No More Learning

Newburgh, 4th March, 1783.
DEAR SIR,
I have received your favour of February; I thank you
for the information and observations it has conveyed
to me. I shall always think myself obliged by a free com-
munication of sentiments, and have often thought, (but
suppose I thought wrong, as it did not accord with the
practice of congress,) that the public interest might be
? All of the New England members, one from New Jersey, and one from
Virginia, supported this proposition.
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? HAMILTON.
Gl
benefited, if the commander-in-chief of the army was let
more into the political and pecuniary state of our affairs
than he is. Enterprises and the adoption of military and
other arrangements that might be exceedingly proper in
some circumstances, would be altogether improper in
others.
It follows then by fair deduction, that where there is a
want of information, there must be chance-medley; and
a man may be upon the brink of a precipice before he is
aware of his danger, when a little foreknowledge might
enable him to avoid it. But this by the by.
The hint contained in your letter, and the knowledge I
have derived from the public gazettes, respecting the non-
payment of taxes, contain all the information I have re-
ceived of the danger that stares us in the face on account
of our funds; and so far was I from conceiving that our
finances were in so deplorable a state, at this time, that I
had imbibed ideas from some source or another, that with
the prospect of a loan from Holland we should be able to
rub along. To you who have seen the danger to which
the army has been exposed to a political dissolution for
want of subsistence, and the unhappy spirit of licentious-
ness which it imbibed by becoming in one or two in-
stances its own proveditors, no observations are necessary
to evince the fatal tendency of such a measure; but I shall
give it as my opinion, that it would at this day be pro-
ductive of civil commotions and end in blood. --Unhappy
situation this! God forbid we should be involved in it.
The predicament in which I stand, as citizen soldier, is
as critical and delicate as can well be conceived. It has
been the subject of many contemplative hours.
The sufferings of a complaining army on one hand, and
the inability of congress and tardiness of the states on the
other, are the forebodings of evil, and may be productive
of events which are more to be deprecated than prevent-
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ed; but I am not without hope, if there is such a disposi-
tion shown as prudence and policy dictates to do justice,
your apprehensions in case of peace are greater than there
is cause for. In this, however, I may be mistaken, if
those ideas which you have been informed are propagated
in the army should be extensive, the source of which may
be easily traced, as the old leaven, it is said, for I have no
proof of it, is again beginning to work, under the mask
of the most perfect dissimulation and apparent cordiality.
Be these things as they may, I shall pursue the same
steady line of conduct which has governed me hitherto,
fully convinced that the sensible and discerning part of
the army cannot be unacquainted (although I never took
pains to inform them) of the services I have rendered it
on more occasions than one. This, and pursuing the
suggestions of your letter, which I am happy to find coin-
cides with my own practice for several months past, and
which was the means of diverting the business of the
army into the channel it now is, leaves me under no great
apprehensions of its exceeding the bounds of reason and
moderation; notwithstanding, the prevailing sentiment in
the army is, that the prospect of compensation for past
services will terminate with the war.
The just claims of the army ought, and it is to be
hoped will have their weight with every sensible legisla-
ture in the union, if congress point to their demands, show
(if the case is so) the reasonableness of them, and the im-
practicability of complying without their aid. In any
other point of view, it would in my opinion be impolitic to
bring the army on the tapis, lest it should excite jealousy
and bring on its concomitants. The states cannot, surely,
be so devoid of common sense, common honesty, and com-
mon policy, as to refuse their aid on a full, clear, and can-
did representation of facts from congress, more especially
if these should be enforced by members of their own
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? HAM I LTO N.
63
body, who might demonstrate what the inevitable conse-
quences of failure must lead to. In my opinion, it is
worthy of consideration how far an adjournment of con-
gress for a few months is advisable. The delegates, in
that case, if they are in unison themselves . respecting the
great defects of their constitution, may represent them
fully and boldly to their constituents. To me, who know
nothing of the business before congress, nor of the arca-
num, it appears that such a measure would tend to pro-
mote the public weal; for it is clearly my opinion, unless
congress have powers competent to all general purposes,
that the distresses we have encountered and the blood we
have spilt in the course of an eight years' war, will avail
us nothing. --The contents of your letter is known only to
myself, and your prudence will dictate what should be
done with this.
With great esteem and regard.
On the day after the date of this letter, Hamilton wrote
to Washington, suggesting a plan, through a confidential
person, for arresting two men of the name of Knowlton
and Wells, residents of Vermont, charged with being in
correspondence with the enemy. A surmise that the vote
for their detection had been communicated to them by a
member of congress, added to the motives for their arrest.
A resolution was afterwards passed, requesting the execu-
tives of the states of New-Hampshire, Massachusetts, Con-
necticut, and New-York, to take measures to bring to trial
the persons charged with these treasonable practices.
The deputation from the army, after an attendance on
congress of nearly two months, informed it, " that nothing
of any moment had been decided for them. " Their letter
reached the camp at the same time with the information
that preliminary articles of peace had been concluded.
This intelligence, hailed with delight throughout the coun-
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THE LIFE OF
try, gave to the army a keener sense of injury. Peace,
which their valour had won, they believed would dissipate
all prospect of the adjustment of their demands. Under
this impression, their discontents, which had been a long
time increasing, broke forth; and at this moment of dan-
gerous excitement, the event which Hamilton had antici-
pated in the preceding letter occurred.
On the tenth of March, an anonymous notice was cir-
culated, calling a meeting of the general and field-officers
and of a commissioned officer of each company, on the fol-
lowing day, "to consider what measures, if any, should
be taken to obtain that redress of grievances which they
seem to have solicited in vain. "
At the same moment another paper without a signature
was clandestinely circulated, addressed to the angered
feelings of the officers.
After remarking that "he had till lately, very lately,
believed in the justice of his country," the writer ap-
pealed to the resentment of the army, and asked--Is
it "a country willing to redress your wrongs, cherish
your worth, and reward your services? Is this the
case? Or is it rather a country that tramples upon
your rights, disdains your cries, and insults your dis-
tresses? If this be then your treatment while the swords
you wear are necessary for the defence of America, what
have you to expect from peace, when your voice shall
sink, and your strength dissipate by division ? --when
those very swords, the instruments and companions of
your glory, shall be taken from your sides, and no remain-
ing mark of military distinction left, but your wants, in-
firmities, and scars V--" If your spirits should revolt at
this; if you have sense enough to discover and spirit suf-
ficient to oppose tyranny, whatever garb it may assume,
--if you have yet learned to discriminate between a peo-
ple and a cause, between men and principles--awake, at-
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? II AMU TON.
65
tend to your situation, and redress yourselves! If the
present moment be lost, every future effort is in vain, and
your threats then, will be as empty as your entreaties now.
I would advise you, therefore, to come to some final opin-
ion upon what you can bear and what you can suffer.
If your determination be in any proportion to your
wrongs, carry your appeal from the justice to the fears
of government--change the milk-and-water style of your
last memorial--assume a bolder tone, decent, but lively,
spirited, and determined; and--suspect the Man, who
would advise to more moderation and longer forbearance. "
"That in any political event, the army has its alternative--
if peace, that nothing shall separate them from their arms
but death; if war, that, courting the auspices and inviting
the direction of their illustrious leader, they will retire to
some unsettled country, smile in their turn, and >" mock
when their fear cometh on. " "But were their requests
complied with--in war, they would follow the standard
of congress to the field; and when it came to an end,
would withdraw into the shade, and give the world an-
other subject of wonder and applause--an army, victorious
over its enemies, victorious over itself. "
To prevent any intemperate or dangerous resolutions
being taken at this perilous moment, while their passions
were all inflamed, Washington the following morning is-
sued a general order disapproving "these disorderly pro-
ceedings," and convening the officers on the 15th of March,
to exercise a " mature deliberation. "
The evening of the day on which this order was issued,
a second anonymous address was circulated. In this pa-
per, after urging that "suspicion, detestable as it is in
private life, is the loveliest trait of political characters,"
the writer artfully suggests that the general order of
Washington ought to be deemed an approval of his pre-
vious address, "as giving system to their proceedings and
9
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THE LIFE OF
stability to their resolves, and furnishing a new motive for
that energy which had been recommended. "
This insidious attempt to keep alive the irritation of the
army, and prepare them for violent measures, it required
all the address and the influence of the commander-in-
chief to parry. He at this moment unbosomed himself
to Hamilton, indicating that he had adopted the wise
course suggested to him, that " of taking the direction of
the measures to procure redress. "
Newburgb, March 12th, 1783.
DEAR SIR,
When I wrote to you last, we were in a state of tran-
quillity, but after the arrival of a certain gentleman, who
shall be nameless at present, from Philadelphia, a storm
very suddenly arose, with unfavourable prognostics, which,
though diverted for a moment, is not yet blown over, nor
is it in my power to point to the issue. The papers which
I send officially to congress, will supersede the necessity
of my remarking on the tendency of them. The notifica-
tion and address both appeared at the same instant; o'n
the day preceding the intended meeting, the first of these
I got hold of the same afternoon--the other, not ? till the
next morning.
There is something very mysterious in this business.
It appears, reports have been propagated at Philadelphia,
that dangerous combinations were forming in the army,
and this at a time when there was not a syllable of the
kind in agitation in camp.
It also appears, that upon the arrival in camp of the
gentleman above alluded to, such sentiments as these were
immediately circulated:--That it was universally expected
the army would not disband until they had obtained jus-
tice. That the public creditors "looked upon them for
redress of their own grievances, would afford them every
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? HAMILTON.
aid, and even join them in the field, if necessary; that
some -members of congress wished the measure might take
effect, in order to compel the public, particularly the de-
linquent states, to do justice; with many other suggestions
of a similar nature.
From this, and a variety of other considerations, it is
firmly believed by some, the scheme was not only planned,
but also digested and matured at Philadelphia; by oth-
ers, that it is the illegitimate offspring of a person in the
army; but my own opinion shall be suspended till I have
better ground to found one on. The matter was managed
with great art; for as soon as the minds of the officers
were thought to be prepared for the transaction, the
anonymous invitations and address to the officers . were
put in circulation through every state line in the army. I
was obliged, therefore, in order to arrest on the spot the
feet that stood wavering on a tremendous precipice, to
prevent the officers from being taken by surprise, while
the passions were all inflamed, and to rescue them from
plunging themselves into a gulf of civil horror from
which there might be no receding, to issue the order of
the eleventh. This was done upon the principle that it is
easier to divert from a wrong, and point to a right path,
than it is to recall the hasty and fatal steps which have
been already taken.
It is commonly supposed, if the officers had met agree-
ably to the anonymous summons, with their feelings all
alive, resolutions might have been formed, the conse-
quences of which may be more easily conceived than
described. Now they will have leisure to view the mat-
ter more calmly, and will act more seriously. It is to be
hoped they will be induced to adopt more rational meas-
ures, and wait a while longer for a settlement of their
accounts, the postponing of which appears to be the most
plausible, and almost the only article of which designing
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men can make an improper use, by insinuating (which
they really do) that it is done with the design that peace
may take place, and prevent any adjustment of accounts
which, say they, would inevitably be the case if the war
were to cease to-morrow; or supposing the best, you
would have to dance attendance at public offices at great
distances, perhaps, and equally great expenses to obtain a
settlement, which would be highly injurious, nay, ruinous
to you.
This is their language. Let me beseech you therefore, my
good sir, to urge this matter earnestly, and without further
delay. The situation of these gentlemen, I do verily believe,
is distressing beyond description. It is affirmed to me.
that a large part of them have no better prospect before
them than a jail, if they are turned loose without liquida-
tion of accounts, and an assurance of that justice to which'
they are so worthily entitled. To prevail on the delegates
of those states through whose means these difficulties oc-
cur, it may, in my opinion, with propriety be suggested
to them, if any disastrous consequences should follow by
reason of their delinquency, that they must be answerable
to God and their country for the ineffable horrors which
may be occasioned thereby.
P. S. --I am this instant informed that a second address
to the officers, distinguished No. 2, is thrown into circula-
tion. The contents evidently prove, that the author is in
or near camp, and that the following words, erased on the
second page of this letter, ought not to have met with this
treatment, viz. : "By others, it is the illegitimate offspring
of a person in the army. "
On the receipt of this communication, Hamilton replied,
giving a lively exhibition of his feelings and of the public
affairs.
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? HAMILTON.
69
Philadelphia, March 17th, 1783.
SIR,
I am duly honoured with your excellency's letters
of the fourth and twelfth instant. It is much to be regret-
ted, though not to be wondered at, that steps of so inflam-
matory a tendency have been taken in the army. Your
excellency has, in my opinion, acted wisely. The best
way is ever, not to attempt to stem a torrent, but to
divert it.
I am happy to find you coincide in opinion with me on
the conduct proper to be observed by yourself. I am
persuaded more and more, it is that which is most con-
sistent with your own reputation and the public safety.
Our affairs wear a most serious aspect, as well foreign as
domestic. Before this gets to hand, your excellency will
probably have seen the provisional articles between Great
Britain and these states. It might, at first appearance,
be concluded that these will be preludes to a general
peace. But there are strong reasons to doubt the truth
of such a conclusion. Obstacles may arise from different
quarters--from the demands of Spain and Holland, from
the hope in France of greater acquisitions in the east, and
perhaps still more probably, from the insincerity and du-
plicity of Lord Shelburne, whose politics, founded in the
peculiarity of his situation, as well as the character of the
man, may well be suspected of insidiousness. I am really
apprehensive, if peace does not take place, that the nego-
tiations will lead to sow distrust among the allies, and
weaken the force of the common league. We have, I
fear, men among us, and men in trust, who have a hanker-
ing after British connection. We have others, whose
confidence in France savours of credulity. The intrigues
of the former, and incautiousness of the latter, may be
both, though in different degrees, injurious to the Ameri-
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can interest, and make it difficult for prudent men to steer
a proper course.
There are delicate circumstances with respect to the
late foreign transactions, which I am not at liberty to re-
veal, but which, joined to our internal disorders, follies,
weaknesses, and prejudices, make this country stand upon
precarious ground. Some use, perhaps, may be made of
these ideas to induce moderation in the army. An opin-
ion that this country does not stand upon a secure footing,
will operate upon the patriotism of the officers against
hazarding any domestic commotions. When I make these
observations, I cannot forbear adding, that if no excesses
take place, I shall not be sorry that ill humours have ap-
peared. I shall not regret importunity, if temperate, from
the army.
There are good resolutions in the majority of congress,
but there is not sufficient wisdom or discretion. There
are dangerous prejudices in the particular states, opposed
to those measures which alone can give stability and
prosperity to the union. There is a fatal opposition to
continental views. Necessity alone can work a reform;
but how apply it, and how keep it within salutary bounds?
I fear we have been contending for a shadow. The affair
of accounts I considered as having been put upon a satis-
factory footing. The particular states have been required
to settle 'till the first of August, '80, and the superin-
tendent of finance has been directed to take measures for
settling since that period. I shall immediately see him on
the subject. We have had eight states and a half in
favour of a commmutation of the half-pay, for an average
of five years' purchase; that is, five years' full pay, instead
of half-pay for life; which, on a calculation of annuities,
is nearly an equivalent. I hope this will now shortly take
place. We have made considerable progress in a plan, to
be recommended to the several states, for funding all of
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? HAMILTON.
71
the public debts, including those of the army; which is
certainly the only way to restore public credit, and enable
us to continue the war, by borrowing abroad, if it should
be necessary to continue it.
I omitted mentioning to your excellency, that from
European intelligence, there is great reason to believe at
all events, peace or war, New-York will be evacuated in
the spring. It will be a pity if any domestic disturbance
should change the plans of the British court.
P. S. --Your excellency mentions, that it has been sur-
mised the plan in agitation was formed in Philadelphia;
that combinations have been talked of between the public
creditors and the army, and that members of congress
had encouraged the idea. This is partly true. I have
myself urged in congress the propriety of uniting the in-
fluence of the public creditors, and the army as a part of
them, to prevail upon the states to enter into their views.
I have expressed the same sentiments out of doors. Sev-
eral other members of congress have done the same. The
. meaning, however, of all this was, simply that congress
should adopt such a plan as would embrace the relief of
all the public creditors, including the army, in order that
the personal influence of some, the connections of others,
and a sense of justice to the army, as well as the appre-
hension of ill consequences, might form a mass of influence
in each state in favour of the measures of congress. In
this view, as I mentioned to your excellency in a former
letter, I thought the discontents of the army might be
turned to a good account. I am still of opinion that their
earnest but respectful applications for redress will have a
good effect. As to any combination of force, it would
only be productive of the horrors of a civil war, might
end in the ruin of the country, and would certainly end
in the ruin of the army. "
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The officers assembled on the appointed day, and Gates,
the second in command, whose intrigues were suspected,
was called to preside. They met in an humble school-
house, on an acclivity that rises from the Hudson, yet
bound in fetters--for winter still maintained her sway
among the mountains, which overcast the scene with their
long and gloomy shadows.
All around them was rugged and drear, in unison with
the stern and indignant sense of unrewarded sacrifices,
broken faith, and baffled hopes, which lowered over their
countenances.
Washington, who had never been greeted but with af-
fection, was received with cold and calm respect. It
appeared as though sedition had felt it necessary to com-
mence her secret work by engendering suspicions against
the Father of his country! --He arose: he felt the es-
trangement--he paused, and he doubted of the issue. As
he uncovered his venerated head, and was about to address
them from a written paper in his hand, his eye grew dim,
and he uttered this pathetic, unpremeditated remark:--
"Fellow-soldiers, you perceive I have not only grown
gray, but blind in your service. " After commenting on
the impropriety of the anonymous papers, addressed more
to the feelings and passions, than to the reason and judg-
ment of the army, he repelled the insidious imputation on
himself:--"The author of the piece should have had more
charity than to mark for suspicion the man who should re-
commend moderation and longer forbearance, or, in other
words, should not think as he thinks, and act as he ad-
vises. But he had another plan in view, in which can-
dour and liberality of sentiment have no part, and he was
right to insinuate the darkest suspicions to effect the black-
est designs 'But how,' after indicating the object
of these addresses,' but how are the interests of the army
to be promoted? The way is plain,' says the writer,--'If
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? HAMILTON.
73
'war continues, remove into the unsettled country; there
establish yourselves, and leave an ungrateful country to
defend itself. ' But whom are they to defend? Our wives,
our children, our farms and other property, which we
leave behind us? Or in the state of hostile separation, are
we to take the two first, (the latter cannot be removed. )
to perish in a wilderness with hunger, cold, and nakedness?
If peace takes place, 'never sheathe your swords,' says
he,' until you have obtained full and ample justice. ' This
dreadful alternative, of either deserting our country in the
extremest hour of her distress, or turning our arms against
it, which is the apparent object, unless congress can be
compelled into instant compliance, has something so shock-
ing in it that humanity remits at the idea. My God! what
can this writer have in view, by recommending such meas-
ures? Can he be a friend to the army? Can he be a
friend to the country? Rather, is he not an insidious foe?
some emissary, perhaps, from New-York, plotting the ruin
of both, by sowing the seeds of discord and separation
between the civil and military powers of the continent V
Recurring to the insidious imputation which he felt was
levelled directly at himself, he remarked--" With respect to
the advice given by the author,'to suspect the man who
shall recommend moderation and longer forbearance,' /
spurn at it, as every man who regards that liberty and re-
veres that justice for which we contend, undoubtedly must. "
After this strong avowal of his contempt for this attack up-
on himself, and after renewing the pledge of his exertions in
their behalf, he concluded:--" Let me conjure you, in the
name of our common country, as you value your own
sacred honour, as you respect the sacred rights of humani-
ty, and as you regard the military and national character
of America, to express your utmost horror and detestation
of the man who wishes, under any specious pretences, to
overturn the liberties of our country, and who wickedly at-
10
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THE LIFE OF
tempts to open the flood-gates of civil discord and deluge our
rising empire with blood /"
Awed by the majesty of his virtue, and touched with
his interest in their sufferings, every soldier's eye was filled
with a generous tear; they reproved themselves for having
doubted him who had never deceived them; they forgot
their wrongs, in the love of their country and of their
chief; their first act was to reciprocate thanks for the
affection he had shown them; their next, to declare "their
unshaken confidence in the justice of congress and their
country," and their " abhorrence and disdain" at the infa-
mous propositions contained in the late address and machi-
nations of designing men, " to sow discord between the
civil and military powers of the United States. "
The conjecture in the erased paragraph of Washington's
letter to Hamilton, fell upon a person at that time in the
family of General Gates; but though public opinion had
fixed the address upon him, its source was not for a long
time acknowledged.
It was at last publicly avowed by Major John Arm-
strong, then the aid-de-camp and instrument of Gates,
accompanied with a vindication of his motives. * In this
publication, the extract of a letter from Gates to Arm-
strong is given, in which he says--" As Gordon is an old
friend and an honest man, I have answered him frankly,
that the letters were written in my quarters by you, copied
by Richmond and circulated by Barker, and were intended
to produce a strong remonstrance to congress in favour
of the object prayed for in a former one, and that the
conjecture that it was meant to offer the crown to Caesar, f
* Subsequently appointed by Jefferson minister to France, and secretary
at war by Madison. '
t In May, 1782, Colonel Nicola wrote to Washington suggesting the in-
troduction of a monarchy, and was indignantly rebuked. In a note upon
this correspondence, 8 Washington's Writings, 302, this comment is found:--
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? HAMILTON. 75
was without any foundation. " Thus is confirmed the sus-
picion alluded to by Washington, that "the old leaven
was at work. "
Gates is exhibited in the extraordinary position of pre-
siding at the meeting of officers, and signing resolutions
which denounced, "as a machination of designing men to
sow discord between the civil and military powers of the
United States," a production written in his own quarters,
by his own aid, and with every step in the progress where-
of to publicity he was familiar--a procedure he described
as merely " intended to produce a strong remonstrance to
congress" in behalf of the army.
Upon the reception of the intelligence from head-quar-
ters of the conclusion of this affair, Colonel Hamilton in-
troduced a report, which was adopted, paying a just tribute
to Washington and the officers. "That congress consider
the conduct of the commander-in-chief on the occasion
of some late attempts to create disturbances in the army,
as a new proof of his prudence and zealous attention to
the welfare of the community; that he be informed that
congress also entertain a high sense of the patriotic senti-
ments expressed by the officers in their proceedings, which
evince their unshaken perseverance in those principles
"There was unquestionably at this time, and for some time afterwards,
a party in the army, neither small in number nor insignificant in character,
prepared to second and sustain a measure of this kind, which they conceived
necessary to strengthen the civil power and draw out the resources of the
country, and establish a durable government. " It is more probable that this
letter originated in a plot to ruin Washington, of which Nicola, a weak and
aged foreigner, was the ignorant instrument. No evidence has been met
with of the existence of such a party in the army. Indeed, such a design
was too preposterous to have been seriously entertained. One of the most
pleasing traits of Washington's character was, his affection and confidence
in the officers of the revolution. One of these was the object of his abhor-
rence, and that one, it will appear, entertained such opinions. But he was at
this period, if not " insignificant in character," a person of little weight.
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? 76 THE LIFE OF
which have distinguished them in every period of the
war, and have so justly entitled the troops of the United
States to the esteem and gratitude of their country, and
to the character of a patriot army. "
The termination of the contest now presented to the
contemplation of Hamilton many and most serious reflec-
tions as to the future condition of the confederacy. He
felt all the value of Washington to his country, and thus
adverted to the great part which he would be called on to
perform in giving strength and durability to the Union.
"Your excellency will, before this reaches you, have re-
ceived a letter from the Marquis de La Fayette, inform-
ing you, that the preliminaries of peace, between all the
belligerent powers, have been concluded. I congratulate
your excellency on this happy conclusion of your labours.
It now only remains, to make solid establishments within,
to perpetuate our union, to prevent our being a ball in
the hands of European powers, bandied against each other
at their pleasure; in fine, to make our independence truly
a blessing. This, it is to be lamented, will be an arduous
work; for, to borrow a figure from mechanics, the centri-
fugal is much stronger than the centripetal force in these
states. The seeds of disunion are much more numerous
than those of union. I will add, that your excellency's
exertions are as essential to accomplish this end, as they
have been to establish independence. I will upon a future
occasion open myself upon this subject. Your conduct in
the affair of the officers is highly pleasing here. The
measures of the army are such as I could have wished
them, and will add lustre to their character, as well as
strengthen the hands of congress. "
On the thirty-first of March, General Washington re-
plied :--
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77
"DEAR SIR,
"I have duly received your favours of the 17th and
24th ult. I rejoice most exceedingly there is an end to
our warfare, and that such a field is open to our view,
as will, with wisdom to direct the cultivation of it, make
us a great, a respectable, and a happy people; but it must
be improved by other means than state politics, and unrea-
sonable jealousies and prejudices, or, (it requires not the se-
cond-sight to see that) we shall be instruments in the hands
of our enemies, and those European powers who may be
jealous of our greatness in union, to dissolve the confedera-
tion; but to attain this, although the way seems extremely
plain, is not so easy. My wish to see the union of these
states established upon liberal and permanent principles,
and inclination to contribute my mite in pointing out
the defects of the present constitution, are equally great.
All my private letters have teemed with these sentiments,
and wherever this topic has been the subject of conversa-
tion, I have endeavoured to diffuse and enforce them; but
how far any further essay by me might be productive of
the wished-for end, or appear to arrogate more than be-
longs to me, depends so much upon popular opinion, and
the temper and disposition of people, that it is not easy
to decide. I shall be obliged to you, however, for the
thoughts which you have promised me on this subject,
and as soon as you can make it convenient. No man in
the United States is or can be more deeply impressed with
the necessity of a reform in our present confederation,
than myself. No man, perhaps, has felt the bad effects of
it more sensibly; for to the defects thereof, and want of
powers in congress, may justly be ascribed the prolonga-
tion of the war, and, consequently, the expenses occasion-
ed by it. More than half of the perplexities I have ex-
perienced in the course of my command, and almost the
whole of the difficulties and distress of the army, have
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THE LIFE OF
their origin here; but still, the prejudices of some, the de-
signs of others, and the mere machinery of the majority,
makes address and management necessary to give weight
to opinions which are to combat the doctrines of these
different classes of men in the field of politics. I would
have been more full on this subject, but the bearer (in the
clothing department) is waiting.
"I wish you may understand what I have written. "
The friends of the army had continued to press their
claims. When the former vote was taken in relation to
them, Delaware was not represented. Her delegates were
induced to proceed to Philadelphia, and on the tenth of
March, the day upon which the seditious notice was issued
at Newburgh, the report having been so amended as to
omit a provision for the widows of the officers who should
die in the service, the question was again taken, and eight
states voted in* favor of it. A few days after this deci-
sion, intelligence was received of the alarming proceed-
ings at Newburgh, and those whom gratitude and a sense
of justice had not influenced, yielded to their fears. But
at the last moment a serious difficulty arose from an ap-
prehension of the injurious effect upon the public credit
which might result from the sudden alienation, at an under
value, of so large a mass of certificates, and it was pro-
posed that they should not be transferable. The delega-
tion from the army spurned the id*a, justly asked if they
were not freemen, if the balances were not their property,
and insisted to be placed on the same footing with every
other creditor. This objection was too forcible to be an-
swered. It prevailed, and on the twenty-second of March,
nine states concurred in granting a commutation. The
* The vote of Connecticut was divided; New-Hampshire, Rhode Island,
and NewJerscy, (Boudinot excepted,) voted against it.
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? HAMILTON.
79
resolution making this grant, stated that congress was de-
sirous as well of gratifying the reasonable expectations of
the officers of the army, as of remqving all objections
which may exist in any part of the United States to the
principle of the half-pay establishment, for which the faith
of the United States had been pledged; persuaded that
those objections can only arise from the nature of the
compensation, not from any indisposition to compensate
those whose services, sacrifices, and sufferings, have so
just a title to the approbation and rewards of their coun-
try. * This resolution was from the pen of Hamilton.
Thus he was the instrument of accomplishing that meas-
ure which he had suggested in the formation of the mili-
tary establishment; triumphing over the reluctant justice
of the states, and discharging that sacred debt, his in-
terest in which, delicacy had induced him to relinquish. f
* The resolution granted securities for five years' full par, bearing an in-
terest of six per cent. ; to be such as were to be given to the other public
creditors. The army demands now assumed the form of a settled debt; and
though the requisitions of congress were unsuccessful, several states for a
long time paid the stipulated interest.
t Previous to the discussion of the army claims, he addressed a note to the
secretary at war, renouncing his claim to half-pay.
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CHAPTER XVII.
[1783. ]
The intelligence of peace diffused a general joy through-
out the American continent.
The arduous conflict was ended; and without any de-
grading circumstance, or any sacrifice of national honour,
the sovereignty of the United States was acknowledged.
France also stood in a commanding position, enjoying
the singular distinction of having promoted the indepen-
dence of the two greatest republics in the old and new
world--relieving the United Provinces in their struggle
with Spain, during the reign of Henry the Fourth, and
aiding the revolution of these united colonies in that of
Louis the Sixteenth.
When adverting to these circumstances, the similar
policy pursued by either potentate, arrests attention.
Henry was in treaty with Spain; Louis, with England.
Both hesitated* as to the obligations of these treaties:
both disregarded them. Each commenced with secret
aids; each terminated in open war; nor were the results
unlike. In both instances, France was actuated by mo-
* Louis, with a prophetic fear, was opposed to tins interference; an opin-
ion in which Turgot concurred. Maurepas and Vergcnnes, sustained by
the jurists Favier and Pfeffel, took the opposite view. Hume justly con-
trasts the conduct of James the First with that of Henry. --History of Great
Britain, v. 6, p. 23. Sully reproaches him for not having followed the ex-
ample of France. "But what can be expected from persons who neither
know how to seize opportunities as they offer, to execute any thing boldly,
or even to desire any thing with steadiness ? "--Lib. 24.
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