It
gave Nicephorus the means of avenging himself upon the monks for the
humiliations they had lately inflicted on him, and it enabled him also to
find the necessary supplies which he wanted to carry on the war.
gave Nicephorus the means of avenging himself upon the monks for the
humiliations they had lately inflicted on him, and it enabled him also to
find the necessary supplies which he wanted to carry on the war.
Cambridge Medieval History - v4 - Eastern Roman Empire
CH.
III.
5
## p. 66 (#108) #############################################
66
Administration
that he should make good all the injuries inflicted on the Church by his
family and by the preceding patriarchate. To put forward such a claim
was to make a public declaration of his independence. Constantine so
well understood this that he was preparing to have the election of
Polyeuctes quashed when he died.
From the administrative and political point of view the personal govern-
ment of Constantine Porphyrogenitus is undeniably of small importance.
Some of the chroniclers even represent the Emperor as an idler and a
do-nothing. But this is a grotesque exaggeration. On the other hand, we
cannot place entire confidence in the flatterers who depict Constantine as
an administrator ever on the alert to lessen the evils afflicting his people,
to give orders to his provincial governors, to keep himself well informed
of all that was happening, to give brilliant receptions to ambassadors,
and to keep in touch with the rulers of East and West. It is never-
theless certain that Constantine endeavoured on the one hand to do the
work of an administrator, and on the other shewed himself throughout
his life by his intellectual activity and his numerous writings not to be
the indolent trifler of the chronicler Cedrenus. In the first place, we
have nine Novels of his to prove that he too paid attention to the
juridical and social questions which had caused such constant anxiety to
his predecessors. Like them, he forbids the wealthy nobles to acquire
lands belonging to the poor or the military class; like them, he legislates
on certain points of civil law, such as wills, inheritance, the salaries
payable to notaries, the right of sanctuary, and so forth. But he did
more than this. Towards the end of his reign he issued an alphabetical
abridgment of the Basilics intended to be of service to lawyers. Finally,
during the time of his personal government he granted a chrysobull in
favour of the monastery of St John the Baptist at Thessalonica, and
another to the convent of the Iberians on Mount Athos.
Apart from these beneficent laws, Constantine, who piqued himself
on his knowledge of the rules of etiquette, and was fond of holding
himself up as an example to the splendid and stately court which sur-
rounded him, seems to have taken special pleasure in the reception and
despatch of great numbers of ambassadors. In 945 and 949 we find him
sending diplomatic missions to Otto I in Germany; in May and in August
946 he received the ambassadors of the Caliph and the Emir of Amida
with great magnificence; in October it was the turn of the ambassadors
from Spain; in 948 that of Liudprand, Berengar's envoy; and finally in
957 he gave a brilliant welcome to the Russian Princess Olga and the
splendid cortège which accompanied her, including both men and women.
All the indications point to this visit to Constantinople as the time when
the baptism of Olga took place?
But the true glory of Constantine VII is the share which he had in
the intellectual movement of his day. Like Bardas under Michael III, he
? See, however, infra, Chapter vil(a), p. 207, for another view.
## p. 67 (#109) #############################################
Intellectual movement
67
made great efforts to revive education, which, outside Constantinople,
was hardly to be obtained; he appointed to the university chairs savants
of reputation, historians, writers, philosophers, men of science, juris-
consults; like Basil I he gave a new impetus to all the arts, architecture,
painting, sculpture, and music; while, more than any of his predecessors,
he interested himself in students, receiving them, helping them, and
when their studies were finished promoting them to great civil and
ecclesiastical posts. He himself helped forward this general literary re-
naissance by working at painting, music, and the industrial arts, as also
by publishing, especially for his
son's use, several works, some of which
are lost, though others have come down to us. About 934 or 935 he
wrote the Book of the Themes or provinces of the Empire; in 952 or 953
he published the Book of the Administration of the Empire, and com-
posed the first eighty-three chapters of the Book of Court Ceremonies
which bears his name; finally in 958 or 959 he gave to the public the
Life of Basil. Thus it is not strange that under his government literary
and artistic production should have been abundant. Thanks to him,
numberless religious and secular buildings were erected, restored, and
embellished; such works as the Continuation of Theophanes, the Discourse
upon the Image of Edessa, and other compositions of literary and religious
importance were begun and finished, so that it is in fact almost solely to
the learned labours of an Emperor, so often decried, that we owe such
knowledge as we possess of the period in which he lived and reigned.
Either in the summer or in the autumn of 959, Constantine, feeling
himself near to death, went, in search of some measure of physical and
mental repose, to the slopes of Mount Olympus in Bithynia, then cele-
brated for the medicinal waters of Sotiriopolis, and for its monasteries and
hermits. He was to find there nothing but gloomy presages of his speedy
end. He returned to Constantinople only to die, expiring on 9 November
959 at the age of fifty-four.
ROMANUS II (959-963).
The new ruler, Romanus II, was twenty years old when his father
died, probably as the result of the poison which he and his wife ad-
ministered to him. Despite his youth and his bodily and mental advan-
tages, despite his excellent education, Romanus II was to make but a
transitory appearance as Emperor, and to leave a most unworthy reputation
behind him. At his accession he was surrounded by his mother Helena,
his wife Theophano, his five sisters, and his son Basil II. He had been
crowned and had received a share of the imperial power, in accordance
with the Basilian tradition, in 945, and he now at once took possession
of the government, or rather handed it over to his wife Theophano. We
have already seen who this wife was. The daughter of Craterus, a poor
CH. III.
542
## p. 68 (#110) #############################################
68
Romanus II
tavern-keeper of Laconian origin, she owed the unhoped-for honour of
ascending the throne solely to her beauty and her vices. While her husband
eagerly pursued, surrounded by unworthy companions, the life of debau-
chery and dissipation which was destined to lead him to an early grave,
she for her part took upon herself the task of government with the help
of a noble eunuch, Joseph Bringas, whom Constantine on his death-bed
had recommended to Romanus.
This reign would be utterly insignificant were it not lighted up by
the eventful military triumphs of Nicephorus Phocas and his brother.
Indeed, within the imperial circle things immediately began to take a
mischievous turn: Helena and her daughters, by order of Theophano and
with the consent of Romanus II, were forced to quit the palace for a
convent. Helena, it is true, obtained leave to remain in the palace, where
she died on 19 September 961, but her daughters, Zoë, Theodora,
Theophano, Anne, and Agatha were sent first to the convent of Canicleum,
and soon after to separate houses. It was probably the harsh treatment
dealt out to Constantine's family which, in March 961, brought about the
conspiracy, formed, with the help of other lords, by that Basil the Bird
who had been the favourite, perhaps the lover, of Helena in the preceding
reign. Knowing that Romanus was about to visit the Hippodrome, Basil
resolved on his assassination, but being informed against by a converted
Saracen named Johannicius, he was seized, tortured, and finally died insane
in Proconnesus.
Though dying young, Romanus was to leave a large family to the
Empire. In addition to Basil II, he had a second son by Theophano in
961, the future Constantine VIII whom the Patriarch Polyeuctes crowned
in April the same year. He had, besides, two daughters, of whom one,
Theophano, born perhaps as early as 956, became the wife of Otto II of
Germany, and the other, Anne, was married to Vladímir of Russia. The
two sons of Romanus II were to reign in Constantinople between
Tzimisces and the daughters of Constantine VII.
Historians and chroniclers record no event of importance in the
internal administration of the Empire during the years from 959 to 963.
The government under Romanus gave its whole attention to events beyond
the frontiers. And in this field it unquestionably acted with judgment
and ability. Immediately upon the death of Constantine, Theophano and
Bringas shewed themselves desirous of maintaining or creating advan-
tageous relations with the rulers of the East and the West. They sent
ambassadors to every court. Then on 22 April 960 they had the little
Basil II crowned. But it was above all by planning the campaign of
Nicephorus against the Saracens that they gave proof of political dis-
cernment. They felt the need of making an end once for all with these
enemies, who were ever increasing in aggressiveness, and in Nicephorus
Phocas they had a man great enough to engage these perennial foes at an
advantage. In spite of unending court intrigues, the government in July
## p. 69 (#111) #############################################
Foreign affairs
69
960 laid upon this general, though he was suspected by many, the task
of attacking the Arabs of Crete, supported him energetically, supplied
him with reinforcements, and thus prepared the way for the great victory
which Nicephorus won on 7 March 961 resulting in the conquest of
Chandax (now Candia) in Crete. Accordingly when the general returned
to Constantinople he received in the Circus the honour of a pedestrian
ovation, a foretaste of the triumphs which later were to be his. Both
concentration on foreign affairs and skilful diplomacy were displayed by
Theophano's government on the morrow of Nicephorus' victory. He
returned covered with glory and accompanied by the defeated emir,
‘Abd-al-“Azīz. This chief was well treated and splendidly lodged, and
Constantinople had no reason to regret her generosity, for his son, having
become a Christian, won renown in 972 in the Byzantine army.
It appears that, during the short time that he remained at the head
of affairs, Bringas also paid attention to the material interests of the
population. In October 961 there was a great dearth, and corn was at
an extravagant price. He brought into the capital ship-loads of corn and
barley, which, despite his reputation for avarice, he sold at half-price.
Then came a check. The Byzantine armies were winning brilliant
successes in Asia, due entirely to the two Phocas brothers, when Nice-
phorus suddenly learned that Romanus had died at the palace on
15 March 963. Though the end was sudden it was not unforeseen, for
the Emperor's health had been declining all the winter. Theophano was
nevertheless accused of having rid herself of her husband by poison in
order to marry Nicephorus. The crime was never proved, but the sequel
was just what had been prophesied. With Romanus II the glory of the
Macedonian House and the intellectual renaissance which it had initiated
departed for a time. Government by women and successful soldiers was
about to begin.
NICEPHORUS PHocas (963-969).
At the moment when Romanus II was gathered to his fathers in the
church of the Holy Apostles, leaving the Empire in the hands of
Theophano, Bringas, and two crowned children, the already illustrious
name of Phocas had, in the course of four years from 960 to 963, reached
the highest pitch of glory. This was owing to the achievements of Leo
and even more of Nicephorus, who was at that time the chief personage
of the Empire. The Phocas family, which originated in Cappadocia, was
indeed well known to fame. It was, with the families of Curcuas and
Tzimisces, among the noblest in Asia Minor. In the days of Basil I, a
Nicephorus Phocas, grandfather of the future Emperor, had won renown
by his warlike exploits in Italy and Sicily, and since then all of the family,
from father to son, had been soldiers, and successful soldiers. The uncle
and father of Nicephorus had been specially distinguished by their
CU. III.
## p. 70 (#112) #############################################
70
Early career of Nicephorus Phocas
valour—the former, Leo, by his share in the war with the Bulgarians,
and the latter, Bardas, by his victories in Asia Minor. The man who now,
by his marriage with Theophano, was about to ascend the throne of
Constantinople had, with his brother Leo, followed the glorious path
marked out for him. Magister, and generalissimo of the armies of the
East, under Constantine VII, he had long warred successfully in Asia
Minor, and had since covered himself with glory by the siege of Chandax.
He was born probably about 913, and was thus nearly fifty when the death
of Romanus II took place. At this period, monk and soldier were united
in him. Having lost his wife and his only son a little before 963, he had
often thought of going to join his friend St Athanasius, the founder of
the Great Laura, on Mount Athos. It was through his interest and his
gifts that the first convent on the “Holy Mountain" had been built, and
a cell there had long awaited him. A man of iron temper, mystical to
the highest degree, and yet none the less a man of passions, he had de-
voted himself to his army and his men, and at the same time to prayer and
the severest mortifications. He was reported to be unbendingly stern,
uncompromisingly just, and rigidly pious, but he was also considered
miserly. In spite of his failings, his shining qualities won for him general
love and deep respect, above all in the camp. On the other hand he was
dreaded by many, and especially by Bringas, on account of his military
fame and the brilliant campaign with which his name was inseparably
joined. After the conquest of Crete, he had, however, returned to Asia
Minor and to his brother, conquering Cilicia between 961 and 963. He
had then flung himself upon Syria, and had just taken Aleppo when the
news of the death of Romanus forced him to pause.
Theophano (16 March–14 August 963).
At Constantinople the death of Romanus had created a most difficult
situation. Theophano, at twenty years of age, naturally desired to retain
power and to act as Regent, as she was authorised to do by her husband's
last dispositions. But Bringas had to be reckoned with, and his projects,
it would appear, tended in quite another direction. He, with his partisans,
counted upon seizing sole power at the first favourable moment and
governing the Empire. Thus, though he had supported Nicephorus at
the time of the Cretan expedition, yet out of dread of his popularity and
perhaps also from other motives he had made haste to send him back to
Asia Minor. This, however, had not prevented Nicephorus, doubtless
without Bringas' knowledge, from being kept informed by the Empress
herself of all that went on. It was, indeed, of importance to Theophano,
if she was to make herself safe in all contingencies, to be able to make
use of Nicephorus, before whom she had held out the hope of supreme
power and even of something more. As the general was on his way
through Constantinople she had, with great skill, contrived to plant in
## p. 71 (#113) #############################################
The regency of Theophano
71
the austere soldier's heart the germs of a passion which she intended to
turn to account, and which was to drive from his mind any pious
aspirations after the monastic life and permanently to deflect the current
of his existence. It was this, probably, which had so greatly excited the
alarm of Bringas.
Nevertheless, for the moment, the expressed wishes of Romanus were
respected. The Patriarch Polyeuctes proclaimed Theophano Regent,
with Bringas as her minister. Immediately afterwards, however, Theophano
secretly called back Nicephorus, who reached Constantinople as early as
April. Officially he came to receive the reward of his conquests, a
military triumph and the confirmation of his authority. In reality he
came to measure himself against the head of the government. So well did
Bringas understand this that he at once attempted to rid himself of his
formidable adversary. He proposed that he should be forbidden to enter
Constantinople, that a triumph should be refused him, and even that his
eyes should be put out. All these attempts failed before the universal
popularity of Nicephorus, probably helped by the intrigues of Theophano.
The people welcomed Nicephorus with all possible honour and mag-
nificence. But on the morrow of this ceremonial reception, which so
greatly increased his prestige, being alone and without his army, he felt
himself in danger and took refuge in St Sophia. There he obtained
from the Patriarch and his clergy the protection of which he stood in
need. Thanks to his reputation for piety, his valuable connexion with
the monks, his services, and the animosities which divided the three most
powerful forces in Constantinople— Theophano, Bringas, and Polyeuctes-
Nicephorus found a steadfast supporter in the Patriarch. In spite of
Bringas, and thanks to Polyeuctes, the Senate fully confirmed the
authority of Nicephorus, and promised that nothing should be done
without his being consulted. Nicephorus, in return, swore to engage in
no design injurious to the rights of the young princes. The Patriarch's
eloquence had saved Nicephorus, who, as soon as Easter was over, lost no
time in returning to Asia Minor at the head of his army. Bringas had
been outwitted. The Patriarch had no suspicion of what his own future
would be under Nicephorus.
The chief minister, however, did not acknowledge himself defeated.
At any cost, whether Nicephorus were present or absent, he sought his
life. For this he manoeuvred, but clumsily enough. Through a con-
fidential agent he made splendid offers to two of Nicephorus' generals,
Curcuas and Tzimisces, if they would betray their chief to him. They,
however, far from lending an ear to such proposals, revealed the intrigue
to Nicephorus, and in order to cut matters short, prevailed on him
without difficulty to hasten the realisation of his plans, to assume the
crown, and to march upon Constantinople. Accordingly on 3 July 963
the army, instigated by the two generals, proclaimed Nicephorus Emperor
at Caesarea. The next day, the troops set out to accompany him to St
CH. III.
## p. 72 (#114) #############################################
72
Usurpation of Nicephorus Phocas
Sophia and there to have him crowned. As soon as the news was known
at Constantinople the mutterings of revolt began. Bringas tried to make
head against it, and to organise the defence. His partisans were numerous,
even among the troops in the capital, and he had valuable hostages in
his hands in the persons of the father and brother of Nicephorus. The
new sovereign reached Chrysopolis on 9 August and there awaited events.
After three days of furious revolution had dyed the streets of Constanti-
nople with blood, the supporters of Bringas were defeated. Nicephorus’
father was saved by Polyeuctes, and on 14 August 963, under the aegis
of Basil, the illegitimate son of Romanus Lecapenus and a bitter enemy
of Bringas, Nicephorus entered Constantinople. On 16 August he was
crowned in St Sophia, declaring himself the guardian of the imperial
children.
Government of Nicephorus.
The revolution to which Nicephorus had just put the finishing touch
was the culmination of hypocrisy, for everyone knew, by the recent
example of Romanus Lecapenus, the real meaning of the title of guardian,
or joint sovereign, in connexion with Emperors who were still minors.
Whatever fictions might adorn official documents, it was Nicephorus who
became Emperor, and sole Emperor. The monks, his former friends, were
scandalised. St Athanasius, quite in vain, reminded the Emperor of his
former vocation for the religious life. And it soon appeared that still more
ruthless disillusionments were in store. Apart from this, the action of
Nicephorus was, politically speaking, of great gravity. Once again he
severed the dynastic chain. And this time the breach in the succession was
made not merely in his own name and for his personal benefit, or out of
family ambition, but in the name and with the support of the army,
which was now to re-learn the lesson of thrusting its weighty sword into
the scale in which the internal destinies of the Empire were balanced. It
is true that for all this Nicephorus paid a heavy penalty, and it is no less
true that the course he took was to have the most disastrous influence on
the fortunes of Constantinople.
At the very outset, as soon as he was master of the palace and
the city, Nicephorus hastened to deal out titles and rewards to those who
had aided him. His father was declared Caesar, his brother Leo magister
and curopalates, while in the East John Tzimisces succeeded to the post,
rank, and honours which Nicephorus had held. Basil received the title
and appointment of Proedros or President of the Senate. As to Bringas,
he was of course dismissed, and was detained at a distance from Con-
stantinople in a monastery, where he died in 971. These arrangements
made, Nicephorus turned his thoughts towards a marriage with Theophano,
both from personal and from political considerations. The matter, how-
ever, was not quite so simple as at first it looked. Both the Church and
## p. 73 (#115) #############################################
His marriage with Theophano
73
lay society might have something to say on the subject. It was probably
in order to gain time to reconcile the public mind to the idea, as well as
to observe the proprieties, that Nicephorus, acting in accord with the
Empress, sent her away to the palace of Petrion on the Golden Horn
until the day fixed for the wedding. It took place on 20 September, six
months almost to a day after the death of Romanus. As might have
been expected, it aroused great displeasure among the clergy. St Atha-
nasius was much incensed against his old friend, and Polyeuctes,
finding himself tricked, steadily refused communion to Nicephorus for a
whole year. For, on the one hand, there was to the monks, of whom the
Patriarch was one, something distinctly scandalous in the spectacle of
this man of fifty marrying a woman in the twenties; this austere general,
ascetic almost to a fault, who had vowed to end his days as a celibate in
a monastery, now, having by the help of the Church attained to supreme
power, suddenly uniting himself to Theophano, one of the most ill-famed
and vicious of women, utterly repulsive in the eyes of the religious world.
On the other hand, the newly-wedded couple, having both been widowed,
could not, without doing penance, enter upon a second marriage. The
determined refusal of Polyeuctes was, however, very offensive both to
Nicephorus and Theophano. We are told that Nicephorus never forgave
the Patriarch. This Polyeuctes was soon to learn, and not only he but
the whole body of the clergy was to suffer in consequence.
The ecclesiastical struggle, thus inauspiciously begun on the marriage-
day of Nicephorus, ended only with his death. If the chroniclers are
to be trusted, it was further envenomed by the rumours set afloat
by a court chaplain named Stylianus. He claimed, indeed, that the
Emperor's marriage with Theophano was unlawful and void, because
Nicephorus had stood godfather to one, if not two, of the Empress'
children. The canons were absolutely conclusive against such unions,
which were forbidden by "spiritual affinity. ” It is not very easy to
determine how much foundation there was for the statement. It is
certainly strange if Polyeuctes were ignorant of a circumstance so serious
and notorious, and if Nicephorus and Theophano on their side took no
notice of this ecclesiastical impediment. Was the allegation of Stylianus
made before or after the marriage ceremony? Even on this point the
chroniclers give us no answer. However this may be, one thing is plain,
that Polyeuctes was roused, and he demanded of Nicephorus under the
heaviest canonical penalties the repudiation of Theophano. Naturally the
Emperor refused, and at once gathered together an assembly, half
ecclesiastical and half lay, to discuss the question. This miniature council,
composed of court bishops and officials devoted to the royal family, made
no difficulty about coming to the decision which Nicephorus would be
likely to desire. The regulation on which Polyeuctes relied was, it was
decided, invalid, although its meaning was unmistakable, because it had
been put forth in the name of a heretical Emperor, Constantine
CH. III.
## p. 74 (#116) #############################################
74
Nicephorus' hostility to the monks
Copronymus. Further, to bolster up this rather pitiful decision, Stylianus
came forward to declare solemnly that Nicephorus had never been
godfather to any one of the imperial children, and that he himself had
never spoken the incriminating words. It is not known whether Polyeuctes
was convinced, but it is probable, for, averse from compromise as he was,
he yet admitted the Emperor to the Holy Communion. But what after
all do these stories amount to? Nothing can be positively known. It is
plain that they fit in badly with what knowledge we have of the manners
of the age and the characters of its chief personages. It would appear
that, if the struggle had been as heated and as much founded in reason
on the part of the Patriarch as is represented, the latter would not
then have hesitated to maintain his condemnation and Nicephorus would
probably have deposed him. If both consented to an apparent reconcilia-
tion, we must believe that the chroniclers either exaggerated, or what is
more likely, misunderstood the nature of the dispute. It is not impossible
that at bottom the whole affair was merely a quarrel got up by the
monks, who were indignant at the conduct of Nicephorus and at his
marriage.
This explanation of these events is supported by the fact that
at once, in 964, Nicephorus, as though to take his revenge, published
a Novel as strange as it was revolutionary against the monks. He,
who had once so greatly loved the religious, turned suddenly to scoffing
at and sitting in judgment on his old friends. “The monks,” he says,
“possess none of the evangelical virtues; they think only of acquiring
worldly goods, of building, and of enriching themselves. Their life differs
in nothing from that of the thorough worldling. ” They were ordered to
leave the cities and go forth into the wilderness, abandoning all their
lands and goods. It was no doubt to help them along this path that he
forbade (though he had himself given large sums to St Athanasius when
he founded his convent on Mount Athos) that new monasteries should
be established or others enriched by new donations, or that lands, fields,
or villas should be left by will to convents, hospitals, or clergy.
This celebrated Novel had, it would seem, a double object.
It
gave Nicephorus the means of avenging himself upon the monks for the
humiliations they had lately inflicted on him, and it enabled him also to
find the necessary supplies which he wanted to carry on the war. "The
revenues were intended indeed,” he said, “ to be distributed to the poor,
but in reality they profited none but the clergy, and this while the
soldiers, who were going forth to fight and die for God and the Emperor,
lacked even necessaries. ” The fact was that Nicephorus wished as Em-
peror to prosecute the expeditions which he had begun as a private
subject. From 964 to 966 the Empire resounded with the clash of arms.
While his generals were fighting the African Arabs in Sicily and Cyprus,
Nicephorus himself twice went forth to encounter the Asiatic Saracens
in Cilicia, Mesopotamia, and Syria. For these distant wars he needed
ור
## p. 75 (#117) #############################################
Ecclesiastical and military legislation
75
large sums of money, and it was the property of the clergy, which as long
as he lived he never spared, that supplied him with funds.
This doubled-edged policy was made clear and obvious during the
winter of 966-967, immediately upon the Emperor's return to Constan-
tinople. Thanks to the court bishops, in residence at the capital and
thus in the Emperor's power, he embodied in an edict a measure in the
highest degree injurious to the Church. For the future it was declared
unlawful to nominate any subject to a bishopric without the Emperor's
consent. In this way Nicephorus made sure of having bishops entirely
at his devotion, and at the same time he could seize upon the Church
revenues, whether during the vacancy of a see or after an appointment
had been made. There are many examples to prove this. It is not
known what attitude the clergy took up on this matter. In no quarter
do we hear of revolts or of coercive measures, but doubtless such a policy
must have powerfully furthered the rise of the popular movement which
thrust Nicephorus from power. In any case, the first demand of Poly-
euctes on the accession of Tzimisces was to be for the abrogation of these
anti-clerical measures.
The last fact which the chroniclers record in connexion with ecclesi-
astical matters in this reign, is the strange idea conceived by the Emperor
of constraining the Church to venerate as martyrs those who had fallen
in the warfare against the infidel. Naturally, nobody was found willing
to comply with this eccentric demand, and Nicephorus was compelled to
abandon a project opposed by Polyeuctes and the whole of the clergy.
Putting aside this perennial quarrel with the churchmen, which
itself had a military aim, Nicephorus seems during his short reign
to have had little attention to spare for anything but his soldiers and
the army. It was this, indeed, which before long predisposed the popu-
lace towards that movement of revolt which was to bring about his
speedy ruin. Quite early in the reign, after the example of his predeces-
sors, Nicephorus revived the laws favouring the small military holdings
and protecting them against the vexatious and extortionate purchase of
them by the great. He granted his soldiers the widest facilities for
regaining possession of their lands when they had been sold or stolen,
and this evidently with a view to retaining their services in the army.
Then, legislating in accordance with his own experience, he issued a
Novel dealing with the Armenian fundi, that is, the fiefs belonging to
those Armenian soldiers, mercenaries in the service of the Empire, who
had obtained military lands in return for their services but did not always
fulfil the obligations which their tenure imposed upon them. In 967 and
at another date not exactly known, Nicephorus issued two more Novels
touching landed property, and especially the property of the rich. The
Emperor required that each man should keep what he possessed, or at
least should acquire lands only from those set apart for his caste. A
noble might only possess noble fiefs; a commoner only commoners' fiefs ;
CH. III.
## p. 76 (#118) #############################################
76
General discontent
a soldier only military allotments. This was plainly to protect and
strengthen the very framework of Byzantine society. Unfortunately
these laws, the character of which was further emphasised by countless
instances, were too exclusively military in their scope. The exaggerated
importance attached to the army was shewn in every possible way, and
ended by irritating and exciting the public mind. About 966 and 967
the mutterings of revolt began to be heard on every side.
If the many excesses of the army, and the marks of exclusive favour
which Nicephorus lavished on it, were the chief causes of the Byzantine
revolution which swept away the Emperor, they were not the only ones.
The anti-clerical policy of Nicephorus had already alienated numbers
of his subjects. His military policy fostered the spread of this dis-
affection. But, above all, his fiscal measures provoked general discontent.
In consequence of the wars of the Empire, more and more money was
constantly being required by the government. Taxes increased at a pro-
digious rate, while in other directions retrenchments were made in habitual
expenditure, which estranged all classes, nobles and commoners. As if all
this had been insufficient, exceptional measures were now taken. Not
only did the tax-gatherers receive strict orders; to exact the taxes, but,
more serious still, the Emperor himself trafficked in corn, wine, and oil, of
which commodities the government had a monopoly, thus causing such a
rise in the cost of living that riots began to break out in almost every
direction. On Ascension Day (9 May 967), as Nicephorus was returning
from his devotions, he was stopped by crowds of people and insulted in
the heart of Constantinople, stones and tiles being thrown at him. He
would certainly have perished, but that his faithful bodyguard covered
his hasty retreat to the palace. This insurrection had no other effect than
to make Nicephorus aware of his danger. It did not avail to change his
line of policy. For his own defence, without reckoning with his recent
fresh expenditure, he had a strong high wall built to surround the Great
Palace completely, and within its circuit, close to the sea, he erected the
fortress of Bucoleon where he was to meet his death.
Like the earlier years of Nicephorus, his last two were entirely given
up to war on all sides. There were wars in Bulgaria and Italy, and in
Syria, where Antioch and Aleppo were taken. Among home events, two
only are worth recording. One was the arrival at Constantinople in 967
of the Bulgarian ambassadors, claiming the tribute which the Empire
had been accustomed to pay to the Tsar. Nicephorus, who was on the
watch for a pretext to declare war against his neighbour, received the
ambassadors roughly, insulted them before the whole court, and drove
them ignominiously away. Soon afterwards, he set out at the head of
his troops for Bulgaria. The other event, which was of the same character,
was the embassy of Liudprand, Bishop of Cremona, now sent for the second
time to Constantinople by the Emperor Otto. Liudprand arrived in the
East on 4 June 968. His master, after his usurpations in southern Italy
## p. 77 (#119) #############################################
Murder of Nicephorus
77
and his assumption of the title of Emperor, had made him the bearer
of a pacific message and a proposal of marriage. The German sovereign
hoped to bring the struggle in Italy to an advantageous conclusion, and
to secure quiet possession of the provinces which he had conquered, by
means of a marriage between his son and Theophano, daughter of
Romanus II. The embassy met with wretched success. Liudprand, de-
tained as a half-prisoner and publicly insulted by Nicephorus and his court,
spent four months at Constantinople, and was obliged to leave without
having obtained any concession. For the time the marriage fell into
abeyance; the idea was only resumed later, and the union did not take
place until 972.
Immediately after Liudprand's embassy, about the end of July 968,
Nicephorus set out for a campaign in Asia Minor, and did not return
to Constantinople until the beginning of 969. Notwithstanding the fresh
laurels which he had reaped in Syria, only death awaited him. Disaffection
to his rule was daily growing and plots were openly discussed. On the
other hand, Theophano had found a new lover, and John Tzimisces had
become the Emperor's successful rival in love as he had already been in
war. As Schlumberger has pointed out, the whole clue to the palace
drama, in which these two were the chief actors, escapes our grasp.
How and why did Theophano and Tzimisces decide upon ridding them-
selves of Nicephorus ? We do not know, nor do contemporaries seem to
have known. All the conjectures put forward by chroniclers, Byzantine,
Arab, and Western, are possible, but of none is there a shadow of proof.
Two things only are certain, first, the passion of Theophano for Tzimisces,
secondly, the plot to kill the Emperor, which they jointly concocted
with the help of several other conspirators. The murder took place in
the night of 10–11 December 969. By Theophano's means the palace was
opened to Tzimisces and his confederates, and they, without difficulty,
made their way into Nicephorus' chamber. They found the Emperor
asleep, lying on a tiger-skin. Arousing him with kicks, they then struck
at his face with a sword, inflicting a great wound. In this state, the
conspirators, after tying his legs together, dragged him before Tzimisces,
who loaded him with insults, spurning him with his foot and plucking
out his beard. Finally he completed his work by shattering the Emperor's
skull with a sword, while another assassin ran him through the body.
This done, in order to check the revolt which was beginning, Tzimisces
immediately had himself crowned, and ordered that the head of Nicephorus
should be exhibited at a window. Next day, in great secrecy, the murdered
Emperor was buried in the church of the Holy Apostles, and thus came
to a bloody end one of the most glorious reigns, if it be looked at solely
from the military point of view, in the whole of Byzantine history.
CH. III.
## p. 78 (#120) #############################################
78
John Tzimisces: his early life
JOHN TZIMISCES (969-976).
John Tzimisces, whose true surname was Chemshkik, or Chemishgig,
which the Byzantines made into Tzimisces, belonged to an ancient and
noble Armenian family. Through his father he was related to the illustrious
house of Curcuas, and through his mother to that of Phocas. He was
born at Hierapolis in Armenia (now Chemishgadzak, i. e. birth-place of
Tzimisces) about 924 and, like Nicephorus and all his other relatives,
was a soldier from his boyhood. He early attached himself to his cousin,
and made the great campaigns of Cilicia and Syria in his company. .
At this time a close friendship united them, and we know that it was
Tzimisces who prevailed upon Nicephorus to ascend the throne. His
military renown and his exploits in battle almost equalled those of the
Emperor, and his popularity was great in the army, on account of his
bravery, his liberality, and also his personal beauty, although he was
short of stature. On the accession of Nicephorus, he received the post
vacated by the Emperor, that of Domestic of the Scholae of Anatolia,
became magister, and was entrusted with the task of prosecuting the
conquests of Nicephorus, work which be accomplished with signal success
chequered by occasional reverses. Was it these successes which alienated
the Emperor from Tzimisces ? It may be so, but the truth is not known.
One thing, however, is certain, that in 969 Tzimisces fell from favour.
It is possible, it is even probable, that there were other causes for this
disgrace. Tzimisces was not long in discovering that his former brother-
officer, though under obligations to him, did not shew him proper con-
sideration, treated him just like the other generals, and was ungrateful
towards him. Moreover, what may very well have determined him to
throw in his lot with the discontented, and to weave the conspiracy which
put an end to the reign of Nicephorus, was the influence of Theophano
herself, who had at this time a strong passion for him. In any case, it
was she who helped him in his revolt and urged him on to assassinate
Nicephorus. Finally, Leo Phocas was an inveterate foe of Tzimisces and
constantly accused him to his brother, doing all in his power to embitter
the relations between them. All these causes combined to bring about
first a complete breach and finally a violent hatred between these two
old friends and kinsmen. In 969 Tzimisces had been deprived of his
military rank, had been driven from court, and had received orders to
live in exile on the Asiatic coast on his estates in Chalcedon, whence
he was forbidden to depart. It was, however, from thence that he
set out on the night of 9-10 December to perpetrate the murder which
seated him on the throne. On attaining supreme power Tzimisces was
forty-five years old. He was the widower of a certain Maria, a sister of
Bardas Sclerus, was the lover of Theophano, and was childless. In order
to succeed to the throne after the murder of Nicephorus, he was ready to
accept any conditions which might be laid upon him. .
## p. 79 (#121) #############################################
First measures as Emperor
79
Immediately after his coronation, Tzimisces, as Nicephorus had done,
declared that he would look upon himself merely as the guardian and
protector of the legitimate sovereigns, Basil and Constantine, and as
Regent therefore of the Empire. After this, he set to work to organise
his government. He took as his chief minister the famous Basil, illegitimate
son of Romanus Lecapenus and favourite of Constantine VII, who has
already appeared as the zealous supporter of Nicephorus at the time of
his accession, who became his Parakoimomenos, or chief Chamberlain, and
received the post, created for him, of President of the Senate. Basil, for
the same reasons no doubt as Tzimisces, had abandoned the Emperor,
and when the conspiracy of 969 was formed made common cause with
the plotters. Thus, as soon as Tzimisces was seated on the throne, Basil
became the real head of the government, and by him the first measures
taken were inspired. By his orders the new sovereign was proclaimed in
every quarter of the city, and public gatherings, disorder, and pillage
were forbidden, under pain of beheading. It was not desired that the
revolutionary scenes which had marked the accession of Nicephorus should
be re-enacted in Constantinople. The next step was to dismiss all
functionaries who were in favour of the former Emperor, and to replace
them by new men. Leo Phocas and his sons, with the exception of Peter,
a eunuch, were banished to Methymna and Amasia. In this way
the
position of Tzimisces was secured.
The Patriarch Polyeuctes, who had reached a great age, was near
his end when the events of 10 December 969 took place. What was his
attitude on first hearing of the revolution we do not know, but on the
other hand we know how, despite the burden of his years, he received
Tzimisces, when the new Emperor, a week after his crime, presented
himself at St Sophia in order to be crowned. The Patriarch firmly
refused to take part in any religious ceremony until Tzimisces should
have done penance, exculpated himself from the murder of Nicephorus,
and denounced the criminals. Polyeuctes went further. On this solemn
occasion he took the revenge of his lifetime, issuing to John this ultima-
tum: “Drive first of all from the Sacred Palace the adulterous and guilty
wife, who planned and directed everything and who has certainly been
the chief mover in the crime. ” Finally, feeling perhaps the moral strength
of his own position as against this suppliant murderer, the Patriarch
took another step in advance and exacted, as a striking reparation, the
repeal of the whole of the religious legislation of the late Emperor, the
recall to their sees of all the exiled bishops, and the distribution of
the usurper's private fortune to the poor and the hospitals. John agreed
to everything. The Novels were immediately abrogated, the bishops
recalled, Theophano exiled to Proti and later to Armenia, while John
himself made no scruple of swearing that he had not lifted his hand
against Nicephorus, and denounced on oath several of his late accomplices
CH, Ul.
## p. 80 (#122) #############################################
80
Ecclesiastical affairs
as guilty of the crime. Then, as much from necessity as policy, he gave
great largess to the poor, the peasants, and even the aristocracy. This
done, Polyeuctes crowned John at Christmas 969. Before his death the
Patriarch had a last gratification, that of seeing Tzimisces faithfully fulfil
his promises as to his religious policy. The Church of Antioch having
lost its Patriarch, Christopher, Tzimisces caused Polyeuctes to appoint
in his place a holy hermit, Theodore of Colonea, who had long been known
to him. The Patriarch was spared long enough to perform the consecration
on 8 January 970. His death followed on 28 January.
The successor to Polyeuctes was proposed by Tzimisces to a synod
which he assembled when the vacancy occurred. Basil, like Theodore
of Colonea, was a poor monk of the Olympus, famous for his saintliness
and his prophecies. He was a friend of the Emperor, and when his
consecration took place on 13 February John might certainly flatter
himself that he had made a wise and fortunate choice both for the
Church and for himself. Yet this did not prove to be altogether the
case, for, in fact, in 974 a conflict broke out between the two
authorities; Basil, who had less discernment doubtless than Polyeuctes,
would have liked to turn the Church into one vast convent, and to enforce
reforms which were distasteful to the bishops. Perhaps, indeed, he went
further, and, if we are to believe Leo the Deacon, unwisely began to
super-
vise the conduct of his subordinates rather too closely. With all his
merits, we are told, “he was of a curious and investigating turn of mind. '
What is certain is that complaints were laid against him on this account,
and he was also reproached with maladministration of the Church. In
short, the Emperor was obliged to interfere. He called upon the Patriarch
to appear before his court and clear himself. Basil refused to take any
such step, alleging that he came under no jurisdiction but that of an
Ecumenical Council, which would necessarily bring in the West. This led
to his fall. While Polyeuctes, strong in his right, had maintained himself in
the see of Constantinople against all comers, Basil for his part, being very
possibly guilty of the errors laid to his charge, was deposed and sent into
exile at his monastery on the Scamander. His syncellus, Anthony of the
Studion, succeeded him. Perhaps this deposition of Basil may have some
vague connexion with affairs in Italy, and with the presence at Constanti-
nople of the exiled anti-Pope Boniface. But it seems rather unlikely, and
in any case our authorities do not make the statement. All that has been
said by historians on the subject is mere conjecture.
The death of its patron Nicephorus did not hinder the building
and extension of the Great Laura (monastery) of St Athanasius, founded
in 961. In 970 the community there was numerous enough to allow of
the saint's imposing upon them a rule, a typikon determining the laws
which should govern the monks of the Holy Mountain. Unfortunately
the typikon was ill-received and ill-observed, so much so that a revolt
broke out against the Abbot. The mutineers considered St Athana-
## p. 81 (#123) #############################################
Secular affairs
81
sius and his rules too severe, and appealed to the Emperor. This was the
reason that Tzimisces, after holding an inquiry, granted to the Laura
the chrysobull of 972 confirming the typikon of St Athanasius and
the privileges granted by Nicephorus. The monastery was declared
"autocephalous” under the sole authority of the Abbot (Igumen). The
Golden Bull laid down rules for the administration of the convent, and
its provisions are still in force to-day.
The reign of the soldier John Tzimisces, like that of Nicephorus
Phocas, was military in character, and events of note in home politics
(with the exception of religious events) are few in number. One
of the most important was certainly the revolt of Bardas Phocas in
971. Son of Leo and nephew of Nicephorus, Bardas had been banished
to Pontus on the death of the Emperor. Thanks to the good offices of
his father and other members of his family, of some of the strategi who
had remained loyal to Nicephorus, and even of some among the clergy, he
succeeded in breaking prison and in surrounding himself with partisans.
Then, taking advantage of the Russian war, which Tzimisces was just
beginning, Bardas had himself proclaimed Emperor at Caesarea, amidst
large numbers of adherents. Fortunately, civil war had not time to break
out. The Emperor's brother-in-law, Bardas Sclerus, was immediately
sent against the usurper, who, before he had struck a blow, found himself
deserted by his friends and forced to surrender. He was relegated with
his family to a monastery in the island of Chios. Next year, while
Tzimisces was at the siege of Durostolus (Silistria), Leo Phocas attempted
to regain power, but unsuccessfully. Being taken prisoner at Constanti-
nople he was blinded and in this state re-consigned to his monastery.
While the ineffectual revolt of Bardas Phocas was just about to
break out, and the preparations for the war with Russia were being
pushed feverishly on, Tzimisces took advantage of the situation to form
a fresh union. Being debarred from marrying Theophano, he fell back
upon Theodora, a princess of mature age, daughter of Constantine VII
and aunt of Romanus II. This prudent marriage gave great satisfaction
at Constantinople, for it confirmed the legitimate descendants of Basil I
upon the throne.
Before setting out for the brief and victorious Russian war, in the
spring of 972, Tzimisces found time to receive another German embassy,
which sought Constantinople in order to renew the negotiations, broken
off under Nicephorus, respecting the marriage of Theophano, daughter of
Romanus II, with the youthful Otto II. The embassy headed by Gero,
Archbishop of Cologne, reached Constantinople about the end of 971.
The girl, in spite of certain doubts which have been raised, certainly
appears to have been a genuine princess, born in the purple, and sister
of Basil II; she was betrothed, and set out for Italy. The marriage
took place at Rome on 14 April 972.
ܪ
C. MED. H. VOL. IV. CH. JI.
6
## p. 82 (#124) #############################################
82
Death of John Tzimisces
So far as we can judge from the scanty documents which have
come down to us, Tzimisces seems not to have given much of his
personal attention to the work of internal administration. His wars
occupied him sufficiently. Only one Novel issued in his name has been
preserved; it concerns the slaves taken in war. Basil the Parakoimomenos
remained chief minister up to the death of Tzimisces, and used his position
to enrich himself to a scandalous extent. This meant that the social
difficulty remained unsolved, and became even graver. All the efforts of
his predecessors had thus been fruitless. And yet the Emperor be-
haved liberally to all classes of society. He made large distributions
from his private resources. But the only genuinely useful legislative
measure which he carried out was the abolition of the highly unpopular
tax called the Kapnikon, or poll tax, which was paid only by plebeians.
The reign of John Tzimisces was being made illustrious by his
victories, when suddenly, on his return from a second campaign in
Asia, he died in Constantinople on 10 January 976. Many discussions
have arisen as to this unexpected death. Did the Emperor fall a victim
to poison or to sickness? It cannot be certainly known, but according
to Schlumberger it is most probable that he succumbed to typhus.
However this may be, John Tzimisces left the Empire devoid of all
apparent support and likely soon to be given up to all the fury of revo-
lution. No one, it is plain, foresaw what manner of man Basil II would
prove himself to be.
With Tzimisces the tale of great soldiers raised to the throne breaks
off for the time. Henceforward, power was to return to the Macedonian
House until the rise of the Comneni. The Emperors who were to reign
from 1028 to 1057 might be foreigners or men of no account. For in
fact, in contrast to what followed on the death of Romanus II, the
reins of power were now to be held by the female members of the reigning
house.
## p.
5
## p. 66 (#108) #############################################
66
Administration
that he should make good all the injuries inflicted on the Church by his
family and by the preceding patriarchate. To put forward such a claim
was to make a public declaration of his independence. Constantine so
well understood this that he was preparing to have the election of
Polyeuctes quashed when he died.
From the administrative and political point of view the personal govern-
ment of Constantine Porphyrogenitus is undeniably of small importance.
Some of the chroniclers even represent the Emperor as an idler and a
do-nothing. But this is a grotesque exaggeration. On the other hand, we
cannot place entire confidence in the flatterers who depict Constantine as
an administrator ever on the alert to lessen the evils afflicting his people,
to give orders to his provincial governors, to keep himself well informed
of all that was happening, to give brilliant receptions to ambassadors,
and to keep in touch with the rulers of East and West. It is never-
theless certain that Constantine endeavoured on the one hand to do the
work of an administrator, and on the other shewed himself throughout
his life by his intellectual activity and his numerous writings not to be
the indolent trifler of the chronicler Cedrenus. In the first place, we
have nine Novels of his to prove that he too paid attention to the
juridical and social questions which had caused such constant anxiety to
his predecessors. Like them, he forbids the wealthy nobles to acquire
lands belonging to the poor or the military class; like them, he legislates
on certain points of civil law, such as wills, inheritance, the salaries
payable to notaries, the right of sanctuary, and so forth. But he did
more than this. Towards the end of his reign he issued an alphabetical
abridgment of the Basilics intended to be of service to lawyers. Finally,
during the time of his personal government he granted a chrysobull in
favour of the monastery of St John the Baptist at Thessalonica, and
another to the convent of the Iberians on Mount Athos.
Apart from these beneficent laws, Constantine, who piqued himself
on his knowledge of the rules of etiquette, and was fond of holding
himself up as an example to the splendid and stately court which sur-
rounded him, seems to have taken special pleasure in the reception and
despatch of great numbers of ambassadors. In 945 and 949 we find him
sending diplomatic missions to Otto I in Germany; in May and in August
946 he received the ambassadors of the Caliph and the Emir of Amida
with great magnificence; in October it was the turn of the ambassadors
from Spain; in 948 that of Liudprand, Berengar's envoy; and finally in
957 he gave a brilliant welcome to the Russian Princess Olga and the
splendid cortège which accompanied her, including both men and women.
All the indications point to this visit to Constantinople as the time when
the baptism of Olga took place?
But the true glory of Constantine VII is the share which he had in
the intellectual movement of his day. Like Bardas under Michael III, he
? See, however, infra, Chapter vil(a), p. 207, for another view.
## p. 67 (#109) #############################################
Intellectual movement
67
made great efforts to revive education, which, outside Constantinople,
was hardly to be obtained; he appointed to the university chairs savants
of reputation, historians, writers, philosophers, men of science, juris-
consults; like Basil I he gave a new impetus to all the arts, architecture,
painting, sculpture, and music; while, more than any of his predecessors,
he interested himself in students, receiving them, helping them, and
when their studies were finished promoting them to great civil and
ecclesiastical posts. He himself helped forward this general literary re-
naissance by working at painting, music, and the industrial arts, as also
by publishing, especially for his
son's use, several works, some of which
are lost, though others have come down to us. About 934 or 935 he
wrote the Book of the Themes or provinces of the Empire; in 952 or 953
he published the Book of the Administration of the Empire, and com-
posed the first eighty-three chapters of the Book of Court Ceremonies
which bears his name; finally in 958 or 959 he gave to the public the
Life of Basil. Thus it is not strange that under his government literary
and artistic production should have been abundant. Thanks to him,
numberless religious and secular buildings were erected, restored, and
embellished; such works as the Continuation of Theophanes, the Discourse
upon the Image of Edessa, and other compositions of literary and religious
importance were begun and finished, so that it is in fact almost solely to
the learned labours of an Emperor, so often decried, that we owe such
knowledge as we possess of the period in which he lived and reigned.
Either in the summer or in the autumn of 959, Constantine, feeling
himself near to death, went, in search of some measure of physical and
mental repose, to the slopes of Mount Olympus in Bithynia, then cele-
brated for the medicinal waters of Sotiriopolis, and for its monasteries and
hermits. He was to find there nothing but gloomy presages of his speedy
end. He returned to Constantinople only to die, expiring on 9 November
959 at the age of fifty-four.
ROMANUS II (959-963).
The new ruler, Romanus II, was twenty years old when his father
died, probably as the result of the poison which he and his wife ad-
ministered to him. Despite his youth and his bodily and mental advan-
tages, despite his excellent education, Romanus II was to make but a
transitory appearance as Emperor, and to leave a most unworthy reputation
behind him. At his accession he was surrounded by his mother Helena,
his wife Theophano, his five sisters, and his son Basil II. He had been
crowned and had received a share of the imperial power, in accordance
with the Basilian tradition, in 945, and he now at once took possession
of the government, or rather handed it over to his wife Theophano. We
have already seen who this wife was. The daughter of Craterus, a poor
CH. III.
542
## p. 68 (#110) #############################################
68
Romanus II
tavern-keeper of Laconian origin, she owed the unhoped-for honour of
ascending the throne solely to her beauty and her vices. While her husband
eagerly pursued, surrounded by unworthy companions, the life of debau-
chery and dissipation which was destined to lead him to an early grave,
she for her part took upon herself the task of government with the help
of a noble eunuch, Joseph Bringas, whom Constantine on his death-bed
had recommended to Romanus.
This reign would be utterly insignificant were it not lighted up by
the eventful military triumphs of Nicephorus Phocas and his brother.
Indeed, within the imperial circle things immediately began to take a
mischievous turn: Helena and her daughters, by order of Theophano and
with the consent of Romanus II, were forced to quit the palace for a
convent. Helena, it is true, obtained leave to remain in the palace, where
she died on 19 September 961, but her daughters, Zoë, Theodora,
Theophano, Anne, and Agatha were sent first to the convent of Canicleum,
and soon after to separate houses. It was probably the harsh treatment
dealt out to Constantine's family which, in March 961, brought about the
conspiracy, formed, with the help of other lords, by that Basil the Bird
who had been the favourite, perhaps the lover, of Helena in the preceding
reign. Knowing that Romanus was about to visit the Hippodrome, Basil
resolved on his assassination, but being informed against by a converted
Saracen named Johannicius, he was seized, tortured, and finally died insane
in Proconnesus.
Though dying young, Romanus was to leave a large family to the
Empire. In addition to Basil II, he had a second son by Theophano in
961, the future Constantine VIII whom the Patriarch Polyeuctes crowned
in April the same year. He had, besides, two daughters, of whom one,
Theophano, born perhaps as early as 956, became the wife of Otto II of
Germany, and the other, Anne, was married to Vladímir of Russia. The
two sons of Romanus II were to reign in Constantinople between
Tzimisces and the daughters of Constantine VII.
Historians and chroniclers record no event of importance in the
internal administration of the Empire during the years from 959 to 963.
The government under Romanus gave its whole attention to events beyond
the frontiers. And in this field it unquestionably acted with judgment
and ability. Immediately upon the death of Constantine, Theophano and
Bringas shewed themselves desirous of maintaining or creating advan-
tageous relations with the rulers of the East and the West. They sent
ambassadors to every court. Then on 22 April 960 they had the little
Basil II crowned. But it was above all by planning the campaign of
Nicephorus against the Saracens that they gave proof of political dis-
cernment. They felt the need of making an end once for all with these
enemies, who were ever increasing in aggressiveness, and in Nicephorus
Phocas they had a man great enough to engage these perennial foes at an
advantage. In spite of unending court intrigues, the government in July
## p. 69 (#111) #############################################
Foreign affairs
69
960 laid upon this general, though he was suspected by many, the task
of attacking the Arabs of Crete, supported him energetically, supplied
him with reinforcements, and thus prepared the way for the great victory
which Nicephorus won on 7 March 961 resulting in the conquest of
Chandax (now Candia) in Crete. Accordingly when the general returned
to Constantinople he received in the Circus the honour of a pedestrian
ovation, a foretaste of the triumphs which later were to be his. Both
concentration on foreign affairs and skilful diplomacy were displayed by
Theophano's government on the morrow of Nicephorus' victory. He
returned covered with glory and accompanied by the defeated emir,
‘Abd-al-“Azīz. This chief was well treated and splendidly lodged, and
Constantinople had no reason to regret her generosity, for his son, having
become a Christian, won renown in 972 in the Byzantine army.
It appears that, during the short time that he remained at the head
of affairs, Bringas also paid attention to the material interests of the
population. In October 961 there was a great dearth, and corn was at
an extravagant price. He brought into the capital ship-loads of corn and
barley, which, despite his reputation for avarice, he sold at half-price.
Then came a check. The Byzantine armies were winning brilliant
successes in Asia, due entirely to the two Phocas brothers, when Nice-
phorus suddenly learned that Romanus had died at the palace on
15 March 963. Though the end was sudden it was not unforeseen, for
the Emperor's health had been declining all the winter. Theophano was
nevertheless accused of having rid herself of her husband by poison in
order to marry Nicephorus. The crime was never proved, but the sequel
was just what had been prophesied. With Romanus II the glory of the
Macedonian House and the intellectual renaissance which it had initiated
departed for a time. Government by women and successful soldiers was
about to begin.
NICEPHORUS PHocas (963-969).
At the moment when Romanus II was gathered to his fathers in the
church of the Holy Apostles, leaving the Empire in the hands of
Theophano, Bringas, and two crowned children, the already illustrious
name of Phocas had, in the course of four years from 960 to 963, reached
the highest pitch of glory. This was owing to the achievements of Leo
and even more of Nicephorus, who was at that time the chief personage
of the Empire. The Phocas family, which originated in Cappadocia, was
indeed well known to fame. It was, with the families of Curcuas and
Tzimisces, among the noblest in Asia Minor. In the days of Basil I, a
Nicephorus Phocas, grandfather of the future Emperor, had won renown
by his warlike exploits in Italy and Sicily, and since then all of the family,
from father to son, had been soldiers, and successful soldiers. The uncle
and father of Nicephorus had been specially distinguished by their
CU. III.
## p. 70 (#112) #############################################
70
Early career of Nicephorus Phocas
valour—the former, Leo, by his share in the war with the Bulgarians,
and the latter, Bardas, by his victories in Asia Minor. The man who now,
by his marriage with Theophano, was about to ascend the throne of
Constantinople had, with his brother Leo, followed the glorious path
marked out for him. Magister, and generalissimo of the armies of the
East, under Constantine VII, he had long warred successfully in Asia
Minor, and had since covered himself with glory by the siege of Chandax.
He was born probably about 913, and was thus nearly fifty when the death
of Romanus II took place. At this period, monk and soldier were united
in him. Having lost his wife and his only son a little before 963, he had
often thought of going to join his friend St Athanasius, the founder of
the Great Laura, on Mount Athos. It was through his interest and his
gifts that the first convent on the “Holy Mountain" had been built, and
a cell there had long awaited him. A man of iron temper, mystical to
the highest degree, and yet none the less a man of passions, he had de-
voted himself to his army and his men, and at the same time to prayer and
the severest mortifications. He was reported to be unbendingly stern,
uncompromisingly just, and rigidly pious, but he was also considered
miserly. In spite of his failings, his shining qualities won for him general
love and deep respect, above all in the camp. On the other hand he was
dreaded by many, and especially by Bringas, on account of his military
fame and the brilliant campaign with which his name was inseparably
joined. After the conquest of Crete, he had, however, returned to Asia
Minor and to his brother, conquering Cilicia between 961 and 963. He
had then flung himself upon Syria, and had just taken Aleppo when the
news of the death of Romanus forced him to pause.
Theophano (16 March–14 August 963).
At Constantinople the death of Romanus had created a most difficult
situation. Theophano, at twenty years of age, naturally desired to retain
power and to act as Regent, as she was authorised to do by her husband's
last dispositions. But Bringas had to be reckoned with, and his projects,
it would appear, tended in quite another direction. He, with his partisans,
counted upon seizing sole power at the first favourable moment and
governing the Empire. Thus, though he had supported Nicephorus at
the time of the Cretan expedition, yet out of dread of his popularity and
perhaps also from other motives he had made haste to send him back to
Asia Minor. This, however, had not prevented Nicephorus, doubtless
without Bringas' knowledge, from being kept informed by the Empress
herself of all that went on. It was, indeed, of importance to Theophano,
if she was to make herself safe in all contingencies, to be able to make
use of Nicephorus, before whom she had held out the hope of supreme
power and even of something more. As the general was on his way
through Constantinople she had, with great skill, contrived to plant in
## p. 71 (#113) #############################################
The regency of Theophano
71
the austere soldier's heart the germs of a passion which she intended to
turn to account, and which was to drive from his mind any pious
aspirations after the monastic life and permanently to deflect the current
of his existence. It was this, probably, which had so greatly excited the
alarm of Bringas.
Nevertheless, for the moment, the expressed wishes of Romanus were
respected. The Patriarch Polyeuctes proclaimed Theophano Regent,
with Bringas as her minister. Immediately afterwards, however, Theophano
secretly called back Nicephorus, who reached Constantinople as early as
April. Officially he came to receive the reward of his conquests, a
military triumph and the confirmation of his authority. In reality he
came to measure himself against the head of the government. So well did
Bringas understand this that he at once attempted to rid himself of his
formidable adversary. He proposed that he should be forbidden to enter
Constantinople, that a triumph should be refused him, and even that his
eyes should be put out. All these attempts failed before the universal
popularity of Nicephorus, probably helped by the intrigues of Theophano.
The people welcomed Nicephorus with all possible honour and mag-
nificence. But on the morrow of this ceremonial reception, which so
greatly increased his prestige, being alone and without his army, he felt
himself in danger and took refuge in St Sophia. There he obtained
from the Patriarch and his clergy the protection of which he stood in
need. Thanks to his reputation for piety, his valuable connexion with
the monks, his services, and the animosities which divided the three most
powerful forces in Constantinople— Theophano, Bringas, and Polyeuctes-
Nicephorus found a steadfast supporter in the Patriarch. In spite of
Bringas, and thanks to Polyeuctes, the Senate fully confirmed the
authority of Nicephorus, and promised that nothing should be done
without his being consulted. Nicephorus, in return, swore to engage in
no design injurious to the rights of the young princes. The Patriarch's
eloquence had saved Nicephorus, who, as soon as Easter was over, lost no
time in returning to Asia Minor at the head of his army. Bringas had
been outwitted. The Patriarch had no suspicion of what his own future
would be under Nicephorus.
The chief minister, however, did not acknowledge himself defeated.
At any cost, whether Nicephorus were present or absent, he sought his
life. For this he manoeuvred, but clumsily enough. Through a con-
fidential agent he made splendid offers to two of Nicephorus' generals,
Curcuas and Tzimisces, if they would betray their chief to him. They,
however, far from lending an ear to such proposals, revealed the intrigue
to Nicephorus, and in order to cut matters short, prevailed on him
without difficulty to hasten the realisation of his plans, to assume the
crown, and to march upon Constantinople. Accordingly on 3 July 963
the army, instigated by the two generals, proclaimed Nicephorus Emperor
at Caesarea. The next day, the troops set out to accompany him to St
CH. III.
## p. 72 (#114) #############################################
72
Usurpation of Nicephorus Phocas
Sophia and there to have him crowned. As soon as the news was known
at Constantinople the mutterings of revolt began. Bringas tried to make
head against it, and to organise the defence. His partisans were numerous,
even among the troops in the capital, and he had valuable hostages in
his hands in the persons of the father and brother of Nicephorus. The
new sovereign reached Chrysopolis on 9 August and there awaited events.
After three days of furious revolution had dyed the streets of Constanti-
nople with blood, the supporters of Bringas were defeated. Nicephorus’
father was saved by Polyeuctes, and on 14 August 963, under the aegis
of Basil, the illegitimate son of Romanus Lecapenus and a bitter enemy
of Bringas, Nicephorus entered Constantinople. On 16 August he was
crowned in St Sophia, declaring himself the guardian of the imperial
children.
Government of Nicephorus.
The revolution to which Nicephorus had just put the finishing touch
was the culmination of hypocrisy, for everyone knew, by the recent
example of Romanus Lecapenus, the real meaning of the title of guardian,
or joint sovereign, in connexion with Emperors who were still minors.
Whatever fictions might adorn official documents, it was Nicephorus who
became Emperor, and sole Emperor. The monks, his former friends, were
scandalised. St Athanasius, quite in vain, reminded the Emperor of his
former vocation for the religious life. And it soon appeared that still more
ruthless disillusionments were in store. Apart from this, the action of
Nicephorus was, politically speaking, of great gravity. Once again he
severed the dynastic chain. And this time the breach in the succession was
made not merely in his own name and for his personal benefit, or out of
family ambition, but in the name and with the support of the army,
which was now to re-learn the lesson of thrusting its weighty sword into
the scale in which the internal destinies of the Empire were balanced. It
is true that for all this Nicephorus paid a heavy penalty, and it is no less
true that the course he took was to have the most disastrous influence on
the fortunes of Constantinople.
At the very outset, as soon as he was master of the palace and
the city, Nicephorus hastened to deal out titles and rewards to those who
had aided him. His father was declared Caesar, his brother Leo magister
and curopalates, while in the East John Tzimisces succeeded to the post,
rank, and honours which Nicephorus had held. Basil received the title
and appointment of Proedros or President of the Senate. As to Bringas,
he was of course dismissed, and was detained at a distance from Con-
stantinople in a monastery, where he died in 971. These arrangements
made, Nicephorus turned his thoughts towards a marriage with Theophano,
both from personal and from political considerations. The matter, how-
ever, was not quite so simple as at first it looked. Both the Church and
## p. 73 (#115) #############################################
His marriage with Theophano
73
lay society might have something to say on the subject. It was probably
in order to gain time to reconcile the public mind to the idea, as well as
to observe the proprieties, that Nicephorus, acting in accord with the
Empress, sent her away to the palace of Petrion on the Golden Horn
until the day fixed for the wedding. It took place on 20 September, six
months almost to a day after the death of Romanus. As might have
been expected, it aroused great displeasure among the clergy. St Atha-
nasius was much incensed against his old friend, and Polyeuctes,
finding himself tricked, steadily refused communion to Nicephorus for a
whole year. For, on the one hand, there was to the monks, of whom the
Patriarch was one, something distinctly scandalous in the spectacle of
this man of fifty marrying a woman in the twenties; this austere general,
ascetic almost to a fault, who had vowed to end his days as a celibate in
a monastery, now, having by the help of the Church attained to supreme
power, suddenly uniting himself to Theophano, one of the most ill-famed
and vicious of women, utterly repulsive in the eyes of the religious world.
On the other hand, the newly-wedded couple, having both been widowed,
could not, without doing penance, enter upon a second marriage. The
determined refusal of Polyeuctes was, however, very offensive both to
Nicephorus and Theophano. We are told that Nicephorus never forgave
the Patriarch. This Polyeuctes was soon to learn, and not only he but
the whole body of the clergy was to suffer in consequence.
The ecclesiastical struggle, thus inauspiciously begun on the marriage-
day of Nicephorus, ended only with his death. If the chroniclers are
to be trusted, it was further envenomed by the rumours set afloat
by a court chaplain named Stylianus. He claimed, indeed, that the
Emperor's marriage with Theophano was unlawful and void, because
Nicephorus had stood godfather to one, if not two, of the Empress'
children. The canons were absolutely conclusive against such unions,
which were forbidden by "spiritual affinity. ” It is not very easy to
determine how much foundation there was for the statement. It is
certainly strange if Polyeuctes were ignorant of a circumstance so serious
and notorious, and if Nicephorus and Theophano on their side took no
notice of this ecclesiastical impediment. Was the allegation of Stylianus
made before or after the marriage ceremony? Even on this point the
chroniclers give us no answer. However this may be, one thing is plain,
that Polyeuctes was roused, and he demanded of Nicephorus under the
heaviest canonical penalties the repudiation of Theophano. Naturally the
Emperor refused, and at once gathered together an assembly, half
ecclesiastical and half lay, to discuss the question. This miniature council,
composed of court bishops and officials devoted to the royal family, made
no difficulty about coming to the decision which Nicephorus would be
likely to desire. The regulation on which Polyeuctes relied was, it was
decided, invalid, although its meaning was unmistakable, because it had
been put forth in the name of a heretical Emperor, Constantine
CH. III.
## p. 74 (#116) #############################################
74
Nicephorus' hostility to the monks
Copronymus. Further, to bolster up this rather pitiful decision, Stylianus
came forward to declare solemnly that Nicephorus had never been
godfather to any one of the imperial children, and that he himself had
never spoken the incriminating words. It is not known whether Polyeuctes
was convinced, but it is probable, for, averse from compromise as he was,
he yet admitted the Emperor to the Holy Communion. But what after
all do these stories amount to? Nothing can be positively known. It is
plain that they fit in badly with what knowledge we have of the manners
of the age and the characters of its chief personages. It would appear
that, if the struggle had been as heated and as much founded in reason
on the part of the Patriarch as is represented, the latter would not
then have hesitated to maintain his condemnation and Nicephorus would
probably have deposed him. If both consented to an apparent reconcilia-
tion, we must believe that the chroniclers either exaggerated, or what is
more likely, misunderstood the nature of the dispute. It is not impossible
that at bottom the whole affair was merely a quarrel got up by the
monks, who were indignant at the conduct of Nicephorus and at his
marriage.
This explanation of these events is supported by the fact that
at once, in 964, Nicephorus, as though to take his revenge, published
a Novel as strange as it was revolutionary against the monks. He,
who had once so greatly loved the religious, turned suddenly to scoffing
at and sitting in judgment on his old friends. “The monks,” he says,
“possess none of the evangelical virtues; they think only of acquiring
worldly goods, of building, and of enriching themselves. Their life differs
in nothing from that of the thorough worldling. ” They were ordered to
leave the cities and go forth into the wilderness, abandoning all their
lands and goods. It was no doubt to help them along this path that he
forbade (though he had himself given large sums to St Athanasius when
he founded his convent on Mount Athos) that new monasteries should
be established or others enriched by new donations, or that lands, fields,
or villas should be left by will to convents, hospitals, or clergy.
This celebrated Novel had, it would seem, a double object.
It
gave Nicephorus the means of avenging himself upon the monks for the
humiliations they had lately inflicted on him, and it enabled him also to
find the necessary supplies which he wanted to carry on the war. "The
revenues were intended indeed,” he said, “ to be distributed to the poor,
but in reality they profited none but the clergy, and this while the
soldiers, who were going forth to fight and die for God and the Emperor,
lacked even necessaries. ” The fact was that Nicephorus wished as Em-
peror to prosecute the expeditions which he had begun as a private
subject. From 964 to 966 the Empire resounded with the clash of arms.
While his generals were fighting the African Arabs in Sicily and Cyprus,
Nicephorus himself twice went forth to encounter the Asiatic Saracens
in Cilicia, Mesopotamia, and Syria. For these distant wars he needed
ור
## p. 75 (#117) #############################################
Ecclesiastical and military legislation
75
large sums of money, and it was the property of the clergy, which as long
as he lived he never spared, that supplied him with funds.
This doubled-edged policy was made clear and obvious during the
winter of 966-967, immediately upon the Emperor's return to Constan-
tinople. Thanks to the court bishops, in residence at the capital and
thus in the Emperor's power, he embodied in an edict a measure in the
highest degree injurious to the Church. For the future it was declared
unlawful to nominate any subject to a bishopric without the Emperor's
consent. In this way Nicephorus made sure of having bishops entirely
at his devotion, and at the same time he could seize upon the Church
revenues, whether during the vacancy of a see or after an appointment
had been made. There are many examples to prove this. It is not
known what attitude the clergy took up on this matter. In no quarter
do we hear of revolts or of coercive measures, but doubtless such a policy
must have powerfully furthered the rise of the popular movement which
thrust Nicephorus from power. In any case, the first demand of Poly-
euctes on the accession of Tzimisces was to be for the abrogation of these
anti-clerical measures.
The last fact which the chroniclers record in connexion with ecclesi-
astical matters in this reign, is the strange idea conceived by the Emperor
of constraining the Church to venerate as martyrs those who had fallen
in the warfare against the infidel. Naturally, nobody was found willing
to comply with this eccentric demand, and Nicephorus was compelled to
abandon a project opposed by Polyeuctes and the whole of the clergy.
Putting aside this perennial quarrel with the churchmen, which
itself had a military aim, Nicephorus seems during his short reign
to have had little attention to spare for anything but his soldiers and
the army. It was this, indeed, which before long predisposed the popu-
lace towards that movement of revolt which was to bring about his
speedy ruin. Quite early in the reign, after the example of his predeces-
sors, Nicephorus revived the laws favouring the small military holdings
and protecting them against the vexatious and extortionate purchase of
them by the great. He granted his soldiers the widest facilities for
regaining possession of their lands when they had been sold or stolen,
and this evidently with a view to retaining their services in the army.
Then, legislating in accordance with his own experience, he issued a
Novel dealing with the Armenian fundi, that is, the fiefs belonging to
those Armenian soldiers, mercenaries in the service of the Empire, who
had obtained military lands in return for their services but did not always
fulfil the obligations which their tenure imposed upon them. In 967 and
at another date not exactly known, Nicephorus issued two more Novels
touching landed property, and especially the property of the rich. The
Emperor required that each man should keep what he possessed, or at
least should acquire lands only from those set apart for his caste. A
noble might only possess noble fiefs; a commoner only commoners' fiefs ;
CH. III.
## p. 76 (#118) #############################################
76
General discontent
a soldier only military allotments. This was plainly to protect and
strengthen the very framework of Byzantine society. Unfortunately
these laws, the character of which was further emphasised by countless
instances, were too exclusively military in their scope. The exaggerated
importance attached to the army was shewn in every possible way, and
ended by irritating and exciting the public mind. About 966 and 967
the mutterings of revolt began to be heard on every side.
If the many excesses of the army, and the marks of exclusive favour
which Nicephorus lavished on it, were the chief causes of the Byzantine
revolution which swept away the Emperor, they were not the only ones.
The anti-clerical policy of Nicephorus had already alienated numbers
of his subjects. His military policy fostered the spread of this dis-
affection. But, above all, his fiscal measures provoked general discontent.
In consequence of the wars of the Empire, more and more money was
constantly being required by the government. Taxes increased at a pro-
digious rate, while in other directions retrenchments were made in habitual
expenditure, which estranged all classes, nobles and commoners. As if all
this had been insufficient, exceptional measures were now taken. Not
only did the tax-gatherers receive strict orders; to exact the taxes, but,
more serious still, the Emperor himself trafficked in corn, wine, and oil, of
which commodities the government had a monopoly, thus causing such a
rise in the cost of living that riots began to break out in almost every
direction. On Ascension Day (9 May 967), as Nicephorus was returning
from his devotions, he was stopped by crowds of people and insulted in
the heart of Constantinople, stones and tiles being thrown at him. He
would certainly have perished, but that his faithful bodyguard covered
his hasty retreat to the palace. This insurrection had no other effect than
to make Nicephorus aware of his danger. It did not avail to change his
line of policy. For his own defence, without reckoning with his recent
fresh expenditure, he had a strong high wall built to surround the Great
Palace completely, and within its circuit, close to the sea, he erected the
fortress of Bucoleon where he was to meet his death.
Like the earlier years of Nicephorus, his last two were entirely given
up to war on all sides. There were wars in Bulgaria and Italy, and in
Syria, where Antioch and Aleppo were taken. Among home events, two
only are worth recording. One was the arrival at Constantinople in 967
of the Bulgarian ambassadors, claiming the tribute which the Empire
had been accustomed to pay to the Tsar. Nicephorus, who was on the
watch for a pretext to declare war against his neighbour, received the
ambassadors roughly, insulted them before the whole court, and drove
them ignominiously away. Soon afterwards, he set out at the head of
his troops for Bulgaria. The other event, which was of the same character,
was the embassy of Liudprand, Bishop of Cremona, now sent for the second
time to Constantinople by the Emperor Otto. Liudprand arrived in the
East on 4 June 968. His master, after his usurpations in southern Italy
## p. 77 (#119) #############################################
Murder of Nicephorus
77
and his assumption of the title of Emperor, had made him the bearer
of a pacific message and a proposal of marriage. The German sovereign
hoped to bring the struggle in Italy to an advantageous conclusion, and
to secure quiet possession of the provinces which he had conquered, by
means of a marriage between his son and Theophano, daughter of
Romanus II. The embassy met with wretched success. Liudprand, de-
tained as a half-prisoner and publicly insulted by Nicephorus and his court,
spent four months at Constantinople, and was obliged to leave without
having obtained any concession. For the time the marriage fell into
abeyance; the idea was only resumed later, and the union did not take
place until 972.
Immediately after Liudprand's embassy, about the end of July 968,
Nicephorus set out for a campaign in Asia Minor, and did not return
to Constantinople until the beginning of 969. Notwithstanding the fresh
laurels which he had reaped in Syria, only death awaited him. Disaffection
to his rule was daily growing and plots were openly discussed. On the
other hand, Theophano had found a new lover, and John Tzimisces had
become the Emperor's successful rival in love as he had already been in
war. As Schlumberger has pointed out, the whole clue to the palace
drama, in which these two were the chief actors, escapes our grasp.
How and why did Theophano and Tzimisces decide upon ridding them-
selves of Nicephorus ? We do not know, nor do contemporaries seem to
have known. All the conjectures put forward by chroniclers, Byzantine,
Arab, and Western, are possible, but of none is there a shadow of proof.
Two things only are certain, first, the passion of Theophano for Tzimisces,
secondly, the plot to kill the Emperor, which they jointly concocted
with the help of several other conspirators. The murder took place in
the night of 10–11 December 969. By Theophano's means the palace was
opened to Tzimisces and his confederates, and they, without difficulty,
made their way into Nicephorus' chamber. They found the Emperor
asleep, lying on a tiger-skin. Arousing him with kicks, they then struck
at his face with a sword, inflicting a great wound. In this state, the
conspirators, after tying his legs together, dragged him before Tzimisces,
who loaded him with insults, spurning him with his foot and plucking
out his beard. Finally he completed his work by shattering the Emperor's
skull with a sword, while another assassin ran him through the body.
This done, in order to check the revolt which was beginning, Tzimisces
immediately had himself crowned, and ordered that the head of Nicephorus
should be exhibited at a window. Next day, in great secrecy, the murdered
Emperor was buried in the church of the Holy Apostles, and thus came
to a bloody end one of the most glorious reigns, if it be looked at solely
from the military point of view, in the whole of Byzantine history.
CH. III.
## p. 78 (#120) #############################################
78
John Tzimisces: his early life
JOHN TZIMISCES (969-976).
John Tzimisces, whose true surname was Chemshkik, or Chemishgig,
which the Byzantines made into Tzimisces, belonged to an ancient and
noble Armenian family. Through his father he was related to the illustrious
house of Curcuas, and through his mother to that of Phocas. He was
born at Hierapolis in Armenia (now Chemishgadzak, i. e. birth-place of
Tzimisces) about 924 and, like Nicephorus and all his other relatives,
was a soldier from his boyhood. He early attached himself to his cousin,
and made the great campaigns of Cilicia and Syria in his company. .
At this time a close friendship united them, and we know that it was
Tzimisces who prevailed upon Nicephorus to ascend the throne. His
military renown and his exploits in battle almost equalled those of the
Emperor, and his popularity was great in the army, on account of his
bravery, his liberality, and also his personal beauty, although he was
short of stature. On the accession of Nicephorus, he received the post
vacated by the Emperor, that of Domestic of the Scholae of Anatolia,
became magister, and was entrusted with the task of prosecuting the
conquests of Nicephorus, work which be accomplished with signal success
chequered by occasional reverses. Was it these successes which alienated
the Emperor from Tzimisces ? It may be so, but the truth is not known.
One thing, however, is certain, that in 969 Tzimisces fell from favour.
It is possible, it is even probable, that there were other causes for this
disgrace. Tzimisces was not long in discovering that his former brother-
officer, though under obligations to him, did not shew him proper con-
sideration, treated him just like the other generals, and was ungrateful
towards him. Moreover, what may very well have determined him to
throw in his lot with the discontented, and to weave the conspiracy which
put an end to the reign of Nicephorus, was the influence of Theophano
herself, who had at this time a strong passion for him. In any case, it
was she who helped him in his revolt and urged him on to assassinate
Nicephorus. Finally, Leo Phocas was an inveterate foe of Tzimisces and
constantly accused him to his brother, doing all in his power to embitter
the relations between them. All these causes combined to bring about
first a complete breach and finally a violent hatred between these two
old friends and kinsmen. In 969 Tzimisces had been deprived of his
military rank, had been driven from court, and had received orders to
live in exile on the Asiatic coast on his estates in Chalcedon, whence
he was forbidden to depart. It was, however, from thence that he
set out on the night of 9-10 December to perpetrate the murder which
seated him on the throne. On attaining supreme power Tzimisces was
forty-five years old. He was the widower of a certain Maria, a sister of
Bardas Sclerus, was the lover of Theophano, and was childless. In order
to succeed to the throne after the murder of Nicephorus, he was ready to
accept any conditions which might be laid upon him. .
## p. 79 (#121) #############################################
First measures as Emperor
79
Immediately after his coronation, Tzimisces, as Nicephorus had done,
declared that he would look upon himself merely as the guardian and
protector of the legitimate sovereigns, Basil and Constantine, and as
Regent therefore of the Empire. After this, he set to work to organise
his government. He took as his chief minister the famous Basil, illegitimate
son of Romanus Lecapenus and favourite of Constantine VII, who has
already appeared as the zealous supporter of Nicephorus at the time of
his accession, who became his Parakoimomenos, or chief Chamberlain, and
received the post, created for him, of President of the Senate. Basil, for
the same reasons no doubt as Tzimisces, had abandoned the Emperor,
and when the conspiracy of 969 was formed made common cause with
the plotters. Thus, as soon as Tzimisces was seated on the throne, Basil
became the real head of the government, and by him the first measures
taken were inspired. By his orders the new sovereign was proclaimed in
every quarter of the city, and public gatherings, disorder, and pillage
were forbidden, under pain of beheading. It was not desired that the
revolutionary scenes which had marked the accession of Nicephorus should
be re-enacted in Constantinople. The next step was to dismiss all
functionaries who were in favour of the former Emperor, and to replace
them by new men. Leo Phocas and his sons, with the exception of Peter,
a eunuch, were banished to Methymna and Amasia. In this way
the
position of Tzimisces was secured.
The Patriarch Polyeuctes, who had reached a great age, was near
his end when the events of 10 December 969 took place. What was his
attitude on first hearing of the revolution we do not know, but on the
other hand we know how, despite the burden of his years, he received
Tzimisces, when the new Emperor, a week after his crime, presented
himself at St Sophia in order to be crowned. The Patriarch firmly
refused to take part in any religious ceremony until Tzimisces should
have done penance, exculpated himself from the murder of Nicephorus,
and denounced the criminals. Polyeuctes went further. On this solemn
occasion he took the revenge of his lifetime, issuing to John this ultima-
tum: “Drive first of all from the Sacred Palace the adulterous and guilty
wife, who planned and directed everything and who has certainly been
the chief mover in the crime. ” Finally, feeling perhaps the moral strength
of his own position as against this suppliant murderer, the Patriarch
took another step in advance and exacted, as a striking reparation, the
repeal of the whole of the religious legislation of the late Emperor, the
recall to their sees of all the exiled bishops, and the distribution of
the usurper's private fortune to the poor and the hospitals. John agreed
to everything. The Novels were immediately abrogated, the bishops
recalled, Theophano exiled to Proti and later to Armenia, while John
himself made no scruple of swearing that he had not lifted his hand
against Nicephorus, and denounced on oath several of his late accomplices
CH, Ul.
## p. 80 (#122) #############################################
80
Ecclesiastical affairs
as guilty of the crime. Then, as much from necessity as policy, he gave
great largess to the poor, the peasants, and even the aristocracy. This
done, Polyeuctes crowned John at Christmas 969. Before his death the
Patriarch had a last gratification, that of seeing Tzimisces faithfully fulfil
his promises as to his religious policy. The Church of Antioch having
lost its Patriarch, Christopher, Tzimisces caused Polyeuctes to appoint
in his place a holy hermit, Theodore of Colonea, who had long been known
to him. The Patriarch was spared long enough to perform the consecration
on 8 January 970. His death followed on 28 January.
The successor to Polyeuctes was proposed by Tzimisces to a synod
which he assembled when the vacancy occurred. Basil, like Theodore
of Colonea, was a poor monk of the Olympus, famous for his saintliness
and his prophecies. He was a friend of the Emperor, and when his
consecration took place on 13 February John might certainly flatter
himself that he had made a wise and fortunate choice both for the
Church and for himself. Yet this did not prove to be altogether the
case, for, in fact, in 974 a conflict broke out between the two
authorities; Basil, who had less discernment doubtless than Polyeuctes,
would have liked to turn the Church into one vast convent, and to enforce
reforms which were distasteful to the bishops. Perhaps, indeed, he went
further, and, if we are to believe Leo the Deacon, unwisely began to
super-
vise the conduct of his subordinates rather too closely. With all his
merits, we are told, “he was of a curious and investigating turn of mind. '
What is certain is that complaints were laid against him on this account,
and he was also reproached with maladministration of the Church. In
short, the Emperor was obliged to interfere. He called upon the Patriarch
to appear before his court and clear himself. Basil refused to take any
such step, alleging that he came under no jurisdiction but that of an
Ecumenical Council, which would necessarily bring in the West. This led
to his fall. While Polyeuctes, strong in his right, had maintained himself in
the see of Constantinople against all comers, Basil for his part, being very
possibly guilty of the errors laid to his charge, was deposed and sent into
exile at his monastery on the Scamander. His syncellus, Anthony of the
Studion, succeeded him. Perhaps this deposition of Basil may have some
vague connexion with affairs in Italy, and with the presence at Constanti-
nople of the exiled anti-Pope Boniface. But it seems rather unlikely, and
in any case our authorities do not make the statement. All that has been
said by historians on the subject is mere conjecture.
The death of its patron Nicephorus did not hinder the building
and extension of the Great Laura (monastery) of St Athanasius, founded
in 961. In 970 the community there was numerous enough to allow of
the saint's imposing upon them a rule, a typikon determining the laws
which should govern the monks of the Holy Mountain. Unfortunately
the typikon was ill-received and ill-observed, so much so that a revolt
broke out against the Abbot. The mutineers considered St Athana-
## p. 81 (#123) #############################################
Secular affairs
81
sius and his rules too severe, and appealed to the Emperor. This was the
reason that Tzimisces, after holding an inquiry, granted to the Laura
the chrysobull of 972 confirming the typikon of St Athanasius and
the privileges granted by Nicephorus. The monastery was declared
"autocephalous” under the sole authority of the Abbot (Igumen). The
Golden Bull laid down rules for the administration of the convent, and
its provisions are still in force to-day.
The reign of the soldier John Tzimisces, like that of Nicephorus
Phocas, was military in character, and events of note in home politics
(with the exception of religious events) are few in number. One
of the most important was certainly the revolt of Bardas Phocas in
971. Son of Leo and nephew of Nicephorus, Bardas had been banished
to Pontus on the death of the Emperor. Thanks to the good offices of
his father and other members of his family, of some of the strategi who
had remained loyal to Nicephorus, and even of some among the clergy, he
succeeded in breaking prison and in surrounding himself with partisans.
Then, taking advantage of the Russian war, which Tzimisces was just
beginning, Bardas had himself proclaimed Emperor at Caesarea, amidst
large numbers of adherents. Fortunately, civil war had not time to break
out. The Emperor's brother-in-law, Bardas Sclerus, was immediately
sent against the usurper, who, before he had struck a blow, found himself
deserted by his friends and forced to surrender. He was relegated with
his family to a monastery in the island of Chios. Next year, while
Tzimisces was at the siege of Durostolus (Silistria), Leo Phocas attempted
to regain power, but unsuccessfully. Being taken prisoner at Constanti-
nople he was blinded and in this state re-consigned to his monastery.
While the ineffectual revolt of Bardas Phocas was just about to
break out, and the preparations for the war with Russia were being
pushed feverishly on, Tzimisces took advantage of the situation to form
a fresh union. Being debarred from marrying Theophano, he fell back
upon Theodora, a princess of mature age, daughter of Constantine VII
and aunt of Romanus II. This prudent marriage gave great satisfaction
at Constantinople, for it confirmed the legitimate descendants of Basil I
upon the throne.
Before setting out for the brief and victorious Russian war, in the
spring of 972, Tzimisces found time to receive another German embassy,
which sought Constantinople in order to renew the negotiations, broken
off under Nicephorus, respecting the marriage of Theophano, daughter of
Romanus II, with the youthful Otto II. The embassy headed by Gero,
Archbishop of Cologne, reached Constantinople about the end of 971.
The girl, in spite of certain doubts which have been raised, certainly
appears to have been a genuine princess, born in the purple, and sister
of Basil II; she was betrothed, and set out for Italy. The marriage
took place at Rome on 14 April 972.
ܪ
C. MED. H. VOL. IV. CH. JI.
6
## p. 82 (#124) #############################################
82
Death of John Tzimisces
So far as we can judge from the scanty documents which have
come down to us, Tzimisces seems not to have given much of his
personal attention to the work of internal administration. His wars
occupied him sufficiently. Only one Novel issued in his name has been
preserved; it concerns the slaves taken in war. Basil the Parakoimomenos
remained chief minister up to the death of Tzimisces, and used his position
to enrich himself to a scandalous extent. This meant that the social
difficulty remained unsolved, and became even graver. All the efforts of
his predecessors had thus been fruitless. And yet the Emperor be-
haved liberally to all classes of society. He made large distributions
from his private resources. But the only genuinely useful legislative
measure which he carried out was the abolition of the highly unpopular
tax called the Kapnikon, or poll tax, which was paid only by plebeians.
The reign of John Tzimisces was being made illustrious by his
victories, when suddenly, on his return from a second campaign in
Asia, he died in Constantinople on 10 January 976. Many discussions
have arisen as to this unexpected death. Did the Emperor fall a victim
to poison or to sickness? It cannot be certainly known, but according
to Schlumberger it is most probable that he succumbed to typhus.
However this may be, John Tzimisces left the Empire devoid of all
apparent support and likely soon to be given up to all the fury of revo-
lution. No one, it is plain, foresaw what manner of man Basil II would
prove himself to be.
With Tzimisces the tale of great soldiers raised to the throne breaks
off for the time. Henceforward, power was to return to the Macedonian
House until the rise of the Comneni. The Emperors who were to reign
from 1028 to 1057 might be foreigners or men of no account. For in
fact, in contrast to what followed on the death of Romanus II, the
reins of power were now to be held by the female members of the reigning
house.
## p.
