Most
of the elder generals were dead or in disgrace, and the only capable
member of the royal family was banished. No internal disturbances
threatened the crown, but the question of succession which could
not long be deferred was ever present in the mind of the empress.
Mahabat Khan with Parviz the eldest prince had established some
prestige by his successes against Shah Jahan, and the first desirable
object appeared to be to separate them. Parviz was destitute of
either ability or character and was easily induced to accept the
government of Gujarat, with Khan Jahan as his commander. Asaf
Khan's old enmity with Mahabat Khan prompted the appointment
of the latter to the undesirable post of governor in Bengal. TO
embarrass him still further demands were made that he should
despatch to court the elephants and treasure which he had captured
during the rebellion, and as he did not at once comply an envoy
was sent to recover them and to summon him to court. Of his
cruelty and excesses in that country there was much evidence
and complainants flocking to court had excited the emperor's com-
passion.
Early in March, 1626, Jahangir started for Kabul and Mahaba:
Khan arrived when the royal camp was on the banks of the Jhelum
river. He had come fully prepared to protect himself against hostile
designs, bringing with him four or five thousand loyal Rajput
soldiers, and to make even more certain of their allegiance he took
their wives and families whose honour and life would be at stake if
they failed him. A fresh charge was now brought that he had ar-
ranged for the marriage of his son without consulting the emperor,
and Jahangir was easily induced to order the treatment of the son
with gross indignity, while Mahabat Khan was directed to remain in
the camp but not to show himself at court unless specially summoned.
With incredible disregard of the consequences of such insults Asaf
Khan took across the river almost the whole camp, leaving the
emperor and empress with only a few attendants. Mahabat Khan,
feeling he had no ally in court, now made a desperate attempt to
secure the person of the emperor. He collected his Rajput troops,
and placed a couple of thousand at the head of the bridge of boats


## p. 175 (#209) ############################################

MAHABAT KHAN'S COUP D'ETAT
175
with orders to burn it rather than to allow any one to come back
across it.
Proceeding with a small body-guard to the royal tents he forced
his way into the state apartment and, brushing aside the chamberlain,
tried to enter the private tent. As his men were tearing down the
boards which protected it the emperor came out with a few servants,
and as the chronicle relates “twice placed his hand on his sword
to cleanse the world from the filthy existence of that foul dog". He
was dissuaded from using force and at Mahabat Khan's suggestion
mounted a horse, and later an elephant, as if to go hunting. Trusted
Rajputs were placed in the howdah with him, and he was taken to
Mahabat Khan's tents. The rebel had acted on sudden impulse and
in his distracted haste forgot to secure the empress also. He had
managed the abduction of the emperor so rapidly that Nur Jahan
crossed the river to the main camp believing that Jahangir had gone
hunting as usual. There she discovered what had happened and
reproached her brother Asaf Khan and the other nobles. They
decided to attack the traitor and release the emperor next day, though
a message was received from him that they should not attempt
it. Mahabat Khan, though he had missed seizing the empress,
secured Shahryar, burned the bridge and posted his Rajputs along
the bank. Next day, when the attack was launched it failed com-
pletely owing to the absence of leadership among the members of
the queen's faction.
One small party did indeed succeed in crossing and reached the
tents of Shahryar, where their arrows actually fell in the courtyard
near the apartments of the emperor himself, but this was an isolated
effort. Nur Jahan crossed a branch of the river, urging on the lag-
gards. Her elephant was wounded and an arrow pierced the arm
of either Shahryar's infant daughter or the nurse who was with her
in the howdah, and she was forced to withdraw. Asaf Khan filed
to his fort at Attock on the Indus and the other high oficials either
followed his example or made their peace with Mahabat Khan, who
now became dictator. A short siege of Attock and the promise of his
life effected the submission of Asaf Khan, who became nominally
reconciled, though many of his followers were executed.
In May, 1626, Kabul was reached, and Mahabat Khan's influence
soon began to wane. His ability was that of a soldier rather than
that of a statesman, and even during the excitement of his coup
d'état he had shown weaknesses and lapses of judgement. None of
the other officers of state really sided with him and he had neither
friend nor counsellor at court. Trouble arose over a petty scuabble
in a royal game reserve where some of the Rajput soldiers had taken
horses to graze. One of the guards was killed and the others were not
satisfied by the action taken in consequence. An attack was organised
on the Rajputs in which 800 or 900 of them were slain, and this was


## p. 176 (#210) ############################################

176
JAHANGIR
followed by a general rising of the Afghans which seriously depleted
Mahabat Khan's only reliable force. Nur Jahan's intrigues against
him increased though the emperor still continued, either through
guile or the foolish loquacity of a drunkard, to express confidence
in him.
In November, 1626, the court moved from Kabul and on the way
plans were perfected to break the power of the dictator. Orders were
still issued in the name of Jahangir, who sent word to Mahabat
Khan, a day's march from Rohtas, that he was going to hold a
review of the imperial troops and Mahabat Khan would be well
advised to take his own forces a stage ahead to avoid the possibility
of a collision. He had now realised that his influence had faded
beyond the hope of revival, and he marched hurriedly towards
Lahore, being careful to take with him as hostages Asaf Khan with
a son and two nephews of Jahangir. Under pressure from Nur Jahan
Mahabat sent back first the princes, then Asaf Khan and later the
son, and he marched east hoping to secure a large remittance of
treasure which was on its way from Bengal.
The growth of the intrigue against Mahabat Khan had been
fostered by news of the death of Malik 'Ambar about the time that
Jahangir reached Kabul. He was the ablest man of the period,
distinguished alike in the strategic conduct of a campaign, in the
tactics of a battle, or during times of peace in the administration of a
kingdom. His death appeared to free the emperor from menaces
in the south. One of his officers who succeeded him as commander
soon offered allegiance to the empire through Khan Jahan, the
governor who was now in sole charge at Burhanpur, as Parviz had
died from the effects of constant intoxication (October, 1626). The
titular king of Ahmadnagar had, however, come under the influence
of a woman employed in his harem who pandered to his depraved
passions, and obtained great influence over him. Her husband
Hamid Khan, like Malik 'Ambar, was a capable Abyssinian slave.
When the king assumed a hostile attitude and drew the imperial
forces to attack him, Hamid Khan offered a large bribe which Khan
Jahan accepted. The commandants in the territory of Balaghat (see
p. 173) were ordered to evacuate their posts and most of them com-
plied and withdrew to Burhanpur, but the garrison at Ahmadnagar
still held out in the absence of orders from the emperor.
Shah Jahan, after his submission, had remained in the Deccan 1
till he heard of Mahabat Khan's seizure of the emperor. He suggested
to Khan Jahan his intention of proceeding to the assistance of his
father, but received no support. Collecting a small force he marched
north, avoiding Burhanpur where Parviz still lay ill. When he reached
1 The disease, being carried as is now known by the fiea which infests rats,
the beautiful marble residence constructed for him still exists. The tradition is
confirmed by an inscription dated A. D. 1675 (Annual Report, Rajputana Museum,
P. 2).


## p. 177 (#211) ############################################

JAHANGIR'S LAST ILLNESS
177
Ajmer Kishan Singh, son of his old ally Raja Bhim Singh, died
and the small body of Rajput horse commanded by Kishan Singh
fell back to their homes. As no reinforcements joined him he turned
north-west through the desert country and made for Tatta in
Sind.
In spite of the Persian capture of Qandahar, Shah Jahan had
retained friendly relations with the Shah and he now hoped that if
he could get to Persia he might be well received. His progress was
delayed by the governor of Tatta, who was a partisan of Shahryar
and collected a large force to resist him. Shah Jahan's followers,
however, attacked the fort against his orders and were easily re-
pulsed. A letter from Nur Jahan now warned him that Mahabat
Khan's influence had been broken. He himself was in poor health, and
the news of Parviz's serious illness and his own want of troops induced
him to fall back. Borne in a litter he withdrew through Gujarat to
Nasik, hearing of his brother's death on the way. Mahabat Khan
had, in fact, been ordered to proceed to Tatta to repel Shah Jahan's
designs on that place, and had omitted to comply as he wished to
intercept the Bengal treasure. Failing in this design he took refuge
in Mewar and offered his services to Shah Jahan, whom he joined
at Junnar with about 2000 troops. Though these two were the most
competent commanders in the empire their resources were for the
time being exhausted and during the few months that remained of
the emperor's life they were content to await the course of events.
Khan Jahan, who had already betrayed his trust, was not disposed
to take any action against them, though warned by Nur Jahan to
be on his guard.
Early in the spring of 1627 Jahangir left Lahore to spend his last
summer in Kashmir, the part of India which was his favourite place
of residence. This year its invigorating climate failed to restore him,
and the rarefied atmosphere at a high altitude increased the sufferings
of one affected by asthma. He grew weaker daily, and was unable
to ride. As his infirmities increased he lost his appetite for food and
even his taste for opium, in which he had indulged for many years.
Instead of the heavy daily drinking which had been his practice
he now took only a few cups of wine with no spirits. Shahryar also
suffered from a disease which caused complete loss of hair, and his
unsightly appearance was regarded as a mark of dishonour so that
he took advantage of the physicians' suggestion that he might be
better in the warmer climate of Lahore.
As autumn approached the sick emperor moved slowly down
through the mountains. At one place his love of sport revived and
he sat with his gun resting on a wall while the beaters drove the
game up to him. He wounded a stag and a soldier who followed it
slipped and was dashed to pieces at the foot of a precipice. This
accident greatly shocked the dying ruler. who felt that he had seen
12


## p. 178 (#212) ############################################

178
JAHANGIR
the angel of death. He could get no rest or ease and though he was
carried two stages further the attempt to make a third march
exhausted him and he died early next morning (7 November, 1627).
His body was then taken to Lahore and buried in the garden outside
the city where a noble tomb was built later by his widow.
During the first seventeen years of his reign Jahangir himself
maintained a record of events, and when failing health prevented
him from still writing this, it was carried on under his direct super-
vision. Although the memoirs are not a confidential record of human
aspirations, fears and hopes, and are not remarkable for the shrewd-
ness of their assessment of passing events, they are of great value in
estimating the character of their author. Jahangir shows himself a
man of wide interests, but these are devoted more to material objects
and to the rare, novel or curious element, than to the intellectual.
He thus presents a marked contrast to his father, who though entirely
illiterate, and occupied throughout his reign with great enterprises
and administrative reforms, was constantly engaged in discussing
the basis of religion and took more pleasure in hearing the debates
of learned men than in the beauties of nature or art.
Jahangir's love of natural beauty was genuine and his aesthetic
sense sometimes widens and almost expands into a spirit of scientific
enquiry, which was, however, cramped by the empirical doctrines
of his time and country. He made an arduous journey through the
mountain passes to Kashmir to enjoy a view of the spring flowers
there and during repeated visits recorded the names of the animals,
birds and flowers he saw, distinguishing those which are not found
in the plains of India. Occasionally he would have a bird or animal
dissected and note the peculiarities observed. But when it was found
that the gall bladder of a lion was enclosed in the liver his deduction
was that the courage of the lion might be due to this cause. More
wisdom appears in his suggestion that the sweetness of camel's milk
might be due to the nature of its food, and he made experiments
in breeding wild birds in captivity. In art his favourite branch was
painting, which rose during his reign, owing to his patronage, to its
highest state. Mughul pictures were developed from the Safavid
type of Persian art, modified by Indian influence and to some extent
by the study of European pictures. Jahangir constantly notes that
he had rare birds or animals painted, and his remarks about his own
excellence as a connoisseur are valuable not only for the light they
throw on his tastes and character, but also for their explanation of
the composite work performed by Indian artists:
As regards myself, my liking for painting and my practice in judging it have
arrived at such a point that when any work is brought before me, either of
deceased artists or of the present day, without the names being told me, I say on
the spur of the moment that it is the work of such and such a man. And if there
1 V. A. Smith, History of Fine Art in India, 1930, p. 215.


## p. 179 (#213) ############################################

JAHANGIR'S ARTISTIC TASTE
179
be a picture containing many portraits, and each face be the work of a differ-
ent master, I can discover which face is the work of each. If any other per-
son has put in the eye and eyebrow of a face I can perceive whose work the
original face is and who has painted the eye and eyebrows. 1
When Sir Thomas Roe presented to him an English miniature,
the emperor offered to wager that a court painter would copy it so
exactly that Roe would be unable to distinguish the original, and
the ambassador had in fact to scrutinise the pictures carefully. ?
Jahangir had less interest in architecture, and though he would
admire a beautiful building he was usually content to order a con-
struction and leave the execution to his architect, unlike his son who
busied himself with every detail. He did, however, alter the design
of Akbar's magnificent tomb at Sikandra, which he rebuilt after three
years' work had already been done on it. This lofty building of red
stone, composed of five square terraces relieved by cupolas, resembles
a pavilion in Akbar's palace at Fathpur Sikri. While the stone of the
fabric is varied only by coloured tiles and some marble inlay, the
top story is an open court of white marble, in the centre of which is
a cenotaph richly carved and bearing Akbar's religious formula and
the ninety-nine attributes of God.
The tomb of I'timad-ud-daula near Agra, built under the direction
of his daughter the empress, is of a totally different style, being
constructed entirely of white marble, adorned with mosaic work out-
side and richly painted inner walls and ceilings. At Lahore Jahangir
directed the construction of a great mosque, which rivals that built
by his son at Delhi, and he also adorned the fort with palace buildings
which have recently been restored after suffering much dilapidation
during Sikh and early British rule. The enamelled tile panelling on
the walls of the fort which covers about 8000 square yards and on a
mosque built by Vazir Khan is very remarkable. While the memoirs
indicate that Jahangir left others to plan the buildings he required,
they show that he took great delight in the arrangement of gardens
in Kashmir and elsewhere.
His artistic tastes led him to adorn the currency with the finest
calligraphic designs which have appeared on Indian coins. Akbar
had introduced new denominations, and Jahangir went further and
raised the standard weight of the gold and silver units immediately
after his succession. This change, which had no economic basis, was
no improvement and was cancelled after five years. The ilahi system
of reckoning which had been started by Akbar was maintained in the
records of the reign, though the lunar system was partly restored in
the coinage. In spite of the prohibitions of Islam against the repre-
sentation of human or animal life the emperor was bold enough to
1 Memoirs, translated by Rogers and Beveridge, I, 20.
2 A beautiful
copy by an Indian painter of a picture by Bihzad the celebrated Persian artist,
certified by the autograph of Jahangir, was lent by the Gulistan Museum.
Teheran, to the Persian exhibition in London, 1931. See Catalogue No. 498.


## p. 180 (#214) ############################################

180
JAHANGIR
strike medals and coins on which his portrait was stamped. Roe tells
us that one of these was presented to him and he was instructed by
Asaf Khan to wear it round his neck, while Austin of Bordeaux wore
one on his hat. One type of this coin even shows the emperor with
a drinking cup in his hand. 1 In 1618 Jahangir decided to substitute
the figure of the zodiacal sign for the name of the month in which a
coin was struck, and with his usual naïve conceit adds in his memoirs :
“This usage is my own, and has never been practised until now. ” 2
A further innovation was the issue of coins bearing the name of the
empress Nur Jahan, and various legends grew up that she was re-
sponsible for the beautiful zodiacal issue. The coinage of Nur Jahan
is, however, limited to only a few years, during which she was at
the zenith of her power, and it was struck only at places where her
adherents in the struggle for power were in authority. 3 Jahangir
had called his gold coins of the heavy standard nur-jahani, and this
probably added to the confusion of thought.
Jahangir was well versed in Persian literature and occasionally
composed himself. His memoirs contain many references to verses
he admired for their beauty, wit or aptness to a special occasion. An
attendant at court who discovered that the numerical values in
Arabic notation of the letters in the name of the emperor and in the
phrase Allahu Akbar were equal was rewarded and a couplet recording
the fact was placed on the coins with a bacchanalian effigy. A poet,
Nasiri of Nishapur, "who excelled other men in the art of poetry",
was attracted to the Indian court. Jahangir's love of nature led him
to admire the description by Hindu poets of the bee as an attendant
on flowers, and he calls their account of it sublime, as recalling the
Persian poets on the subject of the nightingale. As in the case of
architecture, however, Jahangir's taste for literature was dilettante
and had less effect on the progress of culture than his successor's.
Fastidious in matters of art and literature he was also particular
in his dress and critical of the pleasures of the table. He chose
certain fashions and stuffs for his own clothing and forbade other
people to use them. He records the number of the delicious cherries
of Kabul he ate in one day, and recognises the excellence of figs
picked and eaten at once, but notes a warning against too many at
a time. Regarding his own intemperance he is entirely frank and
relates that he began to drink wine at the age of 18 and increased
his potations until wine ceased to intoxicate him, when he changed
to spirits. The time came when his hand shook so much that he could
not drink from his own cup; and then under the influence of Nur
1R. B. Whitehead, “The portrait medals of the emperor Jahangir", Numis-
matic Chronicle, 1929, p. 1.
2 Memoirs, translated by Rogers and Beveridge, II, p. 6. His congratulation of
his own originality is misplaced, vide B. V. Head, Historia Numorum, p. 863. For
the coins see R. B. Whitehead, Numismatic Chronicle, 1831, p. 91.
8S. H. Hodivala, "The coins bearing the name of Nur Jahan", J. A. S. B. 1929, p. 59.


## p. 181 (#215) ############################################

POLITICS AND ADMINISTRATION
181
Jahan he recovered to some extent by diluting the spirits with wine.
On Thursday evenings (the eve of the Muslim sabbath) he abstained
from drinking and he ate no meat on Thursday, the day of his own
accession or Sunday, the day on which his father was born. Intem-
perate himself, he recognised his own weakness and no courtier was
admitted to audience whose breath was tainted with the smell of
liquor. Though he was hospitable enough to bid them drink when
he did himself, he sometimes forgot his own command and ordered
savage punishments for their imagined disobedience. 1
In political affairs Jahangir was simple and straightforward with
no depth of insight and no cunning. His rebellion as prince was due
to bad advisers rather than to ambition. He continued the operations
against Mewar because his father had planned them, and perhaps
because he had failed as prince to advance them. He even hoped
when the first expedition was planned to follow it up by a conquest
of Transoxiana, but was never able to venture on that project. When
Shah Jahan was sent on the Deccan campaign the emperor's hopes
were that after his son had subdued the country and captured its
forts "he will bring with the ambassadors such an offering from the
Deccan as no other king of this age has received”. To enlist the aid
of the king of Bijapur he offered to him any territory of the Golconda
and Ahmadnagar rulers which he could conquer. Over the taking
of Kangra fort he rejoiced, not because of its value, but because no
other invaders for centuries had been able to subdue it.
In the affairs of his own empire his disposition was rather to ease
comparatively small distresses than to plan great reforms as Akbar
had done, and his humanitarian changes had no lasting effect. Early
in his reign he forbade the sale of hemp drugs and rice spirit and the
practice of gambling. He directed the payment of compensation for
crops damaged by troops on the march. In the foothills of the Hima-
layas he found that Muslim converts had retained the Hindu customs
of sati and female infanticide and he made these practices a capital
offence. Death was also the penalty for giving a Muslim girl in
marriage to a Hindu, though Hindu girls could be taken by Muslim
youths. The establishment of free kitchens for the poor, the abolition
or reduction of customs dues and of a cess for police purposes com-
plete the list of his administrative reforms. Towards his subordinates
he was generous and he easily forgave faults.
The memoirs open with
lists of promotions, gifts and relaxation of punishments and of strict-
ness in the collection of revenue, and are full of examples of clemency
towards rebels and treacherous officials. In the early months of his
reign he could write to the Amir-ul-umara when deputing him to
pursue his rebellious son Khusrav : “If he will go in no way in the
right road, do not consider a crime anything that results from your
action. Kingship regards neither son nor son-in-law. No one is a
1 Roe, p. 265.


## p. 182 (#216) ############################################

182
JAHANGIR
relation to a king. ” But after the rebellion was crushed Khusrav's
life was spared. Jahangir regarded the daily administration of justice
in public as one of his most sacred duties, and in sickness or in the
most trying conditions of climate was accessible to his people. When
he found that a capital sentence had been carried out before his final
order on the case had been received he directed that no execution
should take place till sunset, to allow time for a possible reprieve.
His conduct of the greater affairs of state which were decided in
private council was, however, often delayed and hampered by the
complete intoxication in which his evenings ended.
Religion was a subject on which he did not think deeply. Though
outwardly a Muslim, his fondness for art made him disregard the
strict prohibitions of Islam. While he observed many Hindu festivals
and customs, he argued against idol worship, and after the capture
of Kangra sacrificed a cow in the temple. Towards Christians he was
usually tolerant, and English visitors to his court record that he
allowed two of his nephews to be educated by a Jesuit and actually
to be baptised, though the conversion was only temporary.
He stands in the roll of Indian monarchs as a man with generous
instincts, fond of sport, art and good living, aiming to do well to
all, and failing by the lack of the finer intellectual qualities to attain
the ranks of great administrators.


## p. 183 (#217) ############################################

CHAPTER VOI
SHAH JAHAN
ACCORDING to the rules of Muslim law Shah Jahan was now
the rightful heir to the throne, as both his elder brothers had died,
and their sons had no claim. In dynastic successions this rule has
often yielded to force. The position was, however, favourable to Shah
Jahan, who was openly supported by Mahabat Khan, the most
eminent soldier of the day, and secretly by his father-in-law Asaf
Khan, who had the largest influence at court. In the country generally
he had the favour of the Rajputs and some reputation in the Deccan.
Elsewhere the people were indifferent, and officials and soldiers other
than those who were personally related or otherwise attached to Nur
Jahan were inclined to side with any successful claimant. Asaf
Khan was not prepared to act on behalf of Shah Jahan in an open
manner. He placed his sister the empress under guard, removing
Shah Jahan's sons from her charge, and with the approval of officers
at headquarters proclaimed Dawar Bakhsh (also known as Bulaqi)
the son of Khusrav as emperor. Prayers were read and coins were
struck in his name, but the briefness of his rule and its scanty extent
are shown by the rarity of the coins and the fact that they bear the
name of only one mint town, Lahore.
Meanwhile messengers were despatched by Asaf Khan to Shah
Jahan and by Nur Jahan to Shahryar. The latter at once assumed
the title of emperor and seized the treasure at Lahore, distributing
large sums to gain support and to raise forces, which he placed under
the command of a son of his uncle Daniyal. Asaf Khan had little
difficulty in defeating the hastily recruited troops who met him on
his approach to Lahore, and Shahryar was given up by the guardians
of the harem in which he took refuge on learning of the defeat of his
army. He was made to do homage, and then cast into prison and
blinded. The long journey to the Deccan was performed in twenty
days by a fleet messenger, who carried Asaf Khan's signet to Shah
Jahan and arrived in time to stop him from a project he was medi-
- tating of another expedition to Bengal. Khan Jahan was still op-
posed to him, so he made a détour through Gujarat, where the Dutch
and English both sent him presents and congratulations. He passed
on through Mewar where he had always received support and
hastened to Agra. There he was welcomed and proclaimed emperor
with suitable pomp. Determined to avoid the dynastic strife which
had marked his father's accession he had sent orders to Asaf Khan
suggesting the murder of all possible claimants, which were carried
out by the execution of Dawar Bakhsh and another son of Khusray,


## p. 184 (#218) ############################################

184
SHAH JAHAN
of Shahryar, and of two sons of Daniyal. Nur Jahan alone was
spared, perhaps in memory of the support she had given her stepson
in early life, and certainly in the full conviction that a woman with
no son or near male relative could not be dangerous to the new
emperor. She received an adequate pension and was allowed to spend
the rest of her life in or near Lahore, building and ornamenting the
tomb of her husband at Shahdara, a few miles from the city, and
carrying on the works of charity for which she had been famed
during her husband's lifetime.
At his accession Shah Jahan had a stronger position than his father
had held at the death of Akbar. He had ruthlessly disposed of a
brother and nephews who might have continued, like Khusrav, to
be a focus of intrigue. The more distinguished officers of the army
were on his side, and Asaf Khan, the most able statesman of the time,
was his father-in-law and had been active in obtaining his succession
to the throne. He himself was a capable leader, and in particular had
won the support of the Rajputs, with whom he had close blood
affinities through his mother and grandmother. With all these advan-
tages he had to administer a state which had been shaken and im-
poverished by his own rebellious acts. No body politic convulsed
as India had been during the last few years could settle down at once
to a peaceful existence. Khan Jahan Lodi, headstrong and fickle,
as many Pathans were, believed that Shahryar or Dawar Bakhsh was
more likely to succeed, and while Shah Jahan was on his way to
Agra, Khan Jahan left a small garrison in his headquarters at
Burhanpur and marched himself to seize Mandu. When news came
that Shah Jahan had reached Ajmer he was abandoned by some of
his Hindu supporters and sent in a humble submission, which was
accepted. He was forgiven and confirmed in his governorship of the
Deccan and ordered to return to Burhanpur.
Nearer the capital a fresh anxiety arose before a year had passed.
Bir Singh Deo, the Raja of Bundelkhand who had ministered to the
revenge of Jahangir by the murder of Abu-'l-Fazl, died a few months
before his patron, and was succeeded by his son Jujhar Singh, who
at first came to court leaving his son Bikramajit Singh to administer
the country. Bundelkhand was a wild tract, especially difficult of
access in the rainy season, and its chiefs after centuries of obscurity
were rising in importance. Bikramajit Singh showed himself harsh
and rapacious and his father was alarmed by the enquiries made into
past collections of revenue. Jujhar Singh, therefore, left Agra and
proceeding to his fort at Orchha began to prepare for independence.
For a time no action was taken, as a Janid chief of Transoxiana
had made a raid on Kabul territory. This was beaten off by the local
governor and Mahabat Khan, who had been hastily despatched to
defend the frontier, was recalled and took a large force to subdue
the rebel in Bundelkhand. Another force under 'Abdullah Khan was


## p. 185 (#219) ############################################

REBELLION OF KHAN JAHAN
185
to march from the east, and Khan Jahan was ordered to advance
from the Deccan with Raja Bharat who also aspired to the chieftain-
ship of the Bundelas. Shah Jahan himself left Agra and arrived at
Gwalior at the beginning of January, 1629. 'Abdullah Khan promptly
attacked and took Erachh, while Khan Jahan approached from the
south and began to ravage the country. Jujhar Singh had also to
face opposition among his own people. Suspecting his wife of an
intrigue with his brother Hardaur Singh, he had poisoned the latter,
who had a considerable following. ? Opposition to the imperial forces
being thus hopeless, he made his submission to Mahabat Khan and
his offences were pardoned on condition that he gave up some of his
assignments and proceeded on service to the Deccan.
Shah Jahan was thus able to return to Agra in a few weeks, and
devoted his attention to the affairs of the Deccan. In restoring Khan
Jahan to the governorship of that province he had directed him to
recover the Balaghat which Khan Jahan had corruptly surrendered
in the previous reign. As no effort had been made to carry out this
instruction Khan Jahan was recalled to headquarters and Mahabat
Khan replaced him as governor, being represented at first by his son
Khan Zaman. Though he was subjected to no punishment beyond
the loss of office Khan Jahan remained at Agra, moody and dis-
contented, and ready to listen to the mischievous remarks which were
passed about at court. One evening his son heard a report that he
and his father were to be imprisoned at once. Khan Jahan ceased
to attend the daily court and kept in his own quarters with a guard
of two thousand fellow Afghans. The emperor, noticing his absence.
sent to enquire the reason and hearing of his suspicions had a letter
despatched to him forgiving his offences. On receipt of this Khan
Jahan again began to visit the court, but consciousness of his own
treachery and a suspicious nature prevented him from wholly trusting
the emperor. In October, 1629, Asaf Khan reported that he had
received news that Khan Jahan was preparing to fly. Shah Jahan,
who was not inclined to go back on his promise of forgiveness, decided
to wait on events. That same night Khan Jahan rode out with his
followers and took the road to the south. He was immediately fol-
lowed and overtaken near the Chambal river. His force was attacked
and though he inflicted much loss on the imperial troops he thought
it safe to escape, and with his sons and a few followers managed to
cross the swollen stream, leaving his treasure and harem behind.
While the pursuers were collecting boats he gained sufficient time
to evade them, and being guided by Bikramajit, son of Jujhar Singh,
through the by-paths of Bundelkhand, he crossed Gondwana and
safely reached Ahmadnagar and Daulatabad. Here he was well
1 Now in the north of Jhansi district; sometimes transliterated as Irij or Irichh.
2 Popular tradition still keeps the memory of Hardaur Singh, who is regarded
as a martyr and demi-god, while Jujhar Singh is an object of execration.


## p. 186 (#220) ############################################

186
SHAH JAHAN
received by the king, who placed him in charge of Bir and nominally
assigned to his friends tracts which were actually held by the
Mughuls, with instructions to conquer them.
Shah Jahan, with the energy which marked the early days of his
rule, left Agra for the Deccan in December, 1629. Early in the fol-
lowing year the Mughul forces invaded the Balaghat but were not
well organised and after gaining one success suffered a defeat by
Khan Jahan. The emperor therefore laid his plans for a concentrated
attack after the rains. In dealing with the rebel Khan Jahan he
also had to take account of the three kingdoms of the south, Ahmad-
nagar, Bijapur and Golconda, which though jealous of each other
could on occasion form alliances to repel the Mughuls. Experience
had also shown that the Marathas could not safely be neglected.
One force under Khvaja Abu-'l-Hasan was sent west to Dhulia to
command the route for supplies from Gujarat and to threaten
Ahmadnagar from the north-west, while the main army was con-
centrated at Dewalgaon in the south of Berar ready when the time
came to attack from the north-east. A third force was sent towards
Telingana (north of Hyderabad state). At the beginning of the reign
the Marathas had accepted posts under the Mughuls, but their
leader Jadu Rai, desiring to keep on terms with the ruler of Ahmad-
nagar, had sent sons and relations to take service with him. The king
knowing his duplicity, resolved to arrest Jadu Rai and summoning
him to court had him murdered, thereby driving the Marathas for
the time being into the Mughul camp.
The rains of 1630 failed completely in Gujarat, the Deccan and
the country extending across India to the east coast. For three
previous years the seasons had been unfavourable and the result was
a terrible famine, aggravated by a campaign in part of the territory
affected. Muqarrab Khan, commander of the Ahmadnagar forces,
had been holding Jalna a few miles south-west of the main Mughul
army. When in the autumn A'zam Khan moved out of Dewalgaon,
Mugarrab Khan withdrew to the south, closely followed by the
Mughuls. Khan Jahan remained at his headquarters at Bir, awaiting
the scattered parties he had sent out to collect revenue, a difficult
task in time of famine, and hoping to receive reinforcements from
Muqarrab Khan. Hearing of A'zam Khan's approach he decided
to move, but before he started A'zam Khan made a night march and
drew an attack by sending a small force while holding his main body
in reserve. The attacking force withdrew in disorder when it found
the whole of the imperial army was coming against it. Khan Jahan,
finding that his retreat was cut off, determined to make a stand.
He sent away his women towards the north-west and rallied his troops,
sending a nephew against one of the smaller detachments of the
Mughuls, with some preliminary success. A fierce battle raged and
1 W. H. Moreland, From Akbar to Aurangzeb, pp. 210 sqq.


## p. 187 (#221) ############################################

KHAN JAHAN DEFEATED
187
though the rebels fought bravely they were defeated and pursued
till the tired horses of the Mughuls, who had traversed sixty miles
in twenty hours, could go no farther. Khan Jahan with a few fol-
lowers, who were mostly wounded, escaped on fresh horses with his
ladies, who had to abandon their elephants and also ride on horse-
back.
They hastened north to Vaijapur hoping to find refuge in Daulata-
bad. A'zam Khan after giving his troops time to rest again advanced
north, and Khan Jahan with another Afghan leader named Darya
Khan moved restlessly from place to place round Daulatabad where
the king of Ahmadnagar had shut himself up in the fort. Shahji
Bhonsle, son-in-law of Jadu Rai, who had withdrawn Maratha sup-
port from Ahmadnagar after the murder of Jadu Rai, now offered
his services to Shah Jahan, who accepted them gladly. The rebels
attempted a diversion by sending Darya Khan with a force of Afghans
north-west between Chandor 1 and Chalisgaon, where they raided
the country for provisions, as scarcity round Daulatabad had been
intensified by the presence of troops, but they returned on the news
that Abdullah Khan had been ordered to follow them. Owing to
the desolation of the country A'zam Khan thought it wiser not to
besiege the king but to turn back upon the forces under Muqarrab
Khan, so he marched south to Jamkhed, intending to attack Muqar-
rab Khan who was still on the northern edge of the Balaghat.
As the imperial forces approached them the Ahmadnagar troops
withdrew towards Bir, and when followed up by A'zam Khan they
fled towards Daulatabad, but were unable to stay owing to the
failure of supplies and again went south. Meanwhile, A'zam Khan
despatched Shahji Bhonsle to secure the country west and north of
Ahmadnagar.
With his country stripped bare of the necessities of life, and almost
completely surrounded by hostile forces, the king of Ahmadnagar
repented of his support to the rebel Khan Jahan, whose help against
the Mughuls during the last year had been almost negligible. Khan
Jahan and Darya Khan with their followers were turned out and
decided to pass through Malwa to the Punjab, hoping to find allies
among the disaffected Afghans on the frontier who would support
their insurrection. Shah Jahan, who was at Burhanpur in close touch
with the operations, and able to draw supplies from tracts in northern
India untouched by the famine, had foreseen this and detached forces
to catch them. The fugitives arrived in central India hotly pursued
and resisted by the local garrisons. They hoped to find aid and refuge
in Bundelkhand where they had been assisted on their flight from
Agra. Bikramajit Singh had, however, learned that his previous
assistance to them had brought the royal censure on his father
120° 21' N. , 74° 15' E.
2 20° 27' N. , 75° 1' E.
8 18° 49' N. , 75° 23' E.


## p. 188 (#222) ############################################

188
SHAH JAHAN
3
Jujhar Singh. To atone for this, he attacked the rear-guard and
killed Darya Khan and his son with many of their followers early in
January, 1631. Khan Jahan escaped but was again worsted in a
sharp fight and finally brought to bay and killed at Sihonda.
Meanwhile, A'zam Khan had again opened the campaign against
the army of Ahmadnagar. The strong fort of Dharur, full of treasure
and munitions, was taken without an assault, after the town and
market below it had been plundered, and Parenda 2 was invested.
Attempts were also made to take advantage of the dissension which
usually existed between the kingdoms of Ahmadnagar and Bijapur. '
During the later years of Jahangir's reign when Mughul pressure was
slight Malik 'Ambar, the capable Ahmadnagar general, had invaded
Bijapur and plundered Nauraspur, the new capital which the king
was building. Ibrahim 'Adil Shah II of Bijapur died in 1627, shortly
before Jahangir, and his eldest son Darvesh was blinded and set aside
in favour of Muhammad 'Adil, a younger son aged only fifteen,
through the influence of a clique headed by Mustafa Khan, a capable
minister, and Daulat (or Khavass) Khan, a man who had risen from
a low origin. The succession was recognised by Shah Jahan but not
by the king of Ahmadnagar, who favoured Darvesh, and invaded
Bijapur to support his claim. Shah Jahan, busy with consolidating
his own position, tried to make peace, but the quarrel was embittered
by a dispute about Sholapur which Malik 'Ambar had taken from
Bijapur. When Shah Jahan came to the Deccan to suppress Khan
Jahan's rebellion, and if possible to crush Ahmadnagar, the rival
ministers of Bijapur were still divided over the attitude which the
kingdom should assume. Mustafa Khan, whose father-in-law had
-
been executed by Malik 'Ambar, was in favour of supporting the
Mughuls, but Randola Khan, the commander-in-chief, felt that the
Mughuls were the enemy most to be feared. A'zam Khan's reduction
of Dharur increased the hope that Bijapur might regain some of the
territory taken by Malikh 'Ambar and terms were considered. But
Randola Khan demanded an excessive area including Dharur, and
refused to furnish troops in aid of A'zam Khan when he was pursuing
Mugarrab Khan and the army of Ahmadnagar. Being in great
straits Muqarrab Khan offered to restore Sholapur to Bijapur, and
A'zam Khan feared an alliance between the two kingdoms. His
assaults on Parenda had failed, and the drought had so parched the
country that even grass for horses could not be found within a range
of forty miles. He therefore withdrew to Dharur, losing rear-guard
actions on the way. More success attended the other divisions of the
Mughul troops, as Nasiri Khan, though resisted by combined forces
of Bijapur and Ahmadnagar, took the strong fortress of Kandhar
on the eastern edge of Balaghat, Berar was cleared, and Khvaja
1 Now in the Banda district, U. P. , 25° 27' N. , 83° 24' E.
2 18° 16' N. , 75° 27' E,
3 See chap. IX.


## p. 189 (#223) ############################################

DEATH OF MUMTAZ MAHALL
189
Abu-'l-Hasan, though with great difficulty, had reduced Nasik and
Sangamner on the north-west of Ahmadnagar. In the midst of these
successes the emperor sustained a blow which left an impression
never effaced in the death of his favourite wife, Mumtaz Mahall,
on 17 June, 1631. She was buried at first in a garden called
Zainabad near Burhanpur, and afterwards her remains were re-
moved to Agra, where they lie with those of Shah Jahan in a
beautiful tomb.
The kingdom of Ahmadnagar, like that of Bijapur, was under a
nominal ruler, swayed against his will by factions among the nobles.
Muqarrab Khan had superseded and strictly confined his brother-
in-law, Fath Khan, who was a son of Malik 'Ambar. While Muqarrab
Khan was attempting to resist the Mughul forces, the king of Ahmad-
nagar asserted himself for a brief space and released Fath Khan.
Feeling that resistance was useless, Muqarrab Khan, who was of
Persian origin and had no hereditary connection with the kingdom,
changed sides and offered his services to the emperor, which were
accepted, and he was shortly afterwards transferred to Katehr (now
Rohilkhand) in northern India. Fath Khan himself, knowing his
master's changeable mood, placed the king in confinement, as his
father had done, and reported this to Asaf Khan, expecting some
mark of favour. Asaf Khan, who was ruthless in such matters, sug-
gested that his sincerity would be best proved by murder, and Fath
Khan poisoned the king and replaced him by Husain, a boy of ten.
With the hesitation usually found in traitors he delayed the surrender
of treasure and elephants he had agreed to give up, and Shah Jahan
despatched Muqarrab Khan, now dignified by the title of Rustam
Khan, to reduce Daulatabad which had become the actual head-
quarters of the Ahmadnagar kingdom. This fresh danger alarmed
Fath Khan, who submitted. Randola Khan, the Bijapur general,
had still shown opposition to the Mughuls and had detained an
envoy who was carrying presents to the emperor. Hearing of the
collapse of resistance in Ahmadnagar, he also offered peace and
promised allegiance to the emperor and that he would let the envoy
pass. A'zam Khan, however, rejected the terms and marched south
but suffered losses and fell back. In December, 1631, the emperor
deputed Asaf Khan to invade Bijapur. Taking a route farther east
than that followed by A'zam Khan in the earlier campaign, Asaf
Khan reached Bhalki and took it. A message of submission from
Bijapur was rejected and the Mughuls marched on, sacking Gulbarga
i The chronogram recording the date in the Hijri era is the single word Gham,
meaning sorrow, the numerical value of the two Arabic letters used in writing
it being equal to 1040.
The histories record that he struck coin in the name of Shah Jahan, but the
issue seems to have been confined to Ahmadnagar dated about October, 1631.
Shah Jahan's suzerainty at his accession had been recognised by striking coins
at Daulatabad in his name, dated 1037 Hijri, though the issue was not continued.
8 18° 3' N. , 77° 12' E.
3


## p. 190 (#224) ############################################

190
SHAH JAHAN
and massacring the population. The army camped between Nauras-
pur and Shahpur, a few miles north-west of Bijapur, and opened
the siege. Fresh negotiations were set on foot and Mustafa Khan,
who headed the party favourable to the Mughuls, came into the
camp of the besiegers to discuss terms. His offer seemed favourable,
but his colleague, Khavass Khan, declined to concur in them, and
made a fresh suggestion, which Asaf Khan was disposed to accept,
owing to his difficulties in obtaining supplies, as the Bijapur army,
while falling back, had destroyed whatever the famine had left.
During the truce and parley, however, the straitened circumstances
of the besiegers had become known to the garrison, and a letter
dropped in the Mughul camp by an adherent of Mustafa Khan
warned Asaf Khan that he was merely being played with till exhaus-
tion should overcome his force. During the short siege of twenty days
no grain had been brought in and the provisions which had been
carried with the army were almost finished. Asaf Khan therefore
retreated west to Miraj, seeking supplies, plundering the country
and killing or enslaving the population. He then struck north past
Sholapur, where the pursuing army of Bijapur turned back, and he
returned to the Mughul territories. The emperor was by this time
disgusted with the Deccan where his wife had died, his plans had not
succeeded and the desolation of famine still continued. He was per-
suaded by Mahabat Khan that the conquest of Bijapur was not im-
possible, and entrusted to him the command in the Deccan, recalling
to court Asaf Khan, who was more distinguished in political craft
than as a general in the field.
Although the Deccan had hitherto been the scene of the most
important events affecting the empire military operations had been
undertaken elsewhere, especially in Bengal. Nearly a century earlier
the Portuguese had obtained a footing at Hooghly, whence they
traded to other parts of India, to China, the Moluccas and Manilla.
They had a monopoly of the manufacture of salt and practically
exercised their own administration in the settlement. Converts and
half-castes were numerous, and the new port gained at the expense
of Satgaon a little higher up the river and Sonargaon in eastern
Bengal. Some of the inhabitants joined the half-castes of Chittagong,
descended from Portuguese refugees from Goa, who were notorious
pirates and ravaged the rich districts of eastern Bengal. During the
reign of Jahangir the Portuguese had been left very much to them-
selves by the Mughul governors, who moved their headquarters from
Sonargaon in 1608 to Dacca, calling it Jahangirnagar, after the
emperor. Qasim Khan, who became governor soon after the accession
of Shah Jahan, reported to the emperor that the Portuguese were a
danger as they had fortified their settlement, levied tolls on ships that
passed it, and had ruined Satgaon. He also called attention to their
1 16° 49' N. , 74° 41' E.


## p. 191 (#225) ############################################

1
MUGHUL ATTACK ON HOOGHLY
191
complicity in piracy i and their practice of kidnapping or purchasing
children and disposing of them as slaves. These statements reminded
the emperor of his own personal reasons for disliking the foreigners.
During the first successes of Shah Jahan's rebellion against his father
the governor of Hooghly, who was afraid of an attack on that place
after Burdwan had fallen, visited the prince. Shah Jahan had a high
opinion of the value of the European gunners employed by the Portu-
guese and offered great rewards for their services. The governor,
while sensible of the immediate danger to his settlement during the
temporary collapse of imperial power in Bengal, did not believe in
the possibility of the ulitmate success of the rebel. Unfortunately for
the Portuguese the language of his refusal to help was reported to
have been very insulting. At a later stage the Portuguese gave some
assistance to Parviz. When Shah Jahan succeeded to the throne the
foreigners omitted to recognise the accession by the usual presents.
The late empress had also had a personal grievance during the fight,
as one of the Portuguese had first given some help and had then
deserted, carrying off boats one of which contained two slave girls
who belonged to her. A striking example of the lawlessness of the
time occurred in 1629, when a Portuguese from the Magh territory
in eastern Bengal plundered a village near Dacca and violently
assaulted a Mughul lady?