No More Learning

It disclaims all connec-
tion with psychology. He even formulates a false and psychological
theorem as the counterpart of each true and metaphysical theorem.
And this reiterated opposition, it must be confessed, grows a little
wearisome and can be excused only by the backward state of
psychology, and its confusion with philosophy, at the time when
the book was written. Further, the Scottish philosophy relied on
intuition or immediate apprehension of reality ; Ferrier's method
is that of rational deduction from a first principle. Philosophy is
reasoned truth,' he says ; but ‘it is more proper that philosophy
should be reasoned, than that it should be true. Unfortunately,
he takes Spinoza's method as his model, though he does not follow
the model in all details. There is no array of definitions, axioms
and postulates, but only propositions, each deduced from the
preceding. Thus, a heavy weight is thrown on the first proposi-
tion of the series. This is the primary law or condition of all
knowledge, and is stated in the words, ‘Along with whatever any
intelligence knows it must, as the ground or condition of its
knowledge, have some cognisance of itself. ' What follows is little
more than the elaboration of this statement. Ferrier has not only
an epistemology, or theory of knowledge, but also an agnoiology, or
theory of ignorance, the main doctrine of which is that we can


## p. 42 (#72) ##############################################

42
Philosophers
[CH.
1
3
only be ignorant of what can possibly be known. Hence, in his
ontology, or theory of being, he reaches the conclusion that
absolute existence is ‘a supreme and infinite and everlasting mind
in synthesis with all things. ' Ferrier's writings had, and continue
to have, a considerable reputation, yet a reputation bardly commen-
surate with their philosophical insight and perfect style. Perhaps
the formalism of his method counteracted the lucidity of the
thought. Soon after his death (1864) English philosophy came
under the influence of the more comprehensive genius of Hegel.
The first English work directly due to the influence of Hegel
was The Secret of Hegel (1865) by James Hutchison Stirling.
Educated as a physician, he first heard of Hegel in accidental
conversation. Hegel was described as the reconciler of philo-
sophy and religion, and Stirling, fascinated by the thought,
soon afterwards threw up his practice, settled for some years
on the continent-in Germany and in France and devoted
himself with ardour to philosophical study, especially to the
mastery of Hegel's system. He returned to publish the results
of his work; and, although he wrote many books afterwards
especially an important Text-book to Kant (1881)The Secret
of Hegel remains his greatest work. It consists of transla-
tion, commentary, introduction and original discourse ; and it
shows the process by which the author approached and grappled
with his subject. Sometimes it is as difficult as its original; more
frequently, it illuminates Hegel both by a persistent effort of thought
and by occasional flashes of insight. Its style is characteristic.
Altogether lacking in the placid flow of the academic commentator,
and suggesting the influence of Carlyle, it is irregular, but
forceful and imaginative, a fit medium for the thinking which it
expressed. What Stirling meant by the 'secret' of Hegel was
presumably the relation of Hegel's philosophy to that of Kant.
In Hegel's construction he found a method and point of view
which justified the fundamental ideas of religion, and, at the same
time, made clear the one-sidedness of the conceptions of the 'age
of enlightenment,' at the end of which Kant stood, still hampered
by its negations and abstractions. And Stirling's favourite and
most lively criticisms were directed against the apostles of the
enlightenment and their followers of the nineteenth century.
Stirling was first in the field, and, although cut off from any
academic position, he continued to exercise a strong intellectual
influence. Independently of him, and soon after he began to
publish, the influence of Hegel was shown by a number of other


## p. 43 (#73) ##############################################

1]
Thomas Hill Green
43
6
writers, most of whom were connected with Oxford or Glasgow.
Like Stirling, they brought out the ideas in Kant which pointed to
Hegel's view; but, on the other hand, most of them paid little
attention to, or altogether disregarded, the details of the Hegelian
method. Of these writers one of the earliest and, in some respects,
the most important, was Thomas Hill Green, professor of moral
philosophy at Oxford. His work was constructive in aim and, to
a large extent, in achievement; and it was inspired by a belief in
the importance of right-thinking for life. The latter characteristic
Green shared with most of the writers who sympathised with his
philosophical views, and it accounted for much of the enthusiasm
with which these views were received. His constructive work, how-
ever, was preceded by a very thorough criticism. He saw that it
was necessary, first of all, to expose the assumptions and inconsis-
tencies underlying the systems of Mill and Spencer, and that these
systems were really based upon the philosophy of Hume. Green's
dissection of the latter appeared, in 1874, in the form of two
elaborate 'introductions' to a new edition of Hume's Treatise.
This work, as he confesses, was 'an irksome labour. ' He deals at
length with Locke and Hume, more shortly with Berkeley and
some of the moralists ; and he follows these writers from point to
point of their argument with unwearying, though sometimes weari-
some, persistence. But he was an unsympathetic critic. Locke
and Hume were rather careless of the niceties of terminology, and
some of the contradictions which he finds are, perhaps, only verbal
and might have been avoided by a change of expression. Enough
remain, however, amply to justify his accusation that their thought
was full of incoherences; and, if these had been brought into
clearer relief, and distinguished from merely verbal inconsisten-
cies, the effectiveness of his criticism might have been increased.
But he did succeed in showing that the philosophy based on the
abstraction of feeling, in regard to morals, no less than to nature,
was with Hume played out. He appealed to ‘Englishmen under
five-and-twenty' to close their Mill and Spencer and open their
Kant and Hegel; and this appeal marks an epoch in English
thought in the nineteenth century.
In the years following the 'introductions' to Hume, Green pub-
lished some occasional articles on philosophical topics. He, also,
exerted a great influence by his academic lectures—the more im-
portant of which are printed in his collected Works (three volumes,
1885–8). His greatest book, Prolegomena to Ethics, appeared in
1883, the year after his death. This book does not profess to be a


## p. 44 (#74) ##############################################

44
Philosophers
[CH.
a
6
1
system either of metaphysics or of ethics ; but it supplies the
groundwork for such a system. It is a vindication of the spiritual
nature of the world and of man. Neither nature nor man can be
constructed out of the sensations or feelings which formed the
data of the empirical philosophers. Our knowledge 'presupposes'
that there is a connected world to be known. The relations in-
volved, and inexplicable on empirical methods, can be understood
only as implying the action of mind. "The action of one self-con-
ditioning and self-determining mind' is, therefore, a postulate of
all knowledge, and our knowledge is a 'reproduction of this
activity in or as the mind of man. In the same way, our moral
activity is a reproduction in us of the one eternal mind. Under
all the limitations of organic life and of the time-process generally,
the mind of man carries with it the characteristic, inexplicable on
the theory of naturalism, of 'being an object to itself. ' This
position is not to be established by deductive or inductive methods ;
in this sense it cannot be proved. But it is a point of view from
which—and from which alone—we can understand both the world
and ourselves and see how it is that we are and do what we
consciously are and do. ' In the later books of his Prolegomena
this doctrine is applied to the interpretation of the history of the
moral life and of moral ideas ; and this portion of his work shows
his powers as a writer at their best. In other writings the same
conception is applied to social and religious questions. It is
conspicuous in his Lectures on the Principles of Political
Obligation, where he maintains that will, not force, is the basis
of the state, and gives a fresh reading to the doctrine of the
'general will. '
In his metaphysics, Green does not follow the method of Hegel's
dialectic; and in his reading of history there is no trace of the
Hegelian theory that development in time follows the same stages
as logical development. The gradual steps by which the realisa-
tion of reason or of self is brought about in the time-process are
not investigated. Only, it is assumed that the process is purposive,
that history is the reproduction of the eternal mind. How it
comes about that error and moral evil affect the process is not
explained, and the metaphor of 'reproduction, as well as the
whole relation of the time-process to eternal reality, is left
somewhat vague.
Of the numerous writers who represent a type of thought
similar to Green's in origin and outlook only a few can be men-
tioned here. In 1874, the year in which Green's 'introductions' to


## p. 45 (#75) ##############################################

1]
Edward Caird
45
Hume were published, there appeared, also, The Logic of Hegel,
translated from the latter's Encyclopaedia by William Wallace,
who afterwards succeeded to Green's chair of moral philosophy at
Oxford. A second edition of this work, in which the introductory
matter was considerably extended, was issued in 1892; and this
was followed, in 1894, by Hegel's Philosophy of Mind, and, in
1898 (after the author's death), by Lectures and Essays on Natural
Theology and Ethics. Wallace devoted himself more directly
than his associates to the elucidation of Hegel's thought; but it
may be doubted whether he himself adhered any more closely
than they did to the details of the dialectic. The prolegomena
and introductory essays, by which his translations were prefaced,
are not merely explanatory of difficulties. They have often the
character of original interpretations; they approach the subject
from different points of view and show a rare power of selecting
essential factors. Wallace had wide intellectual sympathies and
found matter of agreement with philosophers of different schools;
but all, in his hands, led towards a central idealism. His work
consisted in pointing out the various avenues of approach to
the temple of idealism, rather than in unveiling its mysteries.
In An Introduction to the Philosophy of Religion (1880), John
Caird, principal of the university of Glasgow, produced a work,
original in manner, but essentially Hegelian in doctrine. A similar
character marked all the work of his younger brother, Edward
Caird, professor of moral philosophy at Glasgow, and afterwards
master of Balliol college, Oxford. The influence of Edward
Caird rivalled that of his friend Green, and their teaching was in
fundamental agreement. Caird, however, had a facility of literary
expression such as Green did not possess ; he was, also, more
inclined to attack questions by the method of tracing the historical
development of thought. His first important work was A Critical
Account of the Philosophy of Kant (1877), which was superseded
by The Critical Philosophy of Immanuel Kant (two volumes,
1889). This work is a triumph of philosophical exposition and
criticism. Based upon a mastery of the whole range of Kantian
scholarship, it brings into relief the leading ideas by which Kant
himself was guided, and, through criticism of his arguments, gives
an interpretation of it as tending, when consistently worked out,
towards a system of speculative idealism. A brilliant and sympa-
thetic exposition is contained in his monograph on Hegel (1883).
His Gifford lectures, The Evolution of Religion (1893), deal less
than his other works with the criticism of philosophers; they are


## p. 46 (#76) ##############################################

46
[CH.
Philosophers
6
a study of the nature of religion, especially as exhibited in the
development of the Christian faith.
The writings of Francis Herbert Bradley are so important for
the understanding of English idealism in the nineteenth century
that it seems necessary to make some reference here to the work
of a writer still living. His achievement has been differently
viewed: sometimes as being the finest exposition of idealism,
sometimes as marking its dissolution. His first philosophical
work, Ethical Studies, appeared in 1876, about the same date
as the first books of Green and Caird. It is full of brilliant
criticism of conventional ethical ideas. The manner was different;
but the doctrine seemed to agree with that which was beginning
to be taught in the lecture-rooms. Here, also, 'self-realisation,'
that is, the realisation of the 'true self,' was the watchword.
His Principles of Logic, published in 1883, broke new ground
and showed, also, a development of the dialectical manner. The
inadequacy of the particular,' the implication of the universal'
in all knowledge, were familiar enough, but the defects of empirical
logic had never been exposed with such depth of insight, such
subtlety of reasoning, such severity of phrase. The work was a
triumph for the idealist theory of knowledge. It is noteworthy
that these two books have never been reprinted in England,
presumably because the author became more or less dissatisfied
with their teaching. There is, at least, a difference of emphasis
in the teaching of his next and greatest work, Appearance and
Reality (1893), which has been allowed to pass through several
editions.
This remarkable book has probably exerted more influence
upon philosophical thinking in English-speaking countries than
any other treatise of the last thirty years. But no summary can
convey a clear idea of its teaching. The conceptions of popular
thought and of metaphysics alike are in it subjected to detailed,
relentless criticism. Even the distinction, within the book, between
the chapters devoted to appearance and those described as
reality' seems artificial, for everything is found to be riddled
with contradictions. And these contradictions all belong to our
thought because it is relational Green had held that experience
requires relations, and had argued thence to the need for a relating
mind as the principle of reality. Bradley, too, insists that for
thought what is not relative is nothing' but he draws the very
different conclusion that our experience, where relational, is
not true. ' Of this doctrine all the brilliant disquisitions that
>
6


## p. 47 (#77) ##############################################

1]
Alexander Campbell Fraser
47
follow are applications, with the exception of the author's own
assertions about the absolute, which, being relational, must
be affected by the same vice of contradiction. If his argument
about relations is valid, the idealism of Green and Caird falls to
the ground. His method is more akin to Hegel's than theirs was;
but he also ignores the Hegelian triad; he does not attempt any
consecutive evolution of the categories ; even his doctrine of
degrees of reality' is more Spinozistic than Hegelian. As a
whole, the book is a great original achievement—a highly abstract
dialectical exercise, in which the validity of every argument
depends upon the fundamental "position that relations neces-
sarily involve contradiction. A later book, Essays on Truth and
Reality (1914), deals in great part with controversies which
belong to the twentieth century; without deserting the positions
of the earlier work, it is less purely negative in its tendency and
more devoted to the discovery of elements of truth than to the
exposure of contradictions,
IX. OTHER WRITERS
In the latter part of the nineteenth century there were other
philosophical tendencies at work than those already mentioned.
There were idealist writers whose idealism was of a different type,
resembling Berkeley's rather than Hegel's, and who are sometimes
called personal idealists; there was a movement of reaction from
the type of idealism last described in the direction of philosophical
realism or naturalism; and there were the first indications of the
new movements of thought which have characterised the early
years of the twentieth century.
Among the writers classed as personal idealists may be counted
Alexander Campbell Fraser. His philosophical career, as student,
professor and thinker, began before the Victorian era and lasted
into the present reign. He was a pupil of Hamilton at Edinburgh,
was for ten years professor of philosophy in New college there and
succeeded to the university chair on Hamilton's death in 1856.
His first book, Essays in Philosophy, was published in 1856,
his last, a small monograph entitled Berkeley and Spiritual
Realism, in 1908. Apart from minor works, among which special
mention should be made of his monographs on Locke (1890) and
Berkeley (1881), he is best known as the editor of the standard


## p. 48 (#78) ##############################################

48
[CH.
Philosophers
editions of Berkeley's Works (1871) and of Locke's Essay (1894),
and as the author of Gifford lectures The Philosophy of Theism
(1896). He also wrote an interesting and valuable account of his
life and views entitled Biographia Philosophica (1904).
For a great many years, Fraser, Caird and Bain powerfully
affected philosophical thought in Scotland through their university
teaching. Owing to the position of philosophy in the academic
curriculum, their influence upon the wider intellectual life of the
country was almost equally great, though less easy to trace with any
exactness. Froin Bain, his pupils learned precision in thinking and
an interest in psychology as a science, together with, perhaps, a
somewhat limited comprehension of metaphysical problems. Caird
gave an insight into the history of thought and provided a point of
view from which the world and man's life might be understood; many
of his pupils have shown in their writings that they had learned
his great language and were able to develop and apply his ideas.
Fraser did not teach a system or found a school; he awakened and
stimulated thought, without controlling its direction; he called
forth in his hearers a sense of the mysteries of existence, and he
encouraged in many the spirit of reflection. He had no system;
but his thought was essentially constructive, though the construc-
tion was based on an almost Humean scepticism. On one point,
however, he never yielded to sceptical analysis—the reality of the
self as conscious activity. He found the same thought in Berkeley,
and he may almost be said to have rediscovered Berkeley for
modern readers. Of the world beyond self he could find no theory
which could be satisfactorily established by strict reasoning. But
he saw (as Hume saw in his first work) that science has its
assumptions as well as theology. In particular, he looked upon
the postulate of uniformity as an act of moral faith in the
rationality of the universe, and it was as a 'venture of faith' that
he interpreted the universe as grounded in the reason and good-
ness of God.
a
The reaction from idealism is most strikingly illustrated in the
writings of Robert Adamson. The most learned of his contemporary
philosophers, bis earlier works are written from the standpoint of a
neo-Hegelian idealism. These works are a small volume On the
Philosophy of Kant (1879), a monograph on Fichte (1861), and an
article on logic (1882), long afterwards (1911) republished in book
form. The fundamental opposition of philosophical doctrines he
regarded as 'the opposition between Hegelianism on the one hand


## p. 49 (#79) ##############################################

1]
Robert Adamson
49
and scientific naturalism or realism on the other'; and he rejected
the latter doctrine because its explanation of thought as the pro-
duct of antecedent conditions was incompetent to explain thought
as self-consciousness. The problem which he set himself was to
re-think from the former point of view the new material con-
cerning nature, mind and history provided by modern science.
He came gradually to the opinion that this could not be done-
that idealism was inadequate. His posthumously published
lectures The Development of Modern Philosophy (1903) show
that he was engaged in working out a reconstruction from the
point of view which he had at first held incompetent—that of
realism. But his suggestions do not point to a theory of mechanism
or materialism. Although mind has come into being, it is as
essential as nature: both are partial manifestations of reality.
But he had not an opportunity fully to work out his constructive
theory or to examine its adequacy and coherence.
The new tendencies which distinguish more recent philosophy
illustrate also the increasing reaction of the literature of the
United States of America upon English thought. The theory
known as pragmatism is definitely of trans-Atlantic origin, and
forms of what is called the new realism seem to have been started
independently in the United States and in this country. The
latter theory is, largely, a revival of older views : both the natural
realism of Reid and the scholastic doctrine of the reality of
universals appear to have contributed to its formation. Prag-
matism is a more original doctrine; but its seeds also lie in the
past: it has been connected with the prevailingly practical tone
of much English thought; and more definite anticipations of its
leading idea might be found in some of the later English writers
of the nineteenth century.
E. L. XIV.
CH. I.
4


## p. 50 (#80) ##############################################

CHAPTER II
HISTORIANS, BIOGRAPHERS AND POLITICAL
ORATORS
A. WRITERS ON MEDIEVAL AND MODERN HISTORY
a
In a comparison of English historical literature in the nineteenth
with that in the eighteenth century, nothing is more striking than
the advance and the expansion of the study of the national past.
As was remarked in an earlier volume? , Hume’s was the first history
of England by a native historian worthy to be classed as literature;
and, after him, the subject fell largely into the hands of professed
political or ecclesiastical partisans. Robertson's History of
Scotland is not wholly exempt from such a charge ; Smollett's
continuation of Hume is certainly open to it; and no other
work in the field of national history can be said to have been
produced in the course of the century which has survived it
except as material for subsequent use. A reason for the un-
productiveness, on this head, of the closing years of the eighteenth
century, and the early years of its successor, might, of course, be
sought in the great national struggle against the French revolution
and the conquering power to which it gave birth. This struggle
finds its counterpart in the endeavours of the romanticists to
break up the literary and artistic solidarity of classicism, and to
trace the diversity of actual life in the specific features presenting
themselves in national, provincial or local institutions, forms of
government, social ways and manners. Scott, more than any other
writer in verse or prose, by his incomparable historical novels,
taught English historians to reproduce in their works the atmo-
sphere of the times and the colouring of the localities which they
desired to recall. The lesson was reinforced by two different
currents of studies and interests. The first was a result of the
1 For writers on ancient history and early ecclesiastical history, see, ante, vol. xi,
chap. xiv.
? See, ante, vol. 2, p. 280.


## p. 51 (#81) ##############################################

CH. 11]
New Currents—Sharon Turner
51
diligent enquiry into the
origines of our national institutions
and their effect upon our national life which formed part of the
něw movement of the new century-in other words, of the
beginnings of historical criticism". In the study and literary
treatment of the national history, this research concentrated itself
in the labours of what has been called the Germanist school whose
adherents strove to show
the extent to which modern constitutional ideas were connected with
medieval facts, and the share that the German element has had in the
development of institutions and classes,' and 'succeeded in establishing the
characteristically Germanic general aspect of English history, a result
which does not exclude Roman influence, but has to be reckoned with in all
attempts to establish definitely its bearing and strength 2?
The second current, again, was one which affected England in
common with all other western nations, but which acted upon her
life and literature in a way peculiar to herself. In the period
roughly circumscribed by the revolutionary years 1830 and 1848—9,
social questions, concerned with the economic conditions of the
people at large, assumed an unprecedented prominence; and
these led to a study, very little followed before, of the economic
influences under which nations arise and have their being. Other
sciences were called upon to contribute towards an understanding
of the foundations of popular life, the materials out of which it is
formed and the reasons which determine its progress or decay.
Historical research, animated by a living interest in the present,
rather than by a romantic yearning for a revival of the past, thus
came to demand, and find, new fields for its labours.
The first name to be mentioned among writers of English history
from the close of the eighteenth century onwards is, unmistak-
ably, that of Sharon Turner. Born and educated in London",
he was, as a boy, attracted to the study of northern literature
through a version, in Percy's Five Pieces of Runic Poetry,
of that Death-Song of Ragnar Lodbrok which is held to have
first suggested the study in England of Norse antiquity“ He
1 Cf. , ante, vol. XII, chap. xiv.
2 See P. Vinogradoff's illuminating introduction to Villainage in England : Essays
on English and Medieval History (Oxford, 1892).
3 He was a pupil at James Davis's academy in Pentonville, and his literary career
illustrates the value of the attempts made in these academies to supply instruction
in modern subjects. Cf. the syllabus of courses in history and geography by Priestley
at Warrington (where he worked from 1761 to 1767) appended to Parker, Irene, Dis-
senting Academies in England (Cambridge, 1914); and see, generally, ante, vol. x,
pp. 381—3.
4 See, for some account of the literary influence of the Death Song upon Sir William
Temple and others, ante, vol. x, pp. 221-4.
4-2


## p. 52 (#82) ##############################################

52
[CH.
Historians
early abandoned the active pursuit of the legal profession, and,
in 1795, settled for many years in the neighbourhood of the
British Museum, long the constant resort of his strenuous leisure.
Here, the Old English MSS in the Cottonian library became his
chief study, and it was on his researches in these and similar
sources that was founded his History of England from the
earliest period to the Norman Conquest, produced from 1799 to
1805, after sixteen years of preparatory labours. It was well
received by Palgrave and other authorities, but was also subjected
to unfavourable criticism, which, in one instance, called forth a
vindication from the authorOn the whole, the success of the
work was such as to encourage him to produce, in steady sequence,
a continuation from the Norman conquest to 1500, and a further
continuation, covering the reign of Henry VIII, with a political
history of the commencement of the English Reformation,' which
he afterwards carried on to the death of Elizabeth. The latter
portions of the work, published in 1829, under the collective title
The History of England, failed to command a popularity
equalling that of their predecessors. The reformation period, in
particular, had, as we shall see, been recently treated by Lingard,
some of whose ecclesiastical views, indeed, Sharon Turner was
desirous of controverting. But his volumes dealing with Old
English times, though they share his general characteristics of
great amplitude and sententiousness of expression, have the dis-
tinctive note of original research both wide in range and assiduous;
nor can he be refused the credit of having pointed the way in
which Kemble and Thorpe followed, and thus made it possible for
Palgrave and Freeman to construct their great works. It was in
Sharon Turner that the interest was first awakened which led to
the appointment (in 1800) of the first Record commission, whose
composition, unfortunately, rendered its efforts of but little effect,
till, mainly through the efforts of (Sir) Harris Nicolas, it was
superseded in 1836) by the new commission, of which Palgrave was
the soul.
Sharon Turner himself cannot rank as a great historian;
and it might, perhaps, be questioned whether his proper place is
among historians at all. His early volumes are marred by a
cumbrous method, a tedious style and an antiquated philology; yet,
a survey of their contents suffices to show the breadth of their
author's design and the indefatigable industry expended upon its
execution. His place in literature he owes, not to service or
circumstance, but to his courage and energy in research, which
i See bibliography.


## p. 53 (#83) ##############################################

11]
John Lingard
53
enabled him, first among English writers, to make his countrymen
aware of the elements of future national greatness revealed in the
life of our immigrant forefathers.
Some time before the new movement in English historical
studies, which had derived a strong impulse from what had, of
recent years, been done in France and Germany! , can be said to
have been fairly at work, two writers had produced historical works
of national significance. John Lingard's History of England,
indeed, had been in preparation for about thirteen years, before,
in 1819, the first three volumes of the work appeared, bringing
it to the end of the reign of Henry VII, a point very near the
critical part of the narrative, if its avowed more special purpose
be considered. Lingard's earliest book, The Antiquities of the
Anglo-Saxon Church, had been published so early as 1806. Here
is observable, together with a determination to base statements of
historical facts upon original authorities, the desire, which became
the mainspring of his History and, it is not too much to say, the
object of his life, to convince his countrymen of their mis-
conceptions as to the Roman catholic faith and its influence upon
the action of its adherents. He was himself born and bred as a
catholic (although his father was a protestant by descent), and
owed practically the whole of his training to Douay, where, it is
stated, no instruction was given in history. On the dispersion of
the college at Douay, Lingard spent some time in the centre of
English catholic affairs. He became acquainted with Charles
Butler, author of The Book of the Roman Catholic Church and
long active in promoting the abolition of penal laws against
catholics. These efforts, as implying long participation in church
affairs, were vehemently opposed by John Milner, afterwards
titular bishop of Castabala and a ruthless adversary of Lingard
and the moderate catholic party. Lingard was all but deterred
from carrying out his design of writing a history of England,
which he had cherished during the latter part of a collegiate life of
nearly thirty years. Declining the presidency of Ushaw college,
where he had held the arduous post of vice-president-as he
afterwards refused a mitre-he, in 1811, took up the humble
1 In France, where the spirit that pervaded the labours of Mabillon and his fellow-
Benedictines had never been wholly extinguished, the École des Chartes, which marked
the beginning of a systematic training in the study of medieval documents, dates from
1820, though it had to pass through a period of uncertainty, and even of temporary
extinction, before its revival nine years later. In Germany, the publication of Monu-
menta Germaniae Historica, the first modern collection of medieval sources edited with
all the appliances of modern critical scholarship, began in 1826.


## p. 54 (#84) ##############################################

54
[CH.
Historians
a
a
duties of the mission at Hornby near Lancaster; and here he
remained, almost continuously, during the rest of his life, which
ended there, forty years later, in his eighty-first year. The remote
northern presbytery became a sort of literary centre, in which he
was periodically visited by Brougham and other leaders of the
northern circuit, and whence he exercised an influence over the
conduct of catholic affairs, which neither Milner's intrigues nor
the frank differences of opinion between Wiseman and himself
could extinguish. This influence was due to his History of
England, which appeared in the critical period of catholic
affairs preceding the Emancipation act and, at Rome, was held
to have largely contributed to the change in public feeling which
had made that act possible. Whether or not pope Leo XII, as
Lingard believed, not long before the completion of his History,
intended to acknowledge his services by raising him, sooner or
later, to the cardinalate, such a recognition of endeavours equally
free from blind partisanship and from adulation would have done
honour to the church which he loved and served.
Lingard's first three volumes at once achieved what, in the
circumstances, must be reckoned a remarkable success. It is not
too much to say that this was mainly due to the use made by the
writer of his study of original MSS, both at home and in Rome,
and to the straightforward and lucid style of his narrative. Few
historians have written so little ad captandum as Lingard,
whether in this or in later, and more contentious, portions of
his work; if there is in him little warmth of sympathy, neither is
there any vituperative vehemence. No historian has ever better
trained himself in the art of avoiding the giving of offence; and
none was less likely to be run away with' by ardent admiration
for those fascinating historical characters in which fanaticism is
often intermingled with devotion to a great and noble cause.
On the other hand, there never was a more vigilant recorder of
facts than Lingard, or one whom criticism was less successful in
convicting of unfounded statements; it was not his way to take
anything in his predecessors for granted, and he wished his work.
to fulfil the purpose of a complete refutation of Hume, without
the appearance of such a purpose!
1 This is brought out in John Allen's review in The Edinburgh Revicw (April 1825,
vol. XLII), where Lingard is blamed for his anathema against the philosophy of history,
which he is pleased to term the philosophy of romance,' but which is either a sacrifice
to cant or the result of his dislike of Hume. Allen's second review of Lingard (June
1826) dealt specially with the St Bartholomew, a problem which may almost be described
as still under treatment; and it was in reply to this that Lingard issued his Vindication


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11] Lingard's History of England 55
In the subsequent volumes of his History, Lingard's skill and
judgment were put to the severest of tests, and it is not unjust
to him to say that the history of the reformation, or that of
a particularly complicated section of it, was never written with
more discretion than it was by him. On the one hand, he
refused to shut his eyes, like some other judges of conservative
tendencies, to certain aspects of the conflict—the dark side of
monasticism, for instance. On the other, he declined to launch
forth into discussions of the general consequences of the English
reformation, and allowed the course of events—of which, in his
account of the reigns of Mary and Elizabeth, he was able to add
many new elucidations—to tell its own story. Even in relating
the critical struggle between Elizabeth and her Scottish rival, he
hardly becomes a partisan; while his narrative of the reign of
James I plainly marks the end of Roman catholicism as an organic
part of the national life. The later volumes of the History
followed in fairly regular succession, the last (vol. VIII) appearing
in 1830, with a notable account of the antecedents of the revolution
of 1688, including the character of James II. Lingard moved more
easily as his work progressed, as well as in the careful revisions to
which he subjected it and in which he freely entered into an
examination of views opposed to his own, Macaulay's among them.
While his protestant assailants found no palpable holes in his
armour, he maintained his own position in the catholic world,
consistently holding aloof from ultramontane views and shaping
his course as seemed right to him. Yet, his conviction that he had
signally contributed to the change in educated public opinion in
England as to his church and her history, though the intention
implied is compatible with perfect veracity of statement as well
as perspicacity of judgment, cannot be said to imply that search
after truth for its own sake which is the highest motive of
the historian. Lingard's tone is not apologetic, but his purpose
avowedly is ; and, while his work retains its place among histories
of England based on scholarly research, conceived in a spirit of
fairness and composed with lucidity and skill, it lacks alike the
intensity of spirit which animates a great national history and
the breadth of sympathy which is inseparable from intellectual
(1826). Southey's criticisms of the reformation volumes in The Quarterly Review
(December 1825, vol. XXXIII) were expanded in his popular Book of the Church, which
led to a literary controversy between its author and Charles Butler. On the catholic
side, the irreconcilable Milner was provoked by the account of the earlier part of the
reformation, and in vain attempted to procure the condemnation of the book at Rome.
1 The last edition revised by himself bears the date 1854–5.


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56
[CH.
Historians
independence. Lingard’s book, it should be added, is a political
history only, and sheds no light on either the literary or the social
progress of the nation.
It was only at a relatively advanced stage of Lingard's career
as a historian-in 1835—that he made acquaintance with the
historical work of his contemporary Henry Hallam, a typically
national figure among eminent English writers of history? Eton
and Oxford, although they had helped to form the man and give
him free access to what was best in the social, political and
intellectual life of his generation, had done little else to equip him
for the career which he preferred to bar or parliament. Inasmuch
as he enjoyed, throughout life, ample leisure and easy conditions of
existence, he could take his time about both reading and writing;
but he used these opportunities with a conscientious thoroughness
such as no class-room training or examination-room system could
have surpassed in effectiveness. The 'classic Hallam,' as Byron
chose to call the Edinburgh reviewer whose sole avowed pre-
tensions to fame had, so far, consisted in his contributions to Musae
Etonenses (1795), spent more than a decade in preparing his first
book, which, on its appearance in 1818), revealed itself at once as
what every production of Hallam's maturity became as a matter
of course-a 'standard' work of historical literature and learning
In A View of the State of Europe during the Middle Ages, he
undertook to subject to a philosophical survey the course of
European history, as a whole, during the ten centuries from the
great popular migrations to the formation of the chief states of
modern Europe, and, at the same time, to consider the special
growth of each particular state. In this truly comprehensive
essay, Hallam showed himself both too restrained and too sure-
footed to lapse into mere generalities, although the work cannot,
of course, rank with Guizot's rather later Histoire de la Civilisa-
tion en France, which, though unfinished, also overshadowed the
same writer's earlier and more concise Histoire générale de la Civi-
lisation en Europe. The chapter on England in The Middle Ages
,
* It is curious, in view of the high reputation of Hallam's name with successive
generations of historical students, that the only biographical account of him worth
notice should be Mignet's, in Éloges Historiques (Paris, 1864). This is remarked by
Sir Leslie Stephen in his article on Hallam in vol. xxiv D. of N. B. (1890), where
a few additional facts, likewise due to family information, are supplied.
2 Hallam's way of asserting his sureness as to facts was overpowering in con.
versation; and Thomas Campbell described him as, though devoid of gall and
bitterness, yet a perfect boa-contradictor. ' (Campbell's Life and Letters, ed. Beattie,
W. , vol. 111, p. 315. )
6


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11]
Henry Hallam
57
unmistakably announces the future historian of the English
constitution, with his consciousness of the value, for an insight
into the political and social development of a nation, of an enquiry
into the continuous growth of its laws. For the rest, the limits
of Hallam's gifts as a historian are manifest in the earliest of
his works; but, together with them, there becomes apparent the
unflinching severity of his moral judgment, the most distinctive
note of, what Mignet calls him, “the magistrate of history. '
In 1827 was published the best known of Hallam's works-
best known, because of the clearness and solidity that still keep
it a text-book of the subject which it treats, and which, to the
large majority of students of English history, is the sum and
substance of all that compels their interest in the national past.
We may regret, especially in view of the great internal changes
undergone by this country in the epoch of Hallam's later man-
hood, that he should have fixed the death of George II as the
terminus ad quem of his Constitutional History of England; and
we may wish, since he would thus have widened the point of view
of a long succession of English learners of history, that he had
drawn the line of the book's terminus a quo at the beginning of
the middle ages instead of at their close; albeit, in this respect,
his own Middle Ages, in some measure, and the later works of
Stubbs and others most effectively supplemented his labours, and
gave true unity to the whole subject. Hallam's own political
opinions, however, would hardly have carried him as a historian
through the periods of revolution in France and democratic reform
at home; he distinctly dissociated himself from the Reform bill
movement of 1830—2, and showed a distrust of the multitude
which even Sir Archibald Alison's could hardly have surpassed;
while his heart was with the constitutional progress which, after
the violent interruption of the Civil war and the ensuing inter-
regnum, was consummated in the revolution of 1688, and crowned
by the passing of the Act of settlement. In other words,
Hallam was a whig of the 'finality' school; what he approved
and admired in our laws and institutions was their power of
endurance, after they had resulted from centuries of conflict with
the pretensions of the prerogative, which came over with foreign
conquest, while the principles of the nation's laws were rooted in
its own past. This conflict forms, as it were, the heart or nucleus
of his story; nor does it lose anything of its sternness or of its inner
consistency in his hands. His style is without fascination, charm
or richness; but it is raised above a mere business tone by the
తరుములు ముందు ముందుకు


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58
[CH.
Historians
sense manifest beneath it of great issues worthy of arduous
struggles; so that it never wearies, just as the great interests
of life which it befits a man to cherish—the cause of the common-
weal and of personal freedom-never grow stale. Of these things,
Hallam's work is, as it were, the representative; what lies beyond,
it ignores. Hallam’s Constitutional History was, at a later date
(1861–3), adequately continued by Sir Thomas Erskine May, who
had made a name for himself by his standard work, The Rules,
Orders and Proceedings of the House of Commons (1854). His
Constitutional History is distinguished both by the admirable
perspicuity of its arrangement and by the decisive clearness of its
tone. Walter Bagehot's The English Constitution (1867) will be
briefly noticed elsewhere.
When, in his last great book, Hallam once more passed out of
the domain of politics into that of literature, and undertook, with
impartial eye and undeflected judgment, to furnish an Introduction
to the Literature of Europe during the Fifteenth, Sixteenth and
Seventeenth centuries (1837-9), it was as if he desired to bequeath
to the world of letters the knowledge he had garnered during a
long life. He had remained a stranger to few fields of literary
study and become familiar with most of the homes of European
civilisation, since its new birth in the land which he had probably
loved next to his own, and which, in his later years, had been
specially endeared to him by its varied associations with the two
sons whose names will always be remembered with that of their
father. The work, which, to this day, few literary students would
be willing to spare, illustrates, more than any other of his produc-
tions, the equity as well as the acumen of his critical conclusions ;
but the form it takes is too compressed for it to satisfy more
exacting demands. Without being reticent where candour is
called for, or shallow where great depths have to be sounded, it
offers a model of an introductory survey that needs to be filled up
with the comments and illustrations of the best kind of cicerone-
ship; and, though necessarily it must fail more and more to
satisfy in parts, it will, as a whole, long challenge supersession.
At one time, it might have seemed as if, in the charmed circle
of the whigs, one of its most honoured members, who, early in his
career (1791), had, not without credit, crossed swords with Burke,
were, after he had entered into the second and less eccentric phase
of his political opinions, destined to take a leading place among
English historians. But Sir James Mackintosh, who, like Macaulay,
· See, post, pp. 142—3.
>


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11]
Mackintosh. Macaulay
59
was tempted from home by public employment in India, was with-
out the intellectual energy of his junior, and less indifferent than
he to the attractions of clubs and society. Moreover, like many
lesser men, he could never quite settle down to one particular line
of study and production, and the claim of philosophy seemed, on
the whole, the strongest upon his mind. On his homeward voyage
from Bombay, in 1811–12, he had begun an introduction to a
history of England from the revolution of 1688 to that of 1789;
but he speedily entered parliament, and, for some time, held a
professorship of law and general politics at Haileybury. Towards
the end of his life (1830), he published a much-read Dissertation
on the Progress of Ethical Philosophy, chiefly during the 17th
and 18th Centuries! Thus, little leisure was left, or sought,
for the History of England expected from Mackintosh's pen;
and, besides a volume bearing that title, contributed by him to
Lardner's Cabinet Cyclopaedia, he only produced an unfinished
History of the Revolution in England in 1688, which was un-
satisfactorily edited by William Wallace, with a continuation, to
say the least, ill-suited to either the book or its subject. This
performance is chiefly known by Macaulay's essay upon it—not
itself one of his choicest efforts-and by the scandal which ensued.
Mackintosh, notwithstanding the honour and glory which he
enjoyed among a large circle of his contemporaries, can, as a
historian, hardly be regarded as more than a precursor of
Macaulay, to whom we accordingly turn.
Thomas Babington (lord) Macaulay's youthful Edinburgh
essay on Hallam's Constitutional History, with all its enthusiasm,
indicates very clearly the qualities which distinguish him from the
author of that work, whose whole spirit, he says, is 'that of the
bench, not that of the bar. ' For himself, he was, among modern
historians, the greatest of advocates; as his early essay History?
shows, he had drunk too deeply of the spirit of the ancient
masters and had too closely studied their manner of narrative
6
It was this essay, first produced as a supplement to the Encyclopaedia Britannica,
which gave rise to James Mill's bitter Fragment on Mackintosh (really an apology
for Bentham). The reply to Macaulay's attack upon Mill's essay on Government
(1829) was written by John Stuart Mill; Macaulay's retort, The Westminster Reviewer's
Defence of Mill, followed in the same year.
It was pablished in The Edinburgh Review for May 1828, as a notice of
Henry Neele’s The Romance of History: England, and reprinted in vol. 1 of his
Miscellaneous Writings, posthumously published in 1860. This essay asserts that
'in an ideal history of England Henry VIII could be painted with the skill of a
Tacitus’; and the skirmishes of the Civil War would be told, as Thucydides could
have told them, with perspicuous conciseness. '


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60
[CH.
Historians
and characterisation not to be desirous of reproducing, with their
picturesqueness and point, the intensity of feeling wbich inspired
their art, and to take pride in his partisanship as he gloried in his
patriotism.
Born in 1800, Macaulay almost grew into manhood with the
great events of the second decade of the century, and first took
thought of his History at the time of one of its greatest political
struggles. Sir George Trevelyan's biography of his venerated
kinsman, besides bringing home to every reader the truthfulness
of its portraiture of a man who justified the opinion formed, in
his boyhood, by Hannah More as to the transparent purity and
sincerity of his nature, shows that his services to his country and
the empire were far from being absorbed in those which, with
voice and pen, he rendered to his party; and that, in heart and
soul, he was, from first to last, the man of letters whose fame grew
into an enduring national possession. The path of distinction
opened early for him in literary as well as in political work; to
a forensic career, he was not drawn, notwithstanding his oratorical
gifts, his marvellous power of memory and what has been well
described as his extraordinary sense of the concrete. He was the
most indefatigable of workers, both from motives highly honourable
to him (he was an excellent son to his father, Zachary Macaulay,
a chief pillar of the anti-slavery movement, and, through life, a
devoted brother) and from xatural disposition, and he could say
for himself that when I sit down to work I work harder and
faster than any person that I ever knew. In the earlier half of his
life, he found himself obliged to earn money to supplement the
income from his Trinity fellowship and, subsequently, from his
commissionership in bankruptcy; and when, in 1830, he began his
History of England, he did not think it possible to give himself
up to preparation for what might prove an unremunerative task.
Thus, though, as it proved, nearly thirty years were yet before
him, he abstained from entering at once upon a work which he
might still have carried out on a scale such as that which he
originally contemplated when fixing the death of George III as
ulterior limit; and he became a regular contributor to periodical
literature, Knights Quarterly Magazine and The Edinburgh
Review in particular. An article proposed by him to the latter
journal, after a visit to France at the time of the revolution of
1830, having been rejected through the intervention of Brougham
(never Macaulay's friend), he planned a history of France from the
restoration to the accession of Louis-Philippe, but did not carry it


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11]
Macaulay's Essays
61
to quite one hundred printed pages—in which condition it was
afterwards discovered. When, in 1834, he accepted a seat on the
India council, and, during his residence in India (where he never
became domesticated) to 1838, devoted to literature such leisure as
he could command, The Edinburgh Review, again, gathered its
ripe fruits. On his return home, now in possession of a sufficient
income, a parliamentary career once more offered itself to him;
and, though he had already begun his History of England, he, in
1839, accepted office under lord Melbourne. In 1841, the whig
ministry fell
, and the opportunity of the History seemed to have
once more arrived; but he turned aside, for the moment, to com-
pose his Lays of Ancient Rome (1842)? The volume evinced his
approval of Niebuhr's celebrated theory as to the chief source of
the history of regal Rome; yet, notwithstanding the applause
obtained for it by its martial impetus and swing, the artificiality
inseparable from such tours de force is beyond disguise. It will
probably long be loved by the young, and by all for whom graphic
force and an easy command of ballad metres constitute poetry. In
more experienced readers, it fails, as Mignet observes, to produce
the illusion of reality. Macaulay's essays were not republished
till 1845. The collection then approved by him contained all his
contributions to periodical literature which he decided to preserve
in this form, but not all that are of interest from a literary or
biographical point of view; and to the essays contained in it has
to be added the notable series of articles contributed by him to
The Encyclopaedia Britannica (on Atterbury, Bunyan, Goldsmith,
Johnson and the younger Pitt). His speeches (published, in self-
defence, as corrected by himself, in 1854) are touched upon below;
the code of Indian criminal procedure, the completion of which
was chiefly his work (1837), falls outside our range.
His literary fame rests on his Essays and his History. The
essays, taken as a whole, mark an epoch both in the literature of
the essay, and in historical literature. As a rule, they consist of
reviews, not of the book of which the title is prefixed to the essay,
but of the subject with which the book is concerned, treated from
whatever point of view may commend itself to the author. Thus,
they are so many detached pieces of political or literary history, or
of that combination of both in which Macaulay delighted and
excelled, generally taking a narrative form and preferentially
enclosed in a biographical framework. The qualities to which
they owe their chief attractiveness may, without pedantry, be
i See, ante, vol. XIII, chap. VI.


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62
[CH.
Historians
1
described as appertaining to the art, rather than to the science,
of history. The style and general manner of treatment rise or fall
in accordance with the subject and with the mood of the author,
and that to which he desires to dispose the reader—'historical
articles,' he says himself, 'may rise to the highest altitude or sink
to the levity and colloquial ease of Horace Walpole. This is my
theory. ' That he did not carry it out to the full, was due to the
limitations of his own literary genius. Character-drawing was his
forte: he had learnt this from the great masters in verse and prose
of his favourite later seventeenth, and earlier eighteenth, centuries,
and, at times, seemed almost to better the instruction. As to style,
he was capable of gorgeous pomp of speech, of dazzling splendour
of rhetorical ornament; to sublimity, he could not rise. His wit
was trenchant and, at times, irresistible, and his satiric power was
never at a loss; but his humour sometimes lacked delicacy and his
sarcasm the more refined shades of irony. His essays have much
to charm and even to fascinate; but to the psychological criticism
of the later French masters they are strangers.
It would, of course, be a great error to regard Macaulay's
essays as uniformly open to such criticisms as the above; there
are, necessarily, great differences between the earlier and the later
in a collection extending over something like a score of years.
The earliest of the Edinburgh articles—that on Milton—at once
attracted attention to the new writer. Yet, though the passionate
tone both of admiration and of invective in Macaulay's essay is
that of youth, the gorgeous rhetoric and the audacious substitution
of paradox for philosophical conclusion are not peculiar to this
stage of his productivity. In one of the very last—though not
quite the last—of these essays, that on Addison, Macaulay is
manifestly master of a mellowness of tone and calm dignity
signally appropriate to a subject to which his whole heart went
forth. Yet, the same inexhaustible flow of illustration is here,
again, accompanied by the same indiscriminate profusion of pre-
determined praise and blame-nothing, in literary, or in other,
respects, can be too good for Addison, and nothing too bad for Pope.
In an extremely acute, though not hyper-sympathetic estimate
of Macaulay's literary qualities, J. Cotter Morison divides the
whole body of his essays and other smaller pieces into subject-
groups; and, if we accept this distribution, there will hardly be
any doubt as to which of these groups bears away the palm. Of
the essays on English history, several may rank among his very
finest work; and the essayist is on sure ground, and at his best, in


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11] Macaulay's Essays and History 63
the two essays on Chatham, separated, in their dates of production,
by ten years, but forming, together, a biographical whole worthy
of its great national theme. There is, however, one other section
of the group which calls for even more special attention. These
are the two essays on Warren Hastings and on Clive, to both of
which historical criticism must take exception in particular points,
but in which the genius of the historian for marshalling facts often
remote and obscure, and for presenting the whole array with mag-
nificent effect, achieves an almost unprecedented triumph. In the
essays on foreign history, Macaulay was less successful; that on
Frederick the great had little value before Carlyle, and less
afterwards; while the subject of Ranke's Popes made too great
demands upon Macaulay's powers as a philosophical historian.
Finally, while, of the controversial' essays, the author himself
judiciously thought fit to exclude more than one from republica-
tion, the critical, especially if the delightful late essay on Temple
and one or two others of a mixed kind are included, form the most
numerous series in the collection. Macaulay's power of recalling
not only the great figures of literature, but, also, the surroundings
and very atmosphere of their lives, will keep such articles as that
on Boswell's Johnson favourites, though the censure of Croker
may be fully discounted and the belief have become general that
Boswell was no fool. In the article on Bacon, on the other hand,
the essayist was at his worst, and, in the main argument of the
philosophical portion of the essay, stands self-condemned. The
whole indictment was, at first anonymously, refuted by James
Spedding, in Evenings with a Reviewer, or Macaulay and Bacon
(1848), and, in a more comprehensive sense, by the whole of that
distinguished critic's Life and Letters of Bacon (1861–74), one of
the ablest as well as one of the most elaborate of English biographical
monuments. In Macaulay's contributions to The Encyclopaedia
Britannica, written towards the close of his life, the historical
element is dominant; but they show unabated literary power.
When, in 1848, the first two volumes of The History of
England, to which Macaulay's ever-growing public had looked
forward for many years, at last appeared, and were received with
unbounded applause, it was already a less extensive plan to which
the great achievement would clearly have to be restricted. His
hopes of carrying on the work, in the first instance, to the
beginning of the régime of Sir Robert Walpole—a period of
over thirty years—and, thence, peradventure, a century, or even
further, beyond, gradually became dreams; and, in the end, he


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[CH.
Historians
would have been happy could he have brought down the history
consecutively to the death of his hero, William III, instead of the
narratives of that event and of the preceding death of James II
remaining episodes written in anticipation. After India, parliament
and official life had claimed him, and it had not been till 1847 that
he had found himself wholly free. In 1849, he declined the professor-
ship of modern history at Cambridge, and, though he returned
to parliament in 1852, the broken state of his health determined
him, in 1856, to withdraw altogether from public life. In the
previous year, vols. III and iv of his History had been published and
received with great, though no longer unmixed, favour. He had not
quite finished his fifth volume before his death, at the end of 1859.
Macaulay's History remains a great book, and one of the
landmarks of English historical literature, albeit, strictly speaking,
but a fragment, and neither without shortcomings nor free from
faults. His innate conviction that historical writing is a great
art, whose object it is to produce an effect serviceable to virtue
and truth by the best use of the materials at its disposal, led him
to devote an almost equal measure of assiduous attention to the
collection of those materials and to the treatment of them.
Research, prosecuted indefatigably, through many years, in the
byways quite as diligently as in the highways, among pamphlets
and broadsheets, backstairs reports and the rumours of the
streets, enabled him to paint pictures of English life and society,
more especially the famous general survey which closed the pre-
liminary portion of his History-full of colour and variety, to
a degree wholly without precedent. Research of the same kind
among historians and memoir-writers of an age in which obser-
vation of character, a chief heritage of the drama, had been
carried to a completeness never reached before supplied the
touches and the turns by which he was able to distribute light
and shade over his biographical passages and personal portraits,
and to impart to his entire narrative a generous and rich
colouring like that of the choicest tapestry. At the same time,
it cannot be denied that, while, in this never-ending process
of research, like a great advocate gifted with the faculty of
sweeping everything into his net except what he has no desire
to find there, he never lost sight of facts that would be of use and
of value to him, he, on occasion, omitted to bring in facts adverse
to his conclusions. Hence, he sometimes fell into grievous errors
which he was not always at pains to correct when they were
pointed out, and which have thus remained as flaws on the surface


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11] Macaulay's History of England 65
of the marble? And, even when there is no question of error,
the grandeur of his theme, sometimes, carries him away into
a treatment of its main personages, if not of its most important
transactions, resistlessly influenced by his sympathies and anti-
pathies. Hence, William of Orange, the hero of the epic, and his
unfortunate adversary, James II, are drawn with much the same
imaginative partiality.
But, besides Macaulay's inexhaustible store of materials, and
the apposite use which his prodigious power of memory enabled
him, at all times, to make of them in prompt profusion, other
causes contributed to the overwhelming popularity of his History.
One of these was his power of construction—the arrangement
of the narrative and the ordering of its parts and stages.
Where else, in our own literature, at all events, shall we find
a similar mastery over what may be called the architecture of
a great historical work, in which learning, imagination and moral
purposes have alike been factors? The art of telling a story-
here, the story of a crisis in the destinies of a great nation-
depends on this, as well as on the details of composition. In
the latter respect, Macaulay's pre-eminence is unchallenged; and
generation upon generation will continue to admire the luxuriance
of a diction capable of changing suddenly into brief pithy
sentences, that follow one another like the march of mailed
warriors, and the vis vivida of a style which enchains the atten-
tion of young and old, and wearies only because of an element
of iteration in its music. The great whig, protestant and
patriotically English History, with its grand epical movement,
its brilliant colouring and its irresistible spirit of perfect harmony
between the writer and his task, is, thus, one of the literary
masterpieces of the Victorian age.
1 The more important criticisms of Macaulay's facts and deductions are enumerated
by Sir Leslie Stephen in his article on Macaulay in D. of N. B. vol. XXXIV (1893).
(See bibliography. ) The most comprehensive of these are to be found in John Paget's
New • Examen' (1861), supplemented by two additional papers of minor moment.
Paget justly observes that Macaulay's habit of citing a number of authorities, frequently
without specifying dates or pages, is most trying to the reader who wishes to verify.
This way of dealing with evidence is conspicuously misleading in his accounts of
Marlborough and of Penn, each of which, as a whole, must be set down as a gross
misrepresentation, even if particular objections, such as the confusion of George Penne
with William Penn, may be held not to be absolutely proved. In Macaulay's treatment
of the problem of responsibility for the massacre of Glencoe, his partisanship is too
palpable to allow of the reader being deluded even by the doubtful use made of
Gallienus Redivivus. The prejudice shown against Claverhouse is more excusable,
and the correctness of the picture of the Highlands, although certainly one-sided,
is, at least, debatable.
CH. II.
5
6
E, L, XIV.


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[CH.
Historians
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