) He encouraged Nero
the 454th year after the foundation of the city.
the 454th year after the foundation of the city.
William Smith - 1844 - Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities - c
Caesar to suppress a formidable insurrection which
had broken out in Aquitaine, Tibullus overcame The poetry of his contemporaries shows Tibullus
his repugnance to arms, and accompanied his friend as a gentle and singularly amiable man.
He wns
or patron in the honourable post of contubernalis beautiful in person : Horace on this point confirms
(a kind of aide-de-camp) into Gaul. Part of the glory the strong language of the old biographers. To
of the Aquitanian campaign (described by Appian, Horace especially he was an object of warm attach-
B. C. iv. 38) for which Messala four years later (B. C. ment. Besides the ode which alludes to his pas-
27) obtained a triumph, and which Tibullus cele- sion for Glycera (Hor. Carm. i. 33), the epistle of
brates in language of unwonted loftiness, redounds, Horace to Tibullus gives the most full and pleasing
according to the poet, to his own fame. He was view of his poetical retreat, and of his character:
present at the battle of Atax (Aude in Languedoc), it is written by a kindred spirit. Horace does
which broke the Aquitanian rebellion. Messala, homage to that perfect purity of taste which dis-
it is probable, went round the province to receive tinguishes the poetry of Tibullus ; he takes pride
the submission of all the Gaulish tribes, and was in the candid but favourable judgment of his own
accompanied his triumphant journey by Ti satires. The time of Tibullus he supposes to be
bullus. The poet invokes, as witnesses of his shared between the finishing his exquisite small
fame, the Pyrenean mountains, the shores of the poems, which were to surpass even those of Cassius
sea in Xaintonge, the Saone, the Garonne, and of Parma, up to that time the models of that kind
the Loire, in the country of the Carnuti (near Or- of composition, and the enjoyment of the country.
leans) (Eleg. i. 7. 9, foll. ). In the autumn of the Tibullus possessed, according to his friend's no-
following year (B. C. 30) Messala, having pacified tions, all the blessings of life-a competent fortune,
Gaul, was sent into the East to organise that part favour with the great, fame, health ; and seemed to
of the empire under the sole dominion of Octa- know how to enjoy all those blessings.
vian. Tibullus set out in his company, but was The two first books alone of the Elegies, under
taken ill, and obliged to remain in Corcyra (Eleg. the name of Tibullus, are of undoubted authen-
i 3), from whence he returned to Rome.
ticity. The third is the work of another, a very
So ceased the active life of Tibullus: he retired inferior poet, whether Lygdamus be a real or ficti-
to the peace for which he had yearned ; his life is tious name or not. This poet was much younger
now the chronicle of his poetry and of those tender than Tibullus, for he was born in the year of the
passions which were the inspiration of his poetry. battle of Mutina, B. C. 43. The lines which convey
The first object of his attachment is celebrated this information seem necessary in their place, and
under the poetic name of Delia ; it is supposed cannot be considered as an interpolation. (Eleg. iii. 5.
(Apul. Apolog. 106, but the reading is doubtful) 17. ) The hexameter poem on Messala, which opens
that her real name was Plancia or Plautia, or, as the fourth book, is so bad that, although a success-
has been plausibly conjectured, Plania, of which ful elegiac poet may have failed when he attempted
the Greek Delia was a translation. To Delia are epic verse, it cannot well be ascribed to a writer
addressed the first six elegies of the first book of the exquisite taste of Tibullus. The smaller
She seems to have belonged to that class of females elegies of the fourth book have all the inimitable
of the middle order, not of good family, but above grace and simplicity of Tibullus. With the ex-
poverty, which answered to the Greek hetaerae. ception of the thirteenth (of which some lines are
The poet's attachment to Delia had begun before hardly surpassed by Tibullus himself) these poems
he left Rome for Aquitaine. His ambition seems relate to the love of a certain Sulpicia, a woman of
to have been to retire with her, as his mistress, noble birth, for Cerinthus, the real or fictitious
into the country, and pass the rest of his life in name of a beautiful youth. Sulpicia seems to have
quiet enjoyment. But Delia seems to have been belonged to the intimate society of Messala (Eleg.
faithless during his absence from Rome ; and iv. 8). Nor is there any improbability in sup-
admitted other lovers. On his return from Corcyra, posing that Tibullus niay have written elegies in
he found her ill, and attended her with affectionate the name or by the desire of Sulpicia. If Sulpicia
solicitude (Eleg. i. 5), and again hoped to induce was herself the poetess, she approached nearer to
her to retire with him into the country. But first Tibullus than any other writer of elegies.
a richer lover appears to have supplanted him with The first book of Elegies alone seems to have
the inconstant Delia ; and afterwards there appears been published during the author's life, probably
a husband in his way. The second book of Elegies soon after the triumph of Messala (B. C. 27). The
is chiefly devoted to a new mistress named Ne birthday of that great general gives the poet an
mesis. Besides these two mistresses (Christian occasion for describing all his victories in Gaul and
morals command silence on another point) Tibullus in the East (Eleg. i. 7). In the second book ho
3
403
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1126
TIGELLINUS.
TIGELLINUS.
celebrates the cooptation of Messalinus, the son of jealousy or his avarice against the noblest members
Messala, into the college of the Quinqueviri. But of the senate and the most pliant dependants of
this second book no doubt did not appear till after the court. C. Rubellius Plautus (Vol. II. p. 411),
the death of Tibullus. With it, according to our Cornelius Sulla, Minucius Thermus, and C. Petro
conjecture, may have been published the elegies of nius, Nero's master of the ceremonies, were suc-
hie imitator, perhaps his friend and associate in the cessively his victims (Tac. Ann. xiv. 57, xvi. 18),
Bociety of Messala, Lygdamus (if that be a real and he actively promoted the emperor's divorce
name), i. e. the third book : and likewise the from Octavia and his marriage with Poppaea. A. D.
fourth, made up of poems belonging, as it were, to 63. (Tac. Ann. xiv. 60—64 ; Dion Cass. Ixii. 13. )
this intimate society of Messala, the Panegyric by In A. D. 65, Tigellinus entertained Nero in his
bome nameless author, which, feeble as it is, seems Aemilian gardens, with a sumptuous profligacy
to be of that age ; the poems in the name of Sul- unsurpassed even in that age, and in the same
picia, with the concluding one, the thirteenth, a year shared with him the odium of burning Rome,
fragment of Tibullus himself.
since the conflagration had broken out on the scene
1. The first edition of Tibullus, with Catullus, of the banquet. (Tac. Ann. IV. 37-40; Dion
Propertius, and the Silvae of Statius, 4 to. maj. , was Cass. lxii. 15. ) In the prosecutions that followed
printed at Venice by Vindelin de Spira, 1472. the discovery of Piso's conspiracy in the following
II. The second, likewise, of these four authors year, Nero found in Tigellinus an able and mer-
at Venice, by John de Colonia, 1475.
ciless agent for his revenge. Tigellinus attached
III. The first of Tibullus, with only the Epistle himself to Poppaea's faction, and it was said com-
of Ovid from Sappho to Phaon, by Florentius de monly in Rome, that the imperial privy-council
Argentina, Venice (? ) about 1472.
(Tac. Ann. xv. 61) contained only three members,
IV. Schweiger mentions two other very early the praetorian prefect, Nero and his wife. The
editions,
cruelty and rapacity of Tigellinus filled all ranks
V. Opus Tibulli Albii cum Commentariis Ber- with dismay. “ Pone Tigellinum," says Juvenal
nardini Cyllenii Veronensis, Romae, 1475. (i. 155) using his name proverbially, and the
Of modern editions, that (VI. ) of Vulpius, VII. stake and faggot will be your portion. Annaeus
that of Brookhusius, were surpassed by the VIII. Mela, the younger brother of Seneca the philo-
Tibullus à Heyne, 1st ed. Lipsiae, 1755. The sopher, was one only of many persons who be-
second and third improved editions, 1777-1798. queathed a large share of his property to Tigel-
IX. Albius Tibullus et Lygdamus, à J. U. Voss. linus and his son-in-law, Cossutianus Capito, that
Heidelberg, 1811.
the residue might be secured to the rightful heirs
X. Albii Tibulli Libri IV. ex recensione Caroli (Tac. Ann. xvi. 17; Dion Cass. lxii. 27), and those
Lachmann. Berolini, 1829.
who escaped from the real or imputed guilt of
XI. Albii 'Tibulli Carmina ex recensione Car. conspiring with Piso owed their exemption, not to
Lachmanni passim mutata. Explicuit Ludolphus their innocence, but to their bribes. (Dion Cass.
Dissenus. Göttingen, 1835.
ib. 28). It was probably about this time that
We have selected these last from several other Apollonius of Tyana was brought before Tigellinus
modern editions published in Germany. [H. H. M. ] on a charge of having traduced the emperor. But
L. TIBURTIUS, a centurion in the civil war the philosopher managed to impress his judge with
B. C. 48. (Caes. B. C. iii. 19. )
such a dread of his supernatural powers that he
TICHONIUS. [TYCHONIUS. ]
was dismissed unharmed. (Philostr. Ap. Tyan. iv.
L. TICIDA, one of Caesar's officers, was taken 42–44. ) The history of Tigellinus is so inwoven
prisoner along with Q. Cominius in B. C. 46. (Hirt. with that of his master, that we may refer to the
B. Afr. 44, 46. ) [COMINIUS, No. 7. ]
life of Nero and briefly add, that the minister pre-
TI'CIDA, a Roman poet, who wrote epigrams sided at the emperor's nuptials with Sporus, that
in which he spoke of his mistress under a fictitious he accompanied him to Greece, and distinguished
name. (Ov. Trist. ii. 432; Suet. Gramm. 11. ) himself every where by his venality, his shame
P. TICI'NIUS MENA, was the first person lessness, and his rapacity. (Tac. Ann. xv. 59;
who introduced barbers into Italy from Sicily in Dion Cass. lxiii. 11, 12, 13.
) He encouraged Nero
the 454th year after the foundation of the city. to degrade the imperial dignity as a public singer
(Varr. R. R. ii. 11. § 10; Plin. H. N. vii. 59. ) on the stage, and contributed to his downfal as
TIGELLI'NUS, SOPHO'NIUS, the son of a much by his own unpopularity as by pampering
native of Agrigentum, owed his rise from poverty his master's vices. (Dion Cass. ib. 21. ) Tigel-
and obscurity to his handsome person and his un- linus returned to Rome in A. D. 68, and shortly
scrupulous character. He was banished to Scylla- afterwards Nero was dethroned by the indignant
ceum (Squillace) in Bruttii (A. D. 39–40), for an legions and the long-suffering senate and people,
intrigue with Agrippina [AGRIPPINA, No. 2] and in his deepest distress (Suet. Ner. 48) the em-
Julia Livilla (Julia, No. 8), sisters of Caligula, peror retained some faithful adherents, but Tigelli-
and respectively the wives of L. Domitius Xhe- nus was not of the number. He joined with
nobarbue [No. 10) and M. Vinucius, cos. A. D. Nymphidius Sabinus, who had succeeded Fenius
30. (Vet. Schol. in Juv. i. 155 ; Dion Cass: | Rufus as praetorian prefect, in transferring the
lix. 23. )
allegiance of the soldiers to Galba. By large
Tigellinus was probably among the exiles restored bribes to T. Vinius, Galba's freedman, and to
by Agrippina, after she became empress, since early Vinius's daughter he purchased a reprieve from
in Nero's reign he was again in favour at court, and the sentence which, on all occasions, the Roman
on the death of Burrus (A. D. 63) was appointed prae- people clamorously demanded, and he even obtained
torian prefect jointly with Fenius Rufus. (Tac. Ann. from Galba a decree rebuking the populace for
xiv. 48, 51. ) Tigellinus ministered to Nero's worst their petition, and informing them that Tigellinus
passions, and of all his favourites was the most was sinking rapidly under consumption. On the
obnoxious to the Roman people. He inflamed his accession of Othe, however, in January, A. D. 70,
## p. 1127 (#1143) ##########################################
TIGRANES.
1127
TIGRANES.
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his doom was no longer to be eluded. A centurion | tinued in the undisputed possession of these er.
and bis company were despatched to Sinuessa, and tensjve dominions for nearly fourteen years. Of
Tigellinus, in the lap of luxury, and surrounded by the events of this period we have scarcely any
the victims and ministers of his excesses, after a information, but he appears to have consigned the
vain attempt to corrupt his executioners, perished government of Syria to a viceroy Magadates, while
by his own hand. (Tac. Hist. i. 72; Plut. Galb. 2,13, he himself continued to reside in the upper pro-
17, 19, 23, 29, Oth. 2; Dion Cass. lxiv. 3 ; Joseph. vinces of his kingdom (Appian, l. c. ). Here he
B. J. iv. 9. & 2; Suet. Galb. 15). (W. B. D. ] followed the example of so many other Eastern
TIGE'LLIUS HERMO'GENES. [HERMO- despots, by founding a new capital which he
GENES. ]
named after himself, Tigranocerta (Strab. xi. p.
TIGRANES (Trypávns), was the name of se- 532). It was his connection with Mithridates
veral kings of Armenia, of whom the first and that, by bringing him into collision with the power
greatest is also frequently reckoned among the of Rome, paved the way for his downfal. When
kings of Syria. The Armenian or native form of that monarch was preparing to renew the contest
the name is Dikran.
with Rome after the death of Sulla (B. c. 76), he
TIGRANES 1. * was a descendant of ARTAXIAS, was desirous to obtain the support of his son-in-
the founder of the Armenian monarchy. According law by involving him in the same quarrel, and in
to Appian (Syr. 48) his father's name was Tigranes, consequence instigated Tigranes to invade Cappa-
but no king of that name preceded his accession, docia. The Armenian king swept that country
and the native historians represent him as a son of with a large army, and is said to have carried off
Artaces or Artaxes. [ARSACIDAE, Vol. I. p. 365. ] into captivity no less than 300,000 of the inhabit-
The statement of Plutarch that he had reigned ants, a large portion of whom he settled in his
twenty-five years when he received the first em- newly-founded capital of Tigranocerta (Appian,
bassy of Lucullus in B. c. 71 (Plut. Lucull. 21), Mihr. 67; Strab. xi. p. 532; Memnon, c. 43).
would fix the date of his accession in B. c. 96, but But in other respects he appears to have furnished
Appian (Mithr. 15), perhaps inadvertently, al- little support to the projects of Mithridates, and
ludes to him as already on the throne in B. C. 98. left that monarch to carry on the contest with
Of the early events of his reign we have very im- Lucullus single-handed, while he himself turned
perfect information. But it appears that he suc. his attention to his Syrian dominions. And when
cessively conquered Arsaces or Artanes, king of (in B. c. 71) the vicissitudes of the war at length
Sophene, and several other petty princes, so that compelled the king of Pontus to take refuge in the
he united under his sway not only all Armenia, dominions of his son-in-law, Tigranes, though he
but several of the neighbouring provinces, and thus assigned him a guard of honour, and treated him
raised himself to a degree of power far superior to with all the distinctions of royalty, refused to
that enjoyed by any of his predecessors. Towards admit him to a personal interview, and manifested
the commencement of his reign he appears to have no inclination to espouse his cause. But when
been worsted by the Parthians, and was compelled Appius Clodius who had been sent by Lucullus to
to purchase a peace from those formidable neigh demand the surrender of the fugitive monarch, at
bours by the cession of a considerable extent of length obtained an interview with Tigranes at
territory. But at a later period he was not only Antioch, bis haughty demeanour as well as the
able to recover possession of these districts, but imperious terms in which his message itself was
invaded Parthia in his turn, and carried his arms couched, so offended the pride of the Armeniau
as far as Ninus and Arbela, while he permanently king that he returned a peremptory refusal, accom-
annexed to his dominions the important provinces panied with an express declaration of war. (Plut.
of Atropatene and Gordyene. Inflated by these Lucull. 21, 22 ; Memnon, 46. )
successes, he assumed the pompous title of king of There now remained for him no choice but to
kings, and always appeared in public accompanied prepare for the contest which he had so impru-
by some of his tributary princes as attendants dently provoked. But he was quite unable to
(Strab. xi. p. 532; Plut. Lucull. 21; Appian, Syr. appreciate the character of the enemy with whom
48). His power was at the same time greatly he had to cope, and though he now at length con-
strengthened by his alliance with Mithridates the descended to admit Mithridates to his presence and
Great, king of Pontus, whose daughter Cleopatra his councils, he was too much infiated with pride
he had married at an early period of his reign. to listen to the advice which his experience
(Appian, Mithr. 15; Plut. Lucull. 22. )
prompted ; and hastened to assume the offensive
An additional field was now opened to his am- by sending a force to invade Lycaonia and Cilicia,
bition by the dissensions which divided the Seleu- before his other preparations were completed. He
cidan princes of Syria. That country had been so appears to have been firmly impressed with the
Jong distracted by civil wars, that a large part of idea that Lucullus would await his approach in
its inhabitants appear to have welcomed, if they the Roman provinces, and when that general in-
did not invite, the foreign invader ; Antiochus stead of doing so, boldly crossed the Euphrates and
Eusebes was able to offer little opposition, and the Tigris, and penetrated into the heart of Ar-
Tigranes made himself master without difficulty of menia itself, Tigranes was completely taken by
the whole Syrian monarchy from the Euphrates to surprise. He at first refused to believe the intelli-
the sea, together with the dependent province of gence, and when at length convinced of its truth
Cilicia, 1. C. 83 (App. Syr. 48 ; Justin. xl. 1). he opposed Mithrobarzanes with a very inadequate
He was now at the summit of his power, and con- force to the advance of the conqueror. The de-
struction of this detachment aroused him to a
sense of his error and he now abandoned his capi-
• He is called by some writers Tigranes II. , tal of Tigranocerta, and withdrew to the moun-
the king of Armenia contemporary with Cyrus tains. Murena, who was sent in pursuit of him,
(see below, No. 1], being reckoned as Tigranes I. succeeded in cutting off all his baggage, and con-
2
4 C 4
## p. 1128 (#1144) ##########################################
1128
TIGRANES.
TIGRANES.
Ended protection
Aspaidates, and
Greek players to ce
in as new capital of
21, 22, 29; Appiar
The coins of T
struck in Syria and
beat him with a dia
siend of the simple
taxata,
COIN
a
verting his retreat into a disorderly flight (Plut. I his father, and finding himself detected, fled for
Lucull. 22–25; Appian, Mithr. 84). But not refuge to the Parthian king, Phrantes. That mo-
withstanding this reverse, the mighty host which narch, who had recently concluded a treaty of
he was soon able to gather around his standard, alliance with Pompey, readily, lent his support to
inspired him again with the same overweening the fugitive prince, and invaded Armenia with a
confidence, and he hastened to attack Lucullus in large army, with which he advanced as far as Ar-
order to avert the fall of Tigranocerta. The event
But he was unable to reduce that city,
was decisive ; the army of the Armenian king, and as soon as the Parthian king withdrew, Ti-
though amounting according to the most authentic granes easily drove out his rebel son. It was at
statement, to 55,000 horse and 150,000 regular this juncture that Mithridates, after his final defcat
infantry, besides light-armed troops, was totally by Pompey, once more threw himself upon the
routed by the small force under Lucullus ; the support of his son-in-law: but Tigranes, who sus-
king himself fled almost unattended from the field, pected him of abetting the designs of his son,
and Tigranocerta was surrendered to the victorious refused to receive him, and even set a price upon
general. (Plut. Lucull. 26—28 ; Appian, Milhr. his head, while he himself hastened to make over-
85, 86; Memnon, 56 ; Liv. Epit. xcviii. ; Eutrop. tures of submission to Pompey. That general had
vi. 9 ; Oros. vi. 3. )
already advanced into the heart of Armenia, and
During the ensuing winter, while Lucullus was was approaching Artaxata itself, under the guidance
established in Gordyene, several of the neighbour- of the young Tigranes, when the old king repaired
ing princes hastened to throw off the yoke of the in person to the Roman camp, and presenting him-
Armenian king, and tender their submission to self as a suppliant before Pompey, laid his tiara at
the Roman general. Among others, Antiochus his feet. By this act of humiliation he at once
(surnamed Asiaticus), the son of Antiochus Eu- conciliated the favour of the conqueror, who treated
bebes, presented himself to claim the throne of his him in a friendly manner, and left him in pos-
fathers, and was reinstated, apparently without session of Armenia Proper with the title of king,
opposition, in the possession of the whole of Syria, depriving him only of the provinces of Sophene and
where the yoke of Tigranes had long been odious Gordyene, which he erected into a separate king-
to his Greek subjects (App. Syr. 49; Strab. xi. dom for his son Tigranes. The elder monarch was
p. 532). Meanwhile Tigranes, in concert with so overjoyed at obtaining these unexpectedly fa-
Mithridates (with whom his disasters had brought vourable terms, that he not only paid the sum of
him into closer relations), was using every exertion 6000 talents demanded by Pompey, but added a
to assemble a fresh army, while they both endea- large sum as a donation to his army, and continued
voured, though without success, to induce Phraates, ever after the steadfast friend of the Roman
king of Parthia, to make common cause with them general (Dion Cass. xxxvi. 33–36 ; Plut. Pomp.
(App. Mithr. 87; Dion Cass. xxxv. 3 ; Epist. 32, 33 ; Appian, Mithr. 104, 105, Syr. 49; Vell.