No More Learning

I inquired who
it could be that had made this unprovoked attack, but found it
impossible to gain any information on the subject.
On the 15th of July we set out on our return; and that whole
day was employed in climbing the mountains again, to our no
small fatigue and exhaustion, the ground we had to pass over
being so extremely steep as well as lofty. When we reached the
cold snowy mountains, indeed, we had sufficient opportunity to
cool ourselves.
From hence we turned our course towards the alps of Tor-
neå, which were described to me as about forty miles distant.
What I endured in the course of this journey is hardly to be
described. How many weary steps was I obliged to take in order
to climb the precipices that came in my way, and how excessive
were my perspiration and fatigue! Nor were these the worst.
evils we had to encounter before we reached Caituma. Some-
times we were enveloped with clouds, so that we could not see
before us; sometimes rivers impeded our progress, and obliged
us either to choose a very circuitous path, or to wade naked
through the cold snow-water. This fresh snow-water, however,
proved a most welcome and salutary refreshment; for without it
we should never have been able to encounter the excessive heat
of the weather. Water was our only drink during this journey,
but it never proved so refreshing as when we sucked it out of
the melting snow.
Having nearly reached the Lapland village of Caituma,-
the inhabitants of which seemed perfectly wild, running away
from their huts as soon as they perceived us approaching from
a considerable distance,-I began to be tired of advancing fur-
ther up into this inhospitable country. We had not at this time
tasted bread for several days, the stock we had brought with
us being entirely exhausted. The rich milk of the reindeer was
too heavy to be eaten without bread.
I determined
therefore to return towards Quick jock, which was forty miles
from this spot. In the course of my journey thither, walking
rather carelessly over the snow, without noticing a hole which
the water had made, I fell through the icy crust into the deep.
XVI-569
―――――――――


## p. 9090 (#90) ############################################

LINNEUS
9090
snow. The interpreter and guide were totally unable to assist
me, the cavity in which I lay being very steep, and so hollowed
out by the water that it surrounded me like a wall. It was not
in their power to reach me without a rope, which they luckily
were able to procure to drag me out of the hole. I received
a blow on my thigh in the fall, the effects of which I felt for
a month afterwards. One of my guides had met with a similar
accident but a week before.
At length we arrived at Quickjock, after having been four.
weeks without tasting bread. Those who have not experienced
the want of this essential support of life can scarcely imagine
how hard it is to be deprived of it so long, even with a super-
fluity of all other kinds of food. I remained four days at Quick-
jock to recruit my strength, and afterwards descended the river
again to Luleå. There being no boat to be had north of Pur-
kijaur, we were obliged to construct a raft for ourselves. Our
voyage was very perilous, for the wind and current both com-
bined to overset us; so that it was not without the greatest
exertion we saved ourselves: and it being night, nobody heard
our cries for assistance.
The next day I was conducted to the river of Calatz, to see
the manner of fishing for pearls, and on the 30th of July arrived
at Luleå.
Translation of James Edward Smith.


## p. 9090 (#91) ############################################



## p. 9090 (#92) ############################################


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LIVY
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## p. 9090 (#93) ############################################

0591
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for
Ris


## p. 9090 (#94) ############################################


LIVY
8000030
DDDDDD DEL
OUR ARTICLE


## p. 9091 (#95) ############################################

9091
LIVY (TITUS LIVIUS)
(59 B. C. -17 A. D. )
BY WILLIAM CRANSTON LAWTON
"HISTORY" is to be held firmly to its original meaning,
investigation, Livy hardly deserves to be classed among his-
torians at all. Certainly we shall not wonder that Macaulay
condemns him, with his usual unsparing vigor; and we can but smile
at Dante's no less sweeping indorsement of "Livy, who erreth not! "
Nevertheless, fiction widely accepted is often infinitely more power-
ful in molding the minds of later men, than forgotten reality. The
obscure beginnings of Roman political life will never be adequately
illuminated; but the Æneid, and the romantic inventions of the an-
nalists, will probably never wholly fade from the imagination of
mankind so long as any record of earlier civilizations is preserved
and conned.
In this, and in many other respects, Livy is not un
unworthy of a
place beside Herodotus. Like his Greek predecessor and master,
the Roman author also may more fairly be described as an essay-
ist. Each treated a single theme of immense importance, with con-
summate charm in narration and description. Each was so successful
as to overshadow and outlive all rivals. Neither had any glimmer
of "modern methods of research. " Indeed, it is difficult to realize
that Herodotus was a contemporary of Thucydides; while Livy, it is
very probable, actually had Polybius's conscientious work among the
scanty volumes upon which he drew for his materials. Yet these
easy-going lovers of the picturesque have a truthfulness of their own.
Through their books, as by no others, we come to realize how the
terrific pageant of Xerxes, the heroic march of the legions toward
world-wide dominion, impressed the imagination of contemporaries.
So it has come to pass, not unnaturally, that the favorite dream for
centuries of those who love best the antique life and literature has
been the recovery of Livy's lost volumes, the complete possession of
his hundred and forty-two books on the story of Rome.
Livy was born just before Cæsar's great campaigns in Gaul be-
gan; and was just too young to bear arms when Brutus, Cassius, and
Cicero flung their lives away in the last struggle for "freedom,».
or rather for the dying rule of the old senatorial aristocracy. The
-


## p. 9092 (#96) ############################################

9092
LIVY (TITUS LIVIUS)
comparatively peaceful and settled conditions under Augustus's sway,
Livy accepted at best with the resignation of Horace, certainly not
with the enthusiastic subservience of Virgil. Like Catullus, Nepos,
and other gallant spirits of the age, Livy came from beyond the Po.
His native city Padua was famed, says Pliny, for purity of morals.
He evidently enjoyed all the advantages of wealth and good social
position. He early acquired some repute as a writer on philosophic
themes, and composed a manual of rhetoric, dedicated to his son, in
which the study of Demosthenes and Cicero was especially urged.
These are just the studies from which we would wish to know that
Livy approached his life task. A passage in the first book (§19, 3)
reveals that he is writing in 27 or 26 B. C. The account stopped at
the death of Drusus in 9 B. C. , as we learn from the scanty abstract
of the lost books. We are told-by the epitomator - that the last
two decades were composed after Augustus's death (14 A. D. ) This
is hardly credible, as Livy's own life closed at Padua only three
years later. Still, he may have been surprised by death in the midst
of a final rapid effort to complete the record for that most memora-
ble of reigns.
We have preserved for us the first, third, and fourth decades
entire, half the fifth in a rather tattered condition, the epitome just
mentioned, and meagre bits cited by later authors,-notably the
famous passage on Cicero's lack of stoicism in disaster. There is
extant, then, about a fourth of the whole work; for which, entire,
Martial declares his own library had not room! The scale was not
colossal, however, considering the magnitude of the theme. Livy's
achievement coincided most exactly in length with Charles Knight's
"History of England,' which in general purpose and scope also, as in
the genial, truth-loving, yet warmly patriotic spirit of the author,
may perhaps deserve mention in the same breath.
The subdivision, already alluded to, into groups of five and ten
books each, was made by Livy himself, and helps to render the parts
still extant far less tantalizing and fragmentary than might be sup-
posed. Thus Books i. -v. carry the story down to the sack of Rome
by the Gauls, in 390 B. C. Book vi. opens with a fresh preface, con-
fessing that the scanty memorials which had ever existed from the
earlier time had nearly all perished at that crisis in the burning city.
We are now promised a clearer and more trustworthy account for
the later periods. This throws an amusing light backward upon the
graphic details, the copious speeches reported verbatim, etc. , already
provided for the regal and early republican times! We give below,
for instance, the passage upon which Macaulay's ballad of 'Horatius
at the Bridge' leans so heavily. The very existence of Tarquin, Lars
Porsena, and the rest, is debatable; and certainly Livy's account,


## p. 9093 (#97) ############################################

LIVY (TITUS LIVIUS)
9093
beginning like Virgil's with the destruction of Troy and Æneas's
flight to Italy, must be read in quite the same spirit as the great
patriotic epic itself. Both contain something far mightier than pain-
fully sought historic truth; namely, what the Romans taught their
children to believe concerning the remote past.
Books xxi. -xxx. , again, contain a complete account of the Hanni-
balic war. Here the historic element is altogether larger, and the
struggle between patriotic detestation of the Carthaginian, and chiv-
alric admiration for valor and good generalship, reveals Livy's own
pleasing nature with great clearness. All this may be supported
even by so brief a passage as the opening characterization of Hanni-
bal, here cited.
Livy is at his best in the speeches with which all his books were
thickly studded. These have usually little or no historical foundation,
but are revelations of the purpose and character of the chief actors,
as Livy saw them. His broad descriptions of battles, marches, etc. ,
are probably drawn with almost as free a hand. Certainly he did
not as a rule embarrass or limit himself by any accurate study of the
topography on the spot. These strictures apply less than usual to
his picture of the fight by Lake Trasimenus, where he was upon
ground familiar to him, as it is to many of his modern readers.
We get a little out of patience at times with Livy's assurances of
Roman magnanimity and Punic treachery. Curiously enough, how-
ever, after these have occurred in speeches, or even in Livy's own
introductory remarks, the clear stream of the narrative proper often
runs in quite another direction. Occasionally, again, we get a purely
humorous variation on the hackneyed theme; as when the school-
master of Falerii leads his princely boys into the besiegers' camp, and
the Romans equip the youths with long sticks, to flog the treacherous
pedagogue back into the beleaguered town! Again, Livy is too good
a rhetorician to make the alien speeches notably weaker than the
Roman pleas. When Rome repudiated the disgraceful peace which
released her army from the Caudine Forks, and offered up to Samnite
vengeance the consuls who had exceeded their powers, but refused
to send the army back into the trap, the gallant Samnite Pontius
cried out:-
-
"Will you always find a pretext for repudiating the pledges made
in defeat? You gave hostages to Porsena-and by stealth withdrew
them. With gold you redeemed your city from the Gauls: they were
cut down in the act of receiving it. You pledged us peace, to regain
your legions: that peace you now cancel. Always you cover deception
with some fair mask of justice. "
Our heaviest loss is doubtless in the later books. Livy seems to
have written with dignified frankness on the period of the civil wars.


## p. 9094 (#98) ############################################

9094
LIVY (TITUS LIVIUS)
For instance, he expressed a doubt whether the life of the great
Julius had been on the whole a curse or a blessing; and his admira-
tion for the dictator's military rival caused Augustus to stigmatize
the historian good-humoredly as a "Pompeian. " Such a man must
have left a record, based largely upon his own memories, far more
connected and impartial than Cicero's letters, more trustworthy than
the late and inferior historians yet extant. Livy detested both ex-
tremes, tyranny and democracy. He took a pessimistic view of the
present and future of Rome; and indeed he counts it a sufficient
reward for his labor that "while reviewing in thought those earlier
days," he may "escape, at least for the time, from the many evils
which this generation has seen. "
Upon the whole, then, Livy can hardly be assigned a place at all
among scientific investigators of historical fact; since the chief mon-
uments and other data, even in Rome itself, rarely attracted his crit-
ical attention. He was a fair-minded, patriotic man, of wide culture
and exquisite taste, a master of rhetoric, a delightful story-teller,
with a fair respect for truth, but-endowed with a dangerously vivid
imagination. Many, perhaps most, of his best passages, are true only
as Landor's Imaginary Conversations' are: true to artistic taste,
and usually also to the larger historical outlines of the character
described.
The text of Livy is in very bad condition, and numberless heroic
emendations have been necessary. Here the bold methods of the
great Danish critic Madvig have found their most fitting field: a large
proportion of Livy's sentences have first become intelligible under
this surgeon's healing hand. Even of the extant books there is no
adequate annotated edition in English. That of Weissenborn, with
German notes, is indispensable to Latinists. The best recent piece
of translation is Books xxi. -xxv. , by Church and Brodribb (to whom
are especially indebted also for a complete English Tacitus. )
This volume, attractively printed by Macmillans in their Classical
Series, is the best introduction to Livy for the English student.
The Bohn, though oppressively literal, is not remarkably inaccurate.
we
The lost books of Livy are not likely to reappear. Indeed, abridg-
ments and epitomes displaced them largely even under the early
empire; and the very epigram of Martial, cited above, evidently
accompanied such a condensation :-
―
"Here into scanty parchment is monstrous Livy rolled;
He whom by no means when entire my library could hold! »
William Cranston Lawton.


## p. 9095 (#99) ############################################

LIVY (TITUS LIVIUS)
9095
HORATIUS COCLES AT THE SUBLICIAN BRIDGE
From the Second Book of the History of Rome'
THE
HE Sublician bridge well-nigh afforded a passage to the enemy,
had there not been one man, Horatius Cocles (that defense
the fortune of Rome had on that day), who, happening to
be posted on guard at the bridge, when he saw the Janiculum
taken by a sudden assault, and that the enemy were pouring
down from thence in full speed, and that his own party in terror
and nfusion were abandoning their arms and ranks,-laying
hold of them one by one, standing in their way, and appealing to
the faith of gods and men, he declared "That their flight would
avail them nothing if they deserted their post; if they passed the
bridge and left it behind them, there would soon be more of the
enemy in the Palatium and Capitol than in the Janiculum: for
that reason he advised and charged them to demolish the bridge,
by their sword, by fire, or by any means whatever; that he would
stand the shock of the enemy as far as could be done by one
man. "
He then advanced to the first entrance of the bridge, and
being easily distinguished among those who showed their backs
in retreating from the fight, facing about to engage the foe hand
to hand, by his surprising bravery he terrified the enemy. Two
indeed a sense of shame kept with him,-Spurius Lartius and
Titus Herminius; men eminent for their birth, and renowned for
their gallant exploits. With them he for a short time stood the
first storm of the danger, and the severest brunt of the battle.
But as they who demolished the bridge called upon them to
retire, he obliged them also to withdraw to a place of safety on a
small portion of the bridge still left. Then casting his stern eyes
round all the officers of the Etrurians in a threatening manner,
he sometimes challenged them singly, sometimes reproached them
all: "the slaves of haughty tyrants, who, regardless of their own
freedom, came to oppress the liberty of others. " They hesitated
for a considerable time, looking round one at the other, to com-
mence the fight: shame then put the army in motion, and a
shout being raised, they hurl their weapons from all sides on their
single adversary; and when they all stuck in the shield held.
before him, and he with no less obstinacy kept possession of the
bridge with firm step, they now endeavored to thrust him down
from it by one push, when at once the crash of the falling bridge,


## p. 9096 (#100) ###########################################

9096
LIVY (TITUS LIVIUS)
at the same time a shout of the Romans raised for joy at having
completed their purpose, checked their ardor with sudden panic.
Then Cocles says, "Holy father Tiberinus, I pray that thou
wouldst receive these arms and this thy soldier in thy propitious
stream. " Armed as he was, he leaped into the Tiber, and amid
showers of darts hurled on him, swam across safe to his party,
having dared an act which is likely to obtain more fame than
belief with posterity. The State was grateful towards such valor:
a statue was erected to him in the Comitium, and as much land
was given to him as he plowed around in one day. The zeal of
private individuals also was conspicuous among the public honors.
For amid the great scarcity, each person contributed something
to him according to his supply at home, depriving himself of his
own support.
Porsena being repulsed in his first attempt, having changed
his plans from a siege to a blockade, after he had placed a gar-
rison in Janiculum, pitched his camp in the plain and on the
banks of the Tiber. Then sending for boats from all parts, both
to guard the river so as not to suffer any provision to be con-
veyed to Rome, and also to transport his soldiers across the river
to plunder different places as occasion required,-in a short time
he so harassed the entire country round Rome, that not only
everything else from the country, but even their cattle, was
driven into the city, and nobody durst venture thence without the
gates. This liberty of action was granted to the Etrurians, not
more through fear than from policy; for Valerius, intent on an
opportunity of falling unawares upon a number of them, and
when straggling, a remiss avenger in trifling matters, reserved the
weight of his vengeance for more important occasions. Where-
fore, to decoy the pillagers, he ordered his men to drive their
cattle the next day out at the Esquiline gate, which was farthest
from the enemy; presuming that they would get intelligence of
it, because during the blockade and famine some slaves would
turn traitors and desert. Accordingly they were informed of it
by a deserter; and parties more numerous than usual, in hopes
of seizing the entire body, crossed the river. Then Publius Va-
lerius commanded Titus Herminius with a small body of men to
lie concealed two miles from the city, on the Gabian road, and
Spurius Lartius with a party of light-armed troops to post himself
at the Colline gate, till the enemy should pass by, and then to
throw himself in their way so that there might be no return to


## p. 9097 (#101) ###########################################

LIVY (TITUS LIVIUS)
9097
the river. The other consul, Titus Lucretius, marched out of the
Nævian gate with some companies of soldiers; Valerius himself
led some chosen cohorts down from the Cœlian Mount, and they
were first descried by the enemy. Herminius, when he perceived
the alarm, rose out of ambush and fell upon the rear of the
Tuscans, who had charged Valerius. The shout was returned on
the right and left, from the Colline gate on the one hand and the
Nævian on the other. By this stratagem the plunderers were put
to the sword between both, they not being a match in strength.
for fighting, and all the ways being blocked up to prevent
escape: this put an end to the Etrurians strolling about in so
disorderly a manner.
Nevertheless the blockade continued, and there was a scarcity.
of corn, with a very high price. Porsena entertained a hope that
by continuing the siege he should take the city; when Caius
Mucius, a young nobleman, to whom it seemed a disgrace that the
Roman people, who when enslaved under kings had never been
confined within their walls, in any war nor by any enemy, should
now, when a free people, be blocked up by these very Etrurians
whose armies they had often routed,-thinking that such indig-
nity should be avenged by some great and daring effort, at first
designed of his own accord to penetrate into the enemy's camp.
Then, being afraid if he went without the permission of the
consuls, or the knowledge of any one, he might be seized by the
Roman guards and brought back as a deserter, the circumstances.
of the city at the time justifying the charge, he went to the
Senate: "Fathers," says he, "I intend to cross the Tiber, and
enter the enemy's camp, if I can; not as a plunderer, or as an
avenger in our turn of their devastations. A greater deed is in
my mind, if the gods assist. " The Senate approved his design.
He set out with a sword concealed under his garment. When
he came thither, he stationed himself among the thickest of the
crowd, near the King's tribunal. There, where the soldiers were
receiving their pay, the King's secretary, sitting beside him
dressed nearly in the same style, was busily engaged (and to
him they commonly addressed themselves); being afraid to ask
which of them was Porsena, lest by not knowing the King he
should discover himself, as fortune blindly directed the blow he
killed the secretary instead of the King. Then as he was going
off thence, where with his bloody dagger he had made his way
through the dismayed multitude, a concourse being attracted at


## p. 9098 (#102) ###########################################

9098
LIVY (TITUS LIVIUS)
the noise, the King's guards immediately seized and brought him
back, standing alone before the King's tribunal; even then, amid
such menaces of fortune, more capable of inspiring dread than of
feeling it, "I am," says he, "a Roman citizen; my name is
Caius Mucius: an enemy, I wished to slay an enemy; nor have
I less of resolution to suffer death than I had to inflict it. Both
to act and to suffer with fortitude is a Roman's part. Nor have
I alone harbored such feelings towards you; there is after me a
long train of persons aspiring to the same honor. Therefore, if
you choose it, prepare yourself for this peril, to contend for your
life every hour; to have the sword and the enemy in the very
entrance of your pavilion: this is the war which we, the Roman
youth, declare against you; dread not an army in array, nor a
battle, the affair will be to yourself alone and with each of
us singly. "
When the King, highly incensed, and at the same time terri-
fied at the danger, in a menacing manner commanded fires to
be kindled about him, if he did not speedily explain the plots
which by his threats he had darkly insinuated against him, then
Mucius said, "Behold me, that you may be sensible of how little
account the body is to those who have great glory in view;"
and immediately he thrusts his right hand into the fire that was
lighted for the sacrifice. When he continued to broil it as if he
had been quite insensible, the King, astonished at this surprising
sight, after he had leaped from his throne and commanded the
young man to be removed from the altar, says, "Begone, having
acted more like an enemy towards thyself than me.
I would en-
courage thee to persevere in thy valor, if that valor stood on the
side of my country. I now dismiss thee untouched and unhurt,
exempted from the right of war. " Then Mucius, as if making a
return for the kindness, says, "Since bravery is honored by you,
so that you have obtained by kindness that which you could not
by threats, three hundred of us, the chief of the Roman youth,
have conspired to attack you in this manner. It was my lot
first. The rest will follow, each in his turn, according as the lot
shall set him forward, unless fortune shall afford an opportunity
of slaying you. "
Mucius being dismissed,- to whom the cognomen of Scævola
was afterwards given, from the loss of his right hand,-ambas-
sadors from Porsena followed him to Rome.
attempt, from which nothing had saved him
The risk of the first
but the mistake of


## p. 9099 (#103) ###########################################

LIVY (TITUS LIVIUS)
9099
the assailant, and the risk to be encountered so often in propor-
tion to the number of conspirators, made so strong an impression.
upon him [Porsena], that of his own accord he made propositions
of peace to the Romans.
Translation of D. Spillan.
THE CHARACTER OF HANNIBAL
From the Twenty-first Book of the
History of Rome'
H
ANNIBAL was sent to Spain, and instantly on his arrival at-
tracted the admiration of the whole army. Young Hamil-
car was restored to them, thought the veterans, as they saw
in him the same animated look and penetrating eye, the same
expression, the same features. Soon he made them feel that his
father's memory was but a trifling aid to him in winning their
esteem. Never had man a temper that adapted itself better to
the widely diverse duties of obedience and command, till it was
hard to decide whether he was more beloved by the general or
the army.
There was no one whom Hasdrubal preferred to put
in command, whenever courage and persistency were specially
needed; no officer under whom the soldiers were more confident
and more daring. Bold in the extreme in incurring peril, he was
perfectly cool in its presence. No toil could weary his body or
conquer his spirit. Heat and cold he bore with equal endurance;
the cravings of nature, not the pleasure of the palate, determined
the measure of his food and drink. His waking and sleeping
hours were not regulated by day and night. Such time as busi-
ness left him, he gave to repose; but it was not on a soft couch
or in stillness that he sought it. Many a man often saw him
wrapped in his military cloak, lying on the ground amid the
sentries and pickets. His dress was not one whit superior to
that of his comrades, but his accoutrements and horses were con-
spicuously splendid. Among the cavalry or the infantry he was
by far the first soldier; the first in battle, the last to leave it
when once begun.
These great virtues in the man were equaled by monstrous
vices: inhuman cruelty, a worse than Punic perfidy. Absolutely
false and irreligious, he had no fear of God, no regard for an
oath, no scruples.
Translation of Church and Brodribb.


## p. 9100 (#104) ###########################################

9100
LIVY (TITUS LIVIUS)
THE BATTLE OF LAKE TRASIMENE
H
From the Twenty-second Book of the History of Rome ›
ANNIBAL devastated with all the horrors of war the country
between Cortona and Lake Trasumennus, seeking to infuri-
ate the Romans into avenging the sufferings of their allies.
They had now reached a spot made for an ambuscade, where the
lake comes up close under the hills of Cortona. Between them
is nothing but a very narrow road, for which room seems to have
been purposely left. Further on is some comparatively broad
level ground. From this rise the hills, and here in the open
plain Hannibal pitched a camp for himself and his African and
Spanish troops only; his slingers and other light-armed troops he
marched to the rear of the hills; his cavalry he stationed at the
mouth of the defile, behind some rising ground which conven-
iently sheltered them. When the Romans had once entered the
pass and the cavalry had barred the way, all would be hemmed
in by the lake and the hills.
Flaminius had reached the lake at sunset the day before. On
the morrow, without reconnoitring and while the light was still
uncertain, he traversed the narrow pass. As his army began to
deploy into the widening plain, he could see only that part of
the enemy's force which was in front of him; he knew nothing
of the ambuscade in his rear and above his head. The Cartha-
ginian saw his wish accomplished. He had his enemy shut in
by the lake and the hills, and surrounded by his own troops.
He gave the signal for a general charge, and the attacking col-
umns flung themselves on the nearest points. To the Romans
the attack was all the more sudden and unexpected because the
mist from the lake lay thicker on the plains than on the heights,
while the hostile columns on the various hills had been quite
visible to each other and had therefore advanced in concert. As
for the Romans, with the shout of battle rising all round them,
before they could see plainly they found themselves surrounded;
and fighting began in their front and their flanks before they
could form in order, get ready their arms, or draw their swords.
Amidst universal panic the consul showed all the courage that
could be expected in circumstances so alarming. The broken
ranks, in which every one was turning to catch the discordant
shouts, he re-formed as well as time and place permitted; and as


## p. 9101 (#105) ###########################################

LIVY (TITUS LIVIUS)
9101
far as his presence or his voice could reach, bade his men stand
their ground and fight. "It is not by prayers," he cried, “or
entreaties to the gods, but by strength and courage that you must
win your way out. The sword cuts a path through the midst of
the battle; and the less fear, there for the most part the less
danger. " But such was the uproar and confusion, neither encour-
agements nor commands could be heard; so far were the men
from knowing their standards, their ranks, or their places, that
they had scarcely presence of mind to snatch up their arms and
address them to the fight, and some found them an overwhelm-
ing burden rather than a protection. So dense too was the mist,
that the ear was of more service than the eye. The groans of
the wounded, the sound of blows on body or armor, the mingled
shouts of triumph or panic, made them turn this way and that an
eager gaze. Some would rush in their flight on a dense knot of
combatants, and become entangled in the mass; others returning
to the battle would be carried away by the crowd of fugitives.
But after awhile, when charges had been vainly tried in every
direction, when it was seen that the hills and the lake shut them
in on either side, and the hostile lines in front and rear, when it
was manifest that the only hope of safety lay in their own right
hands and swords, then every man began to look to himself
for guidance and for encouragement, and there began afresh what
was indeed a new battle. No battle was it with its three ranks
of combatants, its vanguard before the standards and its second
line fighting behind them, with every soldier in his own legion,
cohort, or company: chance massed them together, and each
man's impulse assigned him his post, whether in the van or rear.
So fierce was their excitement, so intent were they on the battle,
that not one of the combatants felt the earthquake which laid
whole quarters of many Italian cities in ruins, changed the
channels of rapid streams, drove the sea far up into rivers, and
brought down enormous landslips from the hills.
For nearly three hours they fought, fiercely everywhere, but
with especial rage and fury round the consul. It was to him
that the flower of the army attached themselves. He, wherever
he found his troops hard pressed or distressed, was indefatigable
in giving help; conspicuous in his splendid arms, the enemy
assailed and his fellow Romans defended him with all their
might. At last an Insubrian trooper (his name was Ducarius),
recognizing him also by his face, cried to his comrades, "See!
-


## p. 9102 (#106) ###########################################

9102
LIVY (TITUS LIVIUS)
this is the man who slaughtered our legions, and laid waste our
fields and our city: I will offer him as a sacrifice to the shades
of my countrymen whom he so foully slew. " Putting spurs to
his horse, he charged through the thickest of the enemy, struck
down the armor-bearer who threw himself in the way of his
furious advance, and ran the consul through with his lance.
When he would have stripped the body, some veterans thrust
their shields between and hindered him.
Then began the flight of a great part of the army. And now
neither lake nor mountain checked their rush of panic; by every
defile and height they sought blindly to escape, and arms and
men were heaped upon each other. Many, finding no possibility
of flight, waded into the shallows at the edge of the lake, ad-
vanced until they had only head and shoulders above the water,
and at last drowned themselves. Some in the frenzy of panic
endeavored to escape by swimming; but the endeavor was end-
less and hopeless, and they either sunk in the depths when their
courage failed them, or they wearied themselves in vain till they
could hardly struggle back to the shallows, where they were
slaughtered in crowds by the enemy's cavalry which had now
entered the water. Nearly six thousand men of the vanguard
made a determined rush through the enemy, and got clear out
of the defile, knowing nothing of what was happening behind
Halting on some high ground, they could only hear the
shouts of men and clashing of arms, but could not learn or see
for the mist how the day was going. It was when the battle
was decided, that the increasing heat of the sun scattered the
mist and cleared the sky. The bright light that now rested
on hill and plain showed a ruinous defeat and a Roman army
shamefully routed. Fearing that they might be seen in the dis-
tance and that the cavalry might be sent against them, they took
up their standards and hurried away with all the speed they
could. The next day, finding their situation generally desperate,
and starvation also imminent, they capitulated to Hannibal, who
had overtaken them with the whole of his cavalry, and who
pledged his word that if they would surrender their arms, they
should go free, each man having a single garment. The promise
was kept with Punic faith by Hannibal, who put them all in
chains.
Such was the famous fight at Trasumennus, memorable as
few other disasters of the Roman people have been. Fifteen


## p. 9103 (#107) ###########################################

LIVY (TITUS LIVIUS)
9103
thousand men fell in the battle; ten thousand, flying in all direc-
tions over Etruria, made by different roads for Rome. Of the
enemy two thousand five hundred fell in the battle. Many died
afterwards of their wounds. Other authors speak of a loss on
both sides many times greater. I am myself averse to the idle
exaggeration to which writers are so commonly inclined; and I
have here followed as my best authority Fabius, who was actually
contemporary with the war. Hannibal released without ransom
all the prisoners who claimed Latin citizenship; the Romans he
imprisoned. He had the corpses of his own men separated from
the vast heaps of dead, and buried. Careful search was also
made for the body of Flaminius, to which he wished to pay due
honor; but it could not be found.
A CHARACTERISTIC EPISODE OF CLASSICAL WARFARE
HE Locrians had been treated with such insolence and cruelty
the Carthaginians since their revolt from the Romans,
that they were able to endure severities of an ordinary
kind not only with patience but almost with willingness. But
indeed, so greatly did Pleminius surpass Hamilcar who had com-
manded the garrison, so greatly did the Roman soldiers in the
garrison surpass the Carthaginians in villainy and rapacity, that
it would appear that they endeavored to outdo each other not in
arms but in vices. None of all those things which render the
power of a superior hateful to the powerless was omitted towards.
the inhabitants, either by the general or his soldiers. The most
shocking insults were committed against their own persons, their
children, and their wives.
One of Pleminius's men, while running away with a silver
cup which he had stolen from the house of a townsman, the
owners pursuing him, happened to meet Sergius and Matienus,
the military tribunes. The cup having been taken away from
him at the order of the tribunes, abuse and clamor ensued, and
at last a fight arose between the soldiers of Pleminius and those
of the tribunes; the numbers engaged and the tumult increasing
at the same time, as either party was joined by their friends
who happened to come up at the time. When the soldiers of
Pleminius, who had been worsted, had run to him in crowds,
not without loud clamoring and indignant feelings, showing their


## p. 9104 (#108) ###########################################

9104
LIVY (TITUS LIVIUS)
blood and wounds, and repeating the reproaches which had been
heaped upon him during the dispute, Pleminius, fired with re-
sentment, flung himself out of his house, ordered the tribunes to
be summoned and stripped, and the rods to be brought out.
During the time which was consumed in stripping them,—for
they made resistance, and implored their men to aid them,—on a
sudden the soldiers, flushed with their recent victory, ran together
from every quarter, as if there had been a shout to arms against
enemies; and when they saw the bodies of their tribunes now
mangled with rods, then indeed, suddenly inflamed with much
more ungovernable rage, without respect not only for the dignity
of their commander but of humanity, they made an attack upon
the lieutenant-general, having first mutilated the lictors in a
shocking manner; they then cruelly lacerated the lieutenant-
general himself, having cut him off from his party and hemmed
him in, and after mutilating his nose and ears, left him almost
lifeless.
Accounts of these occurrences arriving at Messana, Scipio a
few days after, passing over to Locri in a ship with six banks of
oars, took cognizance of the cause of Pleminius and the tribunes.
Having acquitted Pleminius and left him in command of the
same place, and pronounced the tribunes guilty and thrown them
into chains, that they might be sent to Rome to the Senate, he
returned to Messana, and thence to Syracuse. Pleminius, unable
to restrain his resentment, for he thought the injury he had
sustained had been treated negligently and too lightly by Scipio,
and that no one could form an estimate of the punishment which
ought to be inflicted in such a case except the man who had in
his own person felt its atrocity,- ordered the tribunes to be
dragged before him, and after lacerating them with every punish-
ment which the human body could endure, put them to death; and
not satisfied with the punishment inflicted on them while alive,
cast them out unburied. The like cruelty he exercised towards the
Locrian nobles, who he heard had gone to Scipio to complain
of the injuries he had done them. The horrid acts, prompted
by lust and rapacity, which he had before perpetrated upon his
allies, he now multiplied from resentment; thus bringing infamy
and odium not only upon himself, but upon the general also.
―――


## p. 9105 (#109) ###########################################

9105
JOHN LOCKE
(1632-1704)
OHN LOCKE, one of the greatest philosophers of English race,
was born at Wrington, Somersetshire, England, on August
29th, 1632. His father was a lawyer, and a captain in the
Parliamentary army. John studied at Westminster School in London,
and in 1651 became a member of Christ's College, Oxford, whence he
was graduated in 1656. He remained at Oxford until 1664 as a lect-
urer. It was during a student metaphysical discussion in his rooms.
that the idea occurred to him that the only possible basis for sound
judgment lay in an analysis of the ultimate
possibilities of the human mind. This was
the seed thought of the Essay on the
Human Understanding,' which he worked
over for more than twenty years and did
not finish until 1687. It was these early
Oxford years and his readings in Descartes
which gave Locke his philosophical bent.
In 1664 he entered the diplomatic service
as secretary of legation at Berlin; after-
wards he studied medicine at Berlin, but
took no degree. This training, however,
stood him in good stead when he entered
the household of the Earl of Shaftesbury
as physician and confidential agent, over-
seeing the education of the earl's son and grandson. This connec-
tion brought him into the society of Buckingham, Halifax, and other
leaders; and when Shaftesbury became Lord Chancellor, Locke held
office under him. Upon the former's downfall the philosopher was
forced to leave the country, spending the years between 1675 and
1679 in France; mostly with Herbert, Earl of Pembroke, to whom his
chief work was dedicated. For the same reason, during the years
1683-9 he resided in Holland. The revolution of 1688 brought him
back to England; and he held the office of Commissioner of Appeals,
declining other posts because of age and failing health. Locke
devoted much time in his last years to the study of the Scriptures.
He died, a professing Christian, October 28th, 1704.
JOHN LOCKE
He wrote a treatise on Civil Government,' and other books in
which he plead for the rights of the folk against the captious power
XVI-570



## p. 9106 (#110) ###########################################

9106
JOHN LOCKE
of rulers. He wrote a Treatise on Education,' worth pondering yet.
He also drew up, for a commission of which Shaftesbury was one,
the most grotesque curiosity in modern political history,—the Con-
stitution of Carolina. It was framed in the trough of the reaction
which followed the downfall of Cromwell's military dictatorship, and
whose leaders held popular liberties to be pregnant with revolutions,
and was designed for a model State which should be free from such
dangers by keeping the populace forever in subjection. The inhabit-
tants were to be divided into four hereditary castes, the common peo-
ple being serfs of the soil: and among other provisions, any one over
seventeen not a member of some church body was made an outlaw,—
which would have startled the Inquisition itself. The constitution was
a dead letter from the start, as freemen did not emigrate to a savage
country to turn into predial serfs,-though a House of Magnates was
of course easily got together; but it gave the infant province thirty
years of anarchy and overflowing jails before it was withdrawn, and
deeply injured the future development of North Carolina in particular.
Locke's supreme work in philosophy was the Essay on the Human
Understanding,' which was published in 1690, four subsequent editions
appearing during his life. This work, which gives him a place in the
development of English metaphysics, and made his ideas influential
in European thought, so that the eighteenth-century philosophers,
French and English, based their arguments upon his sensualistic con-
clusions, is the searching inductive investigation of the human
intellect. He found the genesis of all thought in sensation; vigor-
ously rejecting the notion of 'innate ideas,' so popular with all ideal-
istic thinkers, before or since, whose theories are swayed by religious
considerations. Using his famous figure, Locke likened the mind to a
blank piece of paper, on which experience writes characters which
stand for the material of all thinking done by man. Sensations are
received, and then reflected on: from sensation objectively, and reflec-
tion subjectively, come all the data of knowledge. "I see no reason
to believe that the soul thinks before the senses have furnished it
with ideas to think on," he declared. Locke, in a wonderful way,
foreran the modern psychological school which is prominent to-day.
From him Hume and Kant built up their systems. He is only now
seen in his true greatness. What makes him especially interesting
to the student of literature is the fact that his prose is among the
best of his time; remarkable for its lucidity, easy elegance, dignity,
and modernness. Considering their subjects, his writings are conspicu-
ously untechnical: they can be read with pleasure still.
Locke's personal character was high and most amiable, and his
materialistic teachings—as they may be popularly described — were in
no wise indicative of looseness of life or lack of character.
Nor was
-
――――――――
―


## p. 9107 (#111) ###########################################

JOHN LOCKE
9107
his mind at all of that cast of pragmatic heaviness usually associated
with our idea of a metaphysician — and rarely found in one: he was
of excellent social talents, and his letters are full of a light and
gay buoyancy which shows that he enjoyed writing them. A man of
much social importance in his day, he is of permanent importance as
an independent thinker, an original force in English philosophy, and
a writer able to put before the world in an agreeable manner the
results of a student's lifetime of intellectual labor.
PLEASURE AND PAIN
From the Essay Concerning Human Understanding'
THE
HE infinitely wise Author of our being, having given us the
power over several parts of our bodies, to move or keep
them at rest, as we think fit; and also, by the motion of
them, to move ourselves and contiguous bodies, in which consists
all the actions of our body; having also given a power to our
mind, in several instances, to choose amongst its ideas which it
will think on, and to pursue the inquiry of this or that subject
with consideration and attention,- to excite us to these actions
of thinking and motion that we are capable of, has been pleased
to join to several thoughts and several sensations a perception of
delight. If this were wholly separated from all our outward
sensations and inward thoughts, we should have no reason to
prefer one thought or action to another, negligence to attention,
or motion to rest. And so we should neither stir our bodies nor
employ our minds: but let our thoughts-if I may so call it-
run adrift, without any direction or design; and suffer the ideas
of our minds, like unregarded shadows, to make their appearance
there as it happened, without attending to them. In which
state, man, however furnished with the faculties of understanding
and will, would be a very idle, inactive creature, and pass his
time only in a lazy, lethargic dream. It has therefore pleased
our wise Creator to annex to several objects, and the ideas which
we receive from them, as also to several of our thoughts, a con-
comitant pleasure; and that in several objects to several degrees,
that those faculties which he had endowed us with might not
remain wholly idle and unemployed by us.
Pain has the same efficacy and use to set us on work that
pleasure has, we being as ready to employ our faculties to avoid
▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬


## p. 9108 (#112) ###########################################

9108
JOHN LOCKE
that as to pursue this; only this is worth our consideration,
"that pain is often produced by the same objects and ideas that
produce pleasure in us. " This their near conjunction, which
makes us often feel pain in the sensations where we expected
pleasure, gives us new occasion of admiring the wisdom and
goodness of our Maker; who, designing the preservation of our
being, has annexed pain to the application of many things to our
bodies, to warn us of the harm that they will do and as advices
to withdraw from them. But he, not designing our preservation
barely, but the preservation of every part and organ in its per-
fection, hath in many cases annexed pain to those very ideas
which delight us. Thus heat, that is very agreeable to us in one
degree, by a little greater increase of it proves no ordinary tor-
ment; and the most pleasant of all sensible objects, light itself,
if there be too much of it,-if increased beyond a due proportion
to our eyes, causes a very painful sensation: which is wisely.
and favorably so ordered by nature, that when any object does
by the vehemency of its operation disorder the instruments of
sensation, whose structures cannot but be very nice and delicate,
we might by the pain be warned to withdraw, before the organ be
quite put out of order and so be unfitted for its proper function
for the future. The consideration of those objects that produce
it may well persuade us that this is the end or use of pain.
For though great light be insufferable to our eyes, yet the high-
est degree of darkness does not at all disease them; because
that causing no disorderly motion in it, leaves that curious organ
unharmed in its natural state. But yet excess of cold as well as
heat pains us, because it is equally destructive to that temper
which is necessary to the preservation of life and the exercise of
the several functions of the body; and which consists in a mod-
erate degree of warmth, or if you please a motion of the insen-
sible parts of our bodies, confined within certain bounds.
Beyond all this, we may find another reason why God hath
scattered up and down several degrees of pleasure and pain in all
the things that environ and affect us, and blended them together
in almost all that our thoughts and senses have to do with; that
we, finding imperfection, dissatisfaction, and want of complete
happiness in all the enjoyments which the creatures can afford
us, might be led to seek it in the enjoyment of Him "with whom
there is fullness of joy, and at whose right hand there are pleas-
ures for evermore. "


## p. 9109 (#113) ###########################################

JOHN LOCKE
9109
INJUDICIOUS HASTE IN STUDY
From the Essay Concerning Human Understanding'
-
THE
HE eagerness and bent of the mind after knowledge,
if not warily regulated, is often a hindrance to it. It still
presses into further discoveries and new objects, and catches
at the variety of knowledge; and therefore often stays not long
enough on what is before it, to look into it as it should, for haste
to pursue what is yet out of sight. He that rides post through
a country may be able, from the transient view, to tell in general
how the parts lie; and may be able to give some loose descrip-
tion of here a mountain and there a plain, here a morass and
there a river, woodland in one part and savannahs in another.
Such superficial ideas and observations as these he may collect in
galloping over it: but the more useful observations of the soil,
plants, animals, and inhabitants, with their several sorts and prop-
erties, must necessarily escape him; and it is seldom men ever
discover the rich mines without some digging. Nature commonly
lodges her treasures and jewels in rocky ground. If the matter
be knotty, and the sense lies deep, the mind must stop and buckle
to it, and stick upon it with labor and thought and close contem-
plation, and not leave it until it has mastered the difficulty and
got possession of truth. But here care must be taken to avoid
the other extreme: a man must not stick at every useless nicety,
and expect mysteries of science in every trivial question or
scruple that he may raise. He that will stand to pick up and
examine every pebble that comes in his way, is as unlikely to
return enriched and laden with jewels, as the other that traveled
full speed. Truths are not the better nor the worse for their
obviousness or difficulty, but their value is to be measured by their
usefulness and tendency. Insignificant observations should not
take up any of our minutes; and those that enlarge our view,
and give light towards further and useful discoveries, should not
be neglected, though they stop our course and spend some of our
time in a fixed attention.
There is another haste that does often, and will, mislead the
mind, if it be left to itself and its own conduct. The under-
standing is naturally forward, not only to learn its knowledge by
variety, which makes it skip over one to get speedily to another
part of knowledge,— but also eager to enlarge its views by run-
ning too fast into general observations and conclusions, without a


## p. 9110 (#114) ###########################################

9110
JOHN LOCKE
due examination of particulars enough thereon to found those
general axioms. This seems to enlarge their stock, but it is of
fancies, not realities; such theories, built upon narrow founda-
tions, stand but weakly, and if they fall not themselves, are at
least very hardly to be supported against the assaults of opposi
tion. And thus men, being too hasty to erect to themselves
general notions and ill-grounded theories, find themselves de-
ceived in their stock of knowledge, when they come to examine
their hastily assumed maxims themselves or to have them at-
tacked by others. General observations, drawn from particulars,
are the jewels of knowledge, comprehending great store in a
little room; but they are therefore to be made with the greater
care and caution, lest if we take counterfeit for true, our loss
and shame will be the greater when our stock comes to a severe
scrutiny. One or two particulars may suggest hints of inquiry,
and they do well who take those hints; but if they turn them
into conclusions, and make them presently general rules, they are
forward indeed, but it is only to impose on themselves by propo-
sitions assumed for truths without sufficient warrant. To make
such observations is, as has been already remarked, to make the
head a magazine of materials which can hardly be called knowl-
edge, or at least it is but like a collection of lumber not reduced
to use or order; and he that makes everything an observation
has the same useless plenty, and much more falsehood mixed
with it. The extremes on both sides are to be avoided; and he
will be able to give the best account his studies who keeps his
understanding in the right mean between them.


## p. 9111 (#115) ###########################################

9111
FREDERICK LOCKER-LAMPSON
(1821-1895)
BY ELIZABETH STODDARD
O BETTER biography
Frederick Locker can be given than
that by himself in 'My Confidences,' published since his
death by his son-in-law, Augustine Birrell. When Mr.
Locker begins them, he laments that he had not kept a journal, as it
might have been of some interest; but it was now too late. He
certainly describes the man he was,- — a somewhat whimsical, modest
person of culture.
Born of a distinguished naval family, twice married to women of
rank and wealth, a man of society as well as of letters, he steered
his bark in and out of the inlets of life, and skirted the borders of
its placid lakes and verdant shores without attempting to sail in
stormy seas. Thus he lived and died a prosperous, amiable gentle-
man.
"I am well content," he writes, "to range with humble livers,
provided I am allowed my share of humble memories. " With an
agreeable inconsistency, he records the annals of the Locker family.
His great-great-grandfathers were barristers, and clerks in city com-
panies; one of them, John Locker, a member of the Society of
Antiquaries, is referred to by Johnson in his Life of Addison,' as
eminent for "curiosity and literature. " The grandfather of Frede-
rick Locker, William Locker, after fifty years of active service in the
navy, was retired. When he commanded the 'Lowestoffe,' a youth
of eighteen, one Horatio Nelson, was his second lieutenant; Cuthbert,
afterwards Lord Collingwood, serving under him in the same vessel.
In 1792 William Locker hoisted his flag as commodore at the shore;
his health failing, he was appointed lieutenant-governor of Green-
wich Hospital, where he died in 1800, and was followed to the grave
by his friend Lord Nelson.
Frederick Locker's father, Edward Hawke Locker, was the young-
est son of William Locker. He left Eton to become a clerk in the
Navy Office, and not long afterwards was appointed civil commissioner
of Greenwich Hospital. He was also one of the founders and a pro-
moter of the Royal Naval Gallery. According to Lockhart, among
the distinguished friends of Edward Hawke Locker "Scott was an old


## p. 9112 (#116) ###########################################

9112
FREDERICK LOCKER-LAMPSON
and dear friend. " In May 1814 Mr. Locker was charged with a mis-
sion to Elba, where Napoleon had just arrived from Fréjus after his
abdication; an account of which the commissioner published in The
Plain Englishman, a periodical which he conducted in association
with Charles Knight:-
"Napoleon," he wrote, "takes much snuff; he is short and fat; his head
handsome, though too large for his body; his smile is pleasing, but his laugh
is singularly discordant, almost a neigh; his hand is white and delicate, and
his limbs have that roundness which does not become a man and a soldier;
but like all men of eminent ability, his manner was plain and unaffected. "
Frederick Locker's mother was the daughter of the well-known
vicar of Epsom, Jonathan Boucher, who passed much of his youth in
America, and there formed a friendship with George Washington, a
friendship broken by political differences. The letters of Washington
to his grandfather, Mr. Frederick Locker lent to Thackeray when he
was writing Henry Esmond. ' Of his mother, the poet writes that she
was "exceedingly handsome, but timid and anxious, pious, and deeply
read in Graham's 'Domestic Medicine. '» For all this, she was as
merry as a grig—while plying us with tracts, and hanging texts
over our bed-heads. For years the question worked on a perforated
card in colored worsteds, 'Do you ever pray? ' was present to me.
Finally she came to the belief that every soul would be saved; even
Lord Hertford, the typical wicked nobleman of her time. " Edward
Hawke Locker, writes his son, was an able upright man, in a way
strait-laced and circumspect; so prejudiced in regard to the early
fashion of his period that he could not be persuaded to surrender his
queue, till some other Locker came behind his chair at dinner and
cut it off. He did things foreign to his character; and Mr.