The proceedings of congress, the attestation of the few
survivors of the revolution, and the confidential corres-
pondence of the officers, place the fact beyond all question.
survivors of the revolution, and the confidential corres-
pondence of the officers, place the fact beyond all question.
Hamilton - 1834 - Life on Hamilton - v1
org/access_use#pd-google
? 132 THE LIFE OF
It was certainly fabricated to answer the most selfish and
wicked purposes.
I cannot avoid sketching out to your excellency the his-
tory of General Conway's letter from the time that it came
to my hands, by Lieutenant-Colonel Troup, my aid-de-
camp, to whom General Conway delivered it at Reading,
on the 11th of October, to this time, as far as it has affected
me, and the officers of my family.
That letter contained very judicious remarks upon that
want of discipline which has often alarmed your excel-
lency, and I believe all observing patriots. The reasons
which, in his judgment, deprived us of the success we would
reasonably expect, were methodically explained by him;
but neither the weakness of any of our generals, nor "bad
counsellors," were mentioned, and consequently cannot be
assigned or imagined as part of those reasons to which
General Conway attributed some of our losses. He wrote
to me as a candid observer, as other officers in every ser-
vice write to each other for obtaining better intelligence
than that of newspapers, and that freedom renders such
letters thus far confidential in some measure. The judg-
ment of the person who received them points out to him,
according to time and circumstances, the propriety or im-
propriety attending their being communicated when no
particular injunction of secrecy was requested.
Particular actions, rather than persons, were blamed,
but with impartiality; and I am convinced that he did not
aim at lessening, in my opinion, the merit of any person.
His letter was perfectly harmless: however, now that va-
rious reports have been circulated concerning its contents,
they ought not to be submitted to the solemn inspection of
those who stand most high in the public esteem.
Anxiety and jealousy would arise in the breast of very
respectable officers, who, rendered sensible of faults which
inexperience, and that alone may have led them into,
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? HAMILTON. 133
would be unnecessarily disgusted, if they perceived a pro-
bability of such errors being recorded.
Honour forbids it, and patriotism demands, that I should
return the letter into the hands of the writer. I will do it,
but at the same time I declare that the paragraph conveyed
to your excellency as a genuine part of it, was in words as
well as in substance, a wicked forgery.
About the beginning of December I was informed that
letter had occasioned an explanation between your excel-
lency and that gentleman. Not knowing whether the whole
letter or part of it had been stealingly copied, but fearing
malice had altered its original features, I own, sir, that a
dread of the mischiefs which might attend the forgery I
suspected would be made, put me for some time in a most
painful situation. When I communicated to the officers in
my family the intelligence I had received, they all entreat-
ed me to rescue their characters from the suspicions they
justly conceived themselves liable to until the guilty person
should be known. To facilitate the discovery, I wrote your
excellency; but unable to learn whether General Con-
way's letter had been transmitted to you by a member of
congress, or a gentleman in the army, I was afraid much
time would be lost in the course of the inquiry, and that the
states might receive some capital injury from the infidelity
of the person who I thought had stolen a copy of the ob-
noxious letter, was it not probable that the secrets of the
army might be attained and betrayed through the same
means to the enemy?
For this reason, sir, not doubting that congress would
most cheerfully concur with you in tracing out the crimi-
nal, I wrote to the president, and enclosed to him a copy of
my letter to your excellency.
About the same time I was forwarding these letters, Bri-
gadier General Wilkinson returned to Albany. I informed
him of the treachery which had been committed, but I con-
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? 134 THE LIFE OF
cealed from him the measures I was pursuing to unmask
the author. Wilkinson answered, he was assured it never
would come to light, and endeavoured to fix my suspi-
cions on Lieutenant-Colonel Troup, who said he might
have incautiously conversed on the substance of General
Conway's letter with Colonel Hamilton, whom you had
sent not long before to Albany. I did not listen to this in-
sinuation against your aid-de-camp and mine. I considered
it ungenerous; but the light your excellency has just as-
sisted me with, exhibiting the many qualifications which
are necessarily blended together by the head and heart of
General Wilkinson, I would not omit this fact. It would
enable your excellency to judge whether or not he would
scruple to make such a forgery as that which he now stands
charged with, and ought to be exemplarily punished. To
attempt sowing dissensions among the principal officers of
the army, and rendering them odious to each other by false
suggestions and forgeries, is, in my opinion, a crime of the
first magnitude, and involves with it all the consequences of
positive treason. That the forgery now in view was ma-
chinated for injuring General Conway, and perhaps myself,
in your judgment, is now evident to me; and I trust the
detection will operate, as it ought to operate, upon your ex-
cellency, as well as the members of the congress before
whom your letter necessitates me to lay this answer. The
station of the calumniator seems to justify your excellency
for having believed till now that the extract was genuine:
and yet, sir, I cannot help wishing you had sent me a copy
of it immediately after your explanation with General
Conway.
Would that your excellency's prediction relative to him
had not been inserted in your letter which came to me un-
sealed, through the hands of congress. I sincerely wish the
detection of this forgery may render us all more cautious;
and that to procure a fair and dispassionate explanation
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? HAMILTON. 135
whenever insinuations are made to the prejudice of respect-
ed characters, may become an established rule in society,
as well as in public business throughout the United States.
I am with unfeigned respect, sir,
Your excellency's most humble and
Most obedient servant,
Horatio Gates.
January 23d, 1778.
This extraordinary attempt, after having substantially ad-
mitted in his first letter the genuineness of the extract from
Conway's letter, to induce the belief that it was a forgery,
and a forgery committed by Colonel Wilkinson, a member
of his own staff, was thus commented upon.
WASHINGTON TO GATES.
Head Quarters, Valley Forge, February 9th, 1778.
sir:
I was duly favoured with your letter of the 23d last
month, to which I should have replied sooner, had I not
been delayed by business that required my more imme-
diate attention.
It is my wish to give implicit credit to the assurances of
every gentleman; but on the subject of our present cor-
respondence, I am sorry to confess, there happens to be
some unlucky circumstances which involuntarily compel
me to consider the discovery you mention, not so satisfac-
tory and conclusive as you seem to think it. *
+ In a private letter from General Washington to Mr. Jay, dated April 14,
1779, he observes, "I discovered very early in the war, symptoms of coldness
and constraint in General Gates' behaviour to me. These increased as he rose
into greater consequence, but we did not come to a direct breach till the begin-
ning of last year. This was occasioned by a correspondence, which I thought
made rather free with me, between him and General Conway, which acci-
dentally came to my knowledge. The particulars of this affair, you will find
delineated in the packet herewith, endorsed 'Papers respecting General Con-
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? 136 THE LIFE OF
I am so unhappy as to find no small difficulty in recon-
ciling the spirit and import of your different letters, and
sometimes the different parts of the same letter with each
other.
It is not unreasonable to presume, that your first informa-
tion of my having notice of General Conway's letter, came
from himself; there were very few in the secret, and it is
natural to suppose, that he being immediately concerned,
would be the most interested to convey the intelligence to
you. It is also far from improbable, that he acquainted you
with the substance of the passage communicated to me;
one would expect this, if he believed it to be spurious, in
order to ascertain the imposition and evince his innocence,
especially as he seemed to be under some uncertainty as to
the precise contents of what he had written, when I signi-
fied my knowledge of the matter to him. If he neglected
doing it, the omission cannot easily be interpreted into any
thing else than a consciousness of the reality of the extract,
if not literally, at least substantially. If he did not neglect
it, it must appear somewhat strange that the forgery re-
mained so long undetected, and that your first letter to me
from Albany, of the eighth of December, should tacitly re-
cognise the genuineness of the paragraph in question; while
your only concern at that time seemed to be, the "tracing
out the author of the infidelity, which put extracts of Gene-
ral Conway's letters into my hands. " Throughout the
whole of that letter, the reality of the extracts is, by the fair-
est implication, allowed, and your only solicitude was to find
out the person who brought them to light. After making
the most earnest pursuit of the author of the supposed
treachery, without saying a word about the truth or false-
hood of the passage, your letter of the twenty-third ultimo,
way. ' Besides the evidence contained in them of the genuineness of the of-
fensive correspondence, I have other proofs still more convincing, which having
been given me in a confidential way, / am not at liberty to impart. "
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? HAMILTON. 137
to my great surprise, proclaims it in words, as well as sub-
stance, a "wicked forgery. "
It is not my intention to contradict this assertion, but
only to intimate some considerations, which tend to induce
a supposition, that though none of General Conway's letters
to you contain the offensive passage mentioned, there might
have been something in them too nearly related to it, that
could give such an extraordinary alarm. It may be said,
if this were not the case, how easy, in the first instance, to
declare there was nothing exceptionable in them, and to
have produced the letters themselves in support of them?
This may be thought the most proper and effectual way of
refuting misrepresentations, and removing all suspicion.
The propriety of the objections suggested against submitting
them to inspection, may very well be questioned; the vari-
ous reports circulated concerning their contents were, per-
haps, so many arguments for making them speak for them-
selves, to place the matter upon the footing of certainty.
Concealment, in an affair which had made so much noise,
though not by my means, will naturally lead men to con-
jecture the worst, and it will be a subject of speculation
even to candour itself. The anxiety and jealousy you ap-
prehend from revealing the letter, will be very apt to be
increased by suppressing it. It may be asked, why not
submit to inspection a performance perfectly harmless, and
of course conceived in terms of proper caution and delicacy?
Why suppose that "anxiety and jealousy" would have ari-
sen in the breasts of very respectable officers, or that they
would have been necessarily disgusted at being made sen-
sible of their faults when related with judgment and impar-
tiality by a candid observer? Surely they could not have
been unreasonable enough to take offence at a performance
so perfectly inoffensive, "blaming actions rather than per-
sons," which have evidently no connexion with one ano-
ther, and indulgently "recording the errors of inexperience. "
vol. i. 18
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? 138 THE LIFE OF
You are pleased to consider General Conway's letters
as of a confidential nature, observing, that "time and cir-
cumstances must point out the propriety or impropriety of
communicating such letters. " Permit me to inquire, whe-
ther, when there is an impropriety in communication, it is
only applicable with respect to the parties who are the sub-
ject of them? One might be led to imagine this to be the
case, from your having admitted others into the secret of your
confidential correspondence, at the same time that you
thought it ineligible it should be trusted to those officers
whose actions underwent its scrutiny. Your not knowing
whether the letter under consideration "came to me from
a member of congress or from an officer," plainly indicates
that you had originally communicated it to at least one of
that honourable body; and I learn from General Conway,
that before his late arrival at York-Town, it had been com-
mitted to the perusal of several of its members, and was
afterwards shown by himself to three more. It is some-
what difficult to conceive a reason, founded in generosity,
for imparting the free and confidential strictures of this in-
genuous censor on the operations of the army under my
command, to a member of congress; but, perhaps, "time
and circumstances pointed it out. " It must be indeed ac-
knowledged, that the faults of very respectable officers, not
less injurious for being the result of inexperience, were not
improper topics to engage the attention of members of con-
gress.
It is, however, greatly to be lamented, that this adept in
military science, did not employ his abilities in the progress
of the campaign, in pointing out those wise measures which
were calculated to give us "that degree of success we
might reasonably expect. " The United States have lost
much by that unseasonable diffidence, which prevented his
embracing the numerous opportunities he had in council, of
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? HAMILTON. 130
displaying those rich treasures of knowledge and experi-
rience he has since so freely laid open to you. I will not
do him the injustice to impute the penurious reserve, which
ever appeared in him on such occasions, to any other cause
than an excess of modesty; neither will I suppose he pos-
sesses no other merit than of that kind of sagacity, which
qualifies a man better for profound discoveries of errors
that have been committed, and advantages that have been
lost, than for the exercise of that foresight and provident
discernment, which enable him to avoid the one and anti-
cipate the other; but, willing as I am to subscribe to all his
pretensions, and believe that his remarks on the operations
of the campaign were very judicious, and that he has saga-
ciously descanted on many things that might have been
done, I cannot help being a little sceptical as to his ability
to have found out the means of accomplishing them, or to
prove the sufficiency of those in our possession. These
minutiae, I suspect, he did not think worth his attention,
particularly as they might not be within the compass of his
views.
Notwithstanding the hopeful presages you are pleased to
figure to yourself of General Conway's firm and constant
friendship to America, I cannot persuade myself to retract
the prediction concerning him, which you so emphatically
wish had not been inserted in my last. A better acquaint-
ance with him than I have reason to think you have had,
from what you say, and a concurrence of circumstances
oblige me to give him but little credit for the qualities of his
heart, of which, at least, I beg leave to assume the privi-
lege of being a tolerable judge. Were it necessary, more
instances than one might be adduced from his behaviour and
conversation, to manifest that he is capable of all the ma-
lignity of detraction, and all the meanness of intrigue, to
gratify the absurd resentment of disappointed vanity, or to
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? 140 THE LIFE OF
answer the purposes of personal aggrandizement, and pro-
mote the interest of a faction.
I am, with respect, sir,
Your most obedient servant,
Geo. Washington.
Major General Gates.
To this biting sarcasm, which no man conscious of his
innocence would have brooked, General Gates gave the
following submissive reply.
GATES TO WASHINGTON.
SIR,
I yesterday had the honour to receive your excellency's
letter of the 9th instant, and earnestly hope no more of that
time, so precious to the public, may be lost upon the sub-
ject of General Conway's letter. Whether that gentleman
does or does not deserve the suspicions you express, would
be entirely indifferent to me, did he not possess an office of
high rank in the army of the United States; for that rea-
son solely, I wish he may answer all the expectations of
congress.
As to the gentleman, I have no personal connexion with
him, nor had I any correspondence previous to his writing
the letter which has given offence, nor have I since written
to him, save to certify what I know to be the contents of
the letter. He, therefore, must be responsible;-- as I
heartily dislike controversy, even upon my own account,
and much more in a matter wherein I was only accident-
ally concerned. In regard to the parts of your excellency's
letter addressed particularly to me, I solemnly declare, that
I am of no faction, and if any of my letters, taken aggregately
or by paragraphs, convey any meaning which, in any con-
struction, is offensive to your excellency, that was by no
means the intention of the writer. After this, I cannot be-
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? HAMILTON. 141
lieve your excellency will either suffer your suspicions, or
the prejudices of others, to induce you to spend another
moment upon the subject.
With great respect, I am, sir.
Your excellency's most obedient, humble serv't,
Horatio Gates.
"General Wilkinson," says Colonel Troup, "by his acti-
vity and talents, and by the influence he had acquired over
Gates' mind, rendered himself very important in the ope-
rations which led to the convention of Saratoga. The con-
sequent kindness of Gates honoured Wilkinson with being
the bearer of Gates' despatches to congress; and, during
this event, Wilkinson, in carrying the despatches, loitered
so long on his way that the intelligence preceded him,
"which Induced '^oger Sherman^ a shrewd member from
Connecticut, to move in Congress that Wilkinson should
be complimented with a pair of spurs. In the course of
some weeks afterwards, Gates was informed that the sub-
stance of the correspondence was known to General Wash-
ington.
"The information excited such unpleasant feelings in the
breast of General Gates, as to impel him to make inqui-
ries among the gentlemen of his family to discover the
traitor. These gentlemen positively disavowed all know-
ledge of the traitor, and declared their inability even to
suggest any clue to his detection.
"It cannot be matter of surprise, in the absence of all
other evidence, that circumstances so colourable should have
made a serious impression on General Gates. The impres-
sion was more serious against Colonel Hamilton than Co-
lonel Troup; for the former, though very young, had, by
his extraordinary talents, and the correctness of his con-
duct, acquired a standing at head-quarters that kindled the
jealousy of some officers who were inclined to think unfa-
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? 142 THE LIFE OF
vourably of General Washington. Not long after, the mys-
tery was unravelled by satisfactory proof that General
Wilkinson was the traitor. It appeared that in going to
congress with despatches, he fell in with a part of General
Washington's army at Reading: there, in a convivial party
of which an aid of Lord Stirling was one, Wilkinson dis-
closed the substance of the correspondence, and his lord-
ship on receiving the fact from his aid, hastened to commu-
nicate it to General Washington, whereby the honour of
Colonel Troup and Colonel Hamilton were left without
the shadow of reproach.
"The treachery of Wilkinson had the effect of severing
the ties which had long bound him and General Gates to
each other; and in the end it likewise produced a duel be-
tween them, which fortunately terminated without the
shedding of blood. "
The communications with Gates were closed on the 24th
February, 1778, with a cold, dignified, and withering as-
sent to his humble proposition to bury all that had passed
in oblivion.
WASHINGTON TO GATES.
Valley Forge, February 24th, 1778.
Sir:
I yesterday received your favour of the 19th instant. I am
as averse to controversy as any man; and had I not been
forced into it, you never would have had occasion to im-
pute to me even a shadow of a disposition towards it.
Your repeatedly and solemnly disclaiming any offensive
views in these matters which have been the subject of our
past correspondence, makes me willing to close with the
desire you express, of burying them hereafter in silence;
and, as far as future events will permit, oblivion.
My temper leads me to peace and harmony with all
men; and it is particularly my wish to avoid any personal
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? HAMILTON. 143
feuds or dissensions with those who are embarked in the
same great national contest with myself; as every differ-
ence of this kind must, in its consequences, be injurious.
I am, Sir,
Your most obedient servant,
George Washington.
Major General Gates.
This correspondence, written on the part of Washing-
ton, with a master's hand, while it covered Gates with
shame and confusion, afforded to Hamilton abundant cause
of exultation in so triumphant a vindication of his own cha-
racter, and of the conduct of his chief.
The justice of General Washington's charge that a fac-
tion existed both in congress and the army, has never until
recently been made a subject of doubt.
The proceedings of congress, the attestation of the few
survivors of the revolution, and the confidential corres-
pondence of the officers, place the fact beyond all question.
It rests, exclusive of other evidence, on the testimony of
Washington, Greene, and La Fayette, Colonels Harrison,
Hamilton, and Laurens.
On the seventeenth of October, 1777, congress, departing
from their established practice of confining such powers to
their own body, determined to create a Board of War, to
consist of three persons, not members of congress, which,
among various other duties, was directed "to superintend
the several branches of the military establishment;" all
officers were enjoined to observe its directions, and the states
were recommended to give this board all necessary assist-
ance in the execution of the business of their department.
On the thirty-first of October, Colonel Wilkinson announ-
ced officially to congress the capture of Burgoyne, of which
they had been previously advised; and a committee, con-
sisting of Samuel Adams, Richard Henry Lee, and Mr. Ro-
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? 144 THE LIFE OF
berdeau, was appointed to prepare a recommendation to the
states to set apart a day of thanksgiving for this signal suc-
cess, which on the ensuing day was reported to congress,
and breathed all the deep-toned fervour of religious enthu-
siasm which mark the character of Samuel Adams.
On the fourth of November, resolutions of thanks to Ge-
neral Gates and to the officers serving under him, which this
important event justly called for, were passed by congress.
The friends of Gates were not content with this; and not-
withstanding he had volunteered through Wilkinson an apo-
logy for the terms of the capitulation, which had already
called forth the loudest public reprobation, and than which
nothing could have been more futile; "that the reduction
of Fort Montgomery, and the enemy's progress up the river
endangered the arsenal at Albany, a reflection which left
him no time to contest the capitulation," these terms were
"pronounced honourable and advantageous to the states. "
At the same time, the committee to whom the motion for
directing the future operations of the army under General
Gates was referred, brought in a report, which, after de-
bate, was committed, and Mr. Duer added to the com-
mittee; and, on the ensuing day a report was introduced,
upon which it was resolved, "that General Washington be
informed that it is the earnest wish of congress to regain
the possession of the forts and passes of the Hudson river,"
and that for that purpose General Gates should remain in
command in that quarter, and that Putnam join the main
army with such a detachment from Gates' army "as Gene-
ral Washington may think can be spared, not exceeding twen-
ty-five hundred men, including Colonel Morgan's corps. "
Authority was given Gates to order such of the continental
troops and militia as were posted near the Hudson to join him;
and he was empowered to call on the several states for such
number of militia as he shall judge necessary, to maintain
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? HAMILTON. 145
the posts on the river, "to the end that his army may be in
readiness to pursue such operations as congress shall direct. "
He was also authorized to ask all farther means he required.
The governor and council of New-York were directed to be
furnished with copies of these resolutions; to appoint a com-
mittee to assist Gates, which committee were requested and
empowered to call on the states of New-Hampshire, Mas-
sachusetts, Rhode-Island, Connecticut, New-York, and New-
Jersey, to furnish such number of men as he should require
for this object; and farther authority was given to him to
call for all the necessary aids to reduce Ticonderoga and
Fort Independence; to which was added a resolution, --
"That if General Washington, after consulting General
Gates and Governor Clinton, shall be of opinion that a lar-
ger reinforcement can be detached to the main army, con-
sistent with the attainment of the objects, (previously speci-
fied,) in such case he be directed to order such farther rein-
forcements to the main army, as may be thought conducive
to the general welfare, any thing in the preceding resolution
to the contrary notwithstanding. "*
In debating the last resolution, it was moved after "di-
rected" to insert "with their concurrence" which was ne-
gatived by a vote of all the states except Massachusetts and
one vote from Rhode-Island, and the general resolutions
were adopted by every state except Massachusetts, which
was divided, and by one vote from Rhode-Island. f
* This resolution appears on the journals as a part of the report of this
committee. This would seem to be an error; -- as its effect is to defeat the
intention of the report, the probability is, that it was proposed to be appended
to the report with that view, and that on that motion the amendment was sug-
gested.
f The votes were as follows : -- For inserting "with their concurrence. "
Affirmative. --Messrs. Samuel Adams, John Adams, Gerry, Marchant,
Dyer. --5.
Negative. --Messrs. Folsom, Lovell, Law, Williams, Duanc, Duer, Elmer,
VOl. I. 19
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? 146 THE LIFE OF
The importance of drawing reinforcements, at this time,
from the northern army, and the disastrous consequences
which resulted from General Gates' conduct, have been seen
in the previous chapter.
Early in the month of October, General Vaughan, in or-
der to create a diversion in favour of Burgoyne, moved up
the Hudson, came in sight on the fifth, and on the night of
the sixth of that month attacked the Forts Clinton and Mont-
gomery. The former, a circular height, defended by a line
for musketry, with a barbet battery in the centre of three
guns, and flanked by two redoubts: the latter, "strongly
fortified by nature, almost inaccessible in itself, and suffi-
ciently manned," were both, "after a feeble and unskilful de-
fence, carried by storm," and the greater part of the troops
captured, with the loss of cannon and stores of immense
value, and of two frigates. Governor Clinton, who com-
manded, a man of courage, and, on most occasions, active
and vigorous, having escaped.
On the fifteenth of the same month, the enemy made a
descent on Esopus, which, with a barbarity that affixed in-
famy on the expedition, was burnt to the ground; no de-
fence other than the scattered firing of the inhabitants being
offered, while a large body of troops remained unemployed
in the vicinity.
While Gates assigned to Hamilton "a projected attack on
Ticonderoga, and the importance of the arsenal at Albany,"
as the pretext for maintaining an army around him, the re-
covery of these fortresses was deemed by his party in con-
Morris, Roberdeau, Clingan, Smith, Rumsey, Jones, F. L. Lee, Harvie, Perm,
Harnett, Laurens. --18.
For the general resolution.
Affirmative. --Messrs. Folsom, J. Adams, Lovell, Law, Williams, Dunne,
Duer, Elmer, Morris, Clingan, Smith, Rumsey, Jones, F. L. Lee, Harvie,
Penn, Harnett, Laurens. --18.
Negative. --Messrs. S. Adams, Gerry, Marchant, Dyer, Roberdeau. -- 5.
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? HAMILTON. 147
gress a more adequate reason; but it was a wholly insuffi-
cient one.
On the first of November, Washington had addressed an
official letter to that body, informing them that he had writ-
ten to Generals Dickinson and Forman, to afford every aid
in their power to the posts on the Delaware; mentioning
the mission of Hamilton to Gates; that the enemy were
stronger than he had supposed; that reinforcements were
coming in to General Howe, while by the departure of the
Virginia militia, he had no aid to the continental troops other
than a body from Philadelphia and a few from Maryland,
and giving indisputable reasons for his not attempting to dis-
lodge the enemy from Philadelphia.
Notwithstanding these circumstances, the Cabal had given
to Gates an independent command; had limited, by its first
resolution, the succours which Washington was to receive to
two thousand five hundred men, although he had deemed
nearly three times that number necessary to enable him to give
a decisive blow to the enemy; and had sought by the last, to
render the extent of the reinforcements, and the measures of
the main army dependent on the concurrence of an inferior
and a rival; as to whom it was the intention, that he should
add to his newly-earned honours, the easy recovery of the
Highland passes, "to the end that his army might be in rea-
diness to pursue such operations as congress shall direct;"
while, in the mean time, the fall of the posts on the Delaware,
and the undisturbed possession of Philadelphia by the ene-
my, would have produced such invidious contrasts, and art-
fully excited discontent would have become so loud, and
calumny so bold, that an apparent deference to public opin-
ion might have justified the sacrifice of Washington.
The refusal of the commander-in-chief to march directly
to Philadelphia, on the embarkation of Howe, in the pre-
ceding spring, was one of the earliest avowed causes of
dissatisfaction.
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? 148 THE LIFE OF
The state of Pennsylvania, which had hitherto escaped
the calamities of invasion, readily listened to the suggestions
which were thrown out against Washington; and many
members of congress, who looked to the preservation of
that city as the principal subject of solicitude, were willing,
for this purpose, to sacrifice the more important object of
preventing a junction of the British forces.
These feelings, unfortunately for the service, found a
powerful auxiliary in General Mifflin, a native of Pennsyl-
vania, of extensive influence, great activity and great per-
sonal popularity, but of a hot, impatient temper, an ambition
little disposed to be satisfied with a fair share of favour, and
a judgment, which, though prompt, was not free from the
influence of flattery or prejudice.
This gentleman had performed, at the beginning of the
revolution, the duties of Quarter-master-general, a station
which he left; but, after serving a short time in the line of
the army, resumed, at the request of congress, in the autumn
of 1776, and continued to fill until just before the army retired
from the field.
A committee of congress, appointed to investigate the state
of that department, made a report conveying the most seri-
ous censures upon General Mifflin. The public property was
represented as being scattered in every direction, and only
saved by the casual interference of some officer of the fine.
"Not a gentleman of any rank in this department is in
camp, although the duties of the office require constant and
unremitting attention. Not a moment's time," say they,
"is to be lost, in placing a man of approved abilities and
extensive capacity at the head of the department, who will
restore it to some degree of order and regularity, whose
provident care will immediately relieve the wants of the
army, and extend itself to those which must be satisfied, be-
fore we can expect vigour, enterprise, and success. "
Such censure, the frequent, nay constant and unavoid-
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? HAMILTON. 149
able complaints of Washington, and his earnest desire to place
Greene at the head of this department, between whom and
Mifflin unkind feelings existed, were alike calculated to irri-
tate his mind, and embitter his hostility to the commander-
in-chief.
On the 8th of October he addressed a letter to congress
requesting leave to resign his commission as major-general
and quarter-master-general, on account of ill health.
Compelled by the force of public opinion, congress ac-
cepted his resignation as quarter-master-general, but resol-
ved that his rank and commission as major-general should
be retained, but without pay, until their farther order.
And yet on the same day, such was the influence of the
cabal in congress, that, in the selection of the members of
the board of war, Mifflin was placed at its head; while to
render it less offensive to Washington, Colonel Pickering,
and Colonel Harrison, the general's secretary, were asso-
ciated with him.
Notwithstanding the language of congress respecting the
terms of the convention with Burgoyne, the public discon-
tent could not be stifled. The committee of New-York
wrote in terms of the strongest censure; and it became
necessary to bring the subject again under the considera-
tion of congress. The committee to which it was referred
brought in a report ;* but in the belief that more time was
necessary to obtain a proper knowledge of the facts, it was
proposed to postpone the consideration of it, which was
adopted,! but not without a wide division of opinion. J This
subject was subsequently resumed, when motions for a
committee of inquiry, and for obtaining intelligence, were
defeated; and yet such was the dissatisfaction of subsequent
* November 8. f November 22.
J Nov. 8. The votes were--affirmative, Folsom, Gerry, Law, Williami,
Duane, Duer, Elmer, Smith, Harvie, Perrin, Hamett
.
Negative. Samuel Adams. John Adams, Lovell, Marchant, Dyerr, Rober-
d<<au, Clingan, Jones, F. L. Lee, Laurens.
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? 150 THE LIFE OF
congresses with this capitulation, that the obligations of good
faith were forgotten -- at least, never fulfilled.
General Mifflin and Colonel Pickering accepted seats at
the board of war, but Colonel Harrison, from considerations
of delicacy arising from his relation to the commander-in-
chief, declined the appointment.
Within a short interval, a report of the board of war
stated, that, after a conference with General Mifflin, they
were of opinion, that "a sufficient number of commissioners
had not been appointed in order to give due weight to the
execution of the regulations which might be recommended
by the board, and adopted by congress, and particularly for
enabling one of the board to visit, from time to time, the
different armies, in order to see that their regulations were
executed, and to examine what the wants of the army were,
and what defects or abuses prevail from time to time in
the different departments. " Upon this reportit was resolved
that two additional commissioners be appointed; and on
the 27th of November three commissioners were elected,
and General Gates appointed President of the board of
war. A resolution was also adopted, that the President of
congress should inform General Gates of his appointment,
expressing "the high sense congress entertain of his abili-
ties and peculiar fitness to discharge the duties of that im-
portant office, upon the right execution of which the success
of the American cause does eminently depend -- that it is
the intention of congress to continue his rank as major-ge-
neral, and that he may officiate at the board or in the field,
as occasion may require; and that he be requested to re-
pair to congress with all convenient despatch, to enter upon
the duties of his appointment. "
The whole of the proceedings following the events which
have been related were distinctly understood, as prepara-
tory to more decisive measures of hostility: and the selec-
tion of General Mifflin in the first instance, known to be
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? HAMILTON. 151
hostile to the commander-in-chief, and the choice of Gates
as a coadjutor, at the head of a department, invested with a
control of all the military operations with which Washing-
ton had immediate intercourse, and upon which he must
chiefly depend, left no room to doubt the nature of the in-
fluence which then controlled the policy of congress. If
any question could have existed, it was soon after removed
by an act of the most unequivocal hostility--this was, a
resolution founded upon a report of the board of war, to
whom were referred the letters of Brigadier Conway," that
it was essential to the promotion of discipline in the Ame-
rican army, and to the reformation of the various abuses
which prevail in the different departments, that an appoint-
ment be made of Inspectors-General, agreeable to the prac-
tice of the best disciplined armies in Europe" -- that this
appointment be conferred on experienced and vigilant ge-
neral officers, who are acquainted with whatever relates
to the general economy, manoeuvres, and discipline of a
well-regulated army. "
Powers were conferred on this office in effect para-
mount to those of the commander-in-chief. It was resolved
that two inspectors-general should be appointed; and on the
same day* Conway was elected inspector-general, and also
appointed a major-general of the army -- the man who had
been detected intriguing with Gates, and whom Washington
denounced as a " dangerous incendiary. "
This last step following the recent advancement of Wil-
kinson to the grade of brigadier, was resented by the army
as a gross indignity. General Greene in a manly and inde-
pendent letterf rebuked the conduct of congress. A re-
monstrance was presented by the general and field officers
without the knowledge of Washington --Conway was com-
pelled to retire from the inspectorship, and Wilkinson to
resign his short-lived honours.
* December 13th, 1777. t Dated January 12th, 1778.
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? 152 THE LIFE OF
The communications received by Washington from vari-
ous parts of the country, and from his friends in congress,
fully confirmed the belief that a party had been formed
against him in that body, and was rapidly extending.
Rumours were put in circulation, that, yielding to the
public feeling, he purposed to resign, and to such an extent
was the impression created, that some of his warmest
friends were alarmed, lest, under all the pressure of cir-
cumstances he might be led to this sacrifice. But Washing-
ton was surrounded by men who knew his value, and would
have sustained his determination had it faltered; but never
for an instant did he indulge a purpose of such fatal
tendency. "The moment," said he, "I become sensible the
majority of the people wish me out, I will resign; until then
I am determined to withstand this intrigue. "
His course was obvious: relying with confidence and
security on his well-founded popularity, he assumed a tone
of decision and independence in his correspondence with
congress, which at once proved his fearlessness of the char-
ges which were maliciously circulated against him, and his
consciousness, that in an issue between that body and the
nation, his policy would receive its just estimate.
A short time after the appointment of Conway as in-
spector-general, the same faction, in full pursuit of their
object, though a committee had recently visited the camp,
and reported measures of reform in the different depart-
ments of the army, adopted with the concurrence of Wash-
ington and Greene, succeeded in the election of a new
committee* of three members of congress and three mem-
bers of the board of war, to repair to head-quarters, with
general powers, "to reorganize the different battalions; to
recommend the appointment of general officers; to remove
officers in the civil departments of the army, and to adopt
* January 10th, 1778.
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? HAMILTON. 153
such measures as they should judge necessary for introdu-
cing economy, and promoting discipline and good morals in
the army. "
A committee with such powers, could be viewed in no
other light than as a permanent court of inquiry on the con-
duct of the commander-in-chief, to exercise the most rigid
inquisition. The members of the committee were Messrs.
Dana, Reed, and Folsom of congress, and Generals Gates,
Mifflin, and Colonel Pickering of the board of war.
Aware of the distressed situation of the army from the
reiterated representations of the commander-in-chief, the
same faction, as though their intention was to accumulate
insult upon insult, adopted a resolution,* "applauding the
rising spirit of the people of Pennsylvania to recover their
capital, declaring the readiness of congress to aid in it, and
directing the committee in camp to consult with the President
and Council of Pennsylvania, and with General Washington,
on the practicability of an attack. " At the same time,
anonymous charges were addressed to the President of
Congress, to provoke the angry feelings of that body, and
the excitement of the legislature of Pennsylvania was called
in aid to co-operate with the projects of the Cabal. The
language of this resolution, called forth an indignant remon-
strance from the commander-in-chief, in which, after por-
traying the condition of the army, destitute of food, cloth-
ing, and shelter, he animadverted strongly on the reckless
indifference to their sufferings, evinced by these agitators, j-
An incident occurred at this time, which marks the effect
* January 16, 1778.
j "I can assure those gentlemen, that it is a much easier and less distress-
ing thing to draw remonstrances in a comfortable room, by a good fire-side,
than to occupy a cold, bleak hill, and sleep under frost and snow, without
clothes or blankets. However, although they seem to have little feeling for
the naked and distressed soldiers, I feel superabundantly for them, and from
my soul pity those miseries which it is not in my power to relieve or to pre-
vent. "
vol. I. 20
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? 154 THE LIFE OF
of the letter of the ninth of January, addressed by Washing-
ton to Gates. It will be observed, that the appointment of
the committee to visit camp, was made on the twelfth of
January.
? 132 THE LIFE OF
It was certainly fabricated to answer the most selfish and
wicked purposes.
I cannot avoid sketching out to your excellency the his-
tory of General Conway's letter from the time that it came
to my hands, by Lieutenant-Colonel Troup, my aid-de-
camp, to whom General Conway delivered it at Reading,
on the 11th of October, to this time, as far as it has affected
me, and the officers of my family.
That letter contained very judicious remarks upon that
want of discipline which has often alarmed your excel-
lency, and I believe all observing patriots. The reasons
which, in his judgment, deprived us of the success we would
reasonably expect, were methodically explained by him;
but neither the weakness of any of our generals, nor "bad
counsellors," were mentioned, and consequently cannot be
assigned or imagined as part of those reasons to which
General Conway attributed some of our losses. He wrote
to me as a candid observer, as other officers in every ser-
vice write to each other for obtaining better intelligence
than that of newspapers, and that freedom renders such
letters thus far confidential in some measure. The judg-
ment of the person who received them points out to him,
according to time and circumstances, the propriety or im-
propriety attending their being communicated when no
particular injunction of secrecy was requested.
Particular actions, rather than persons, were blamed,
but with impartiality; and I am convinced that he did not
aim at lessening, in my opinion, the merit of any person.
His letter was perfectly harmless: however, now that va-
rious reports have been circulated concerning its contents,
they ought not to be submitted to the solemn inspection of
those who stand most high in the public esteem.
Anxiety and jealousy would arise in the breast of very
respectable officers, who, rendered sensible of faults which
inexperience, and that alone may have led them into,
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? HAMILTON. 133
would be unnecessarily disgusted, if they perceived a pro-
bability of such errors being recorded.
Honour forbids it, and patriotism demands, that I should
return the letter into the hands of the writer. I will do it,
but at the same time I declare that the paragraph conveyed
to your excellency as a genuine part of it, was in words as
well as in substance, a wicked forgery.
About the beginning of December I was informed that
letter had occasioned an explanation between your excel-
lency and that gentleman. Not knowing whether the whole
letter or part of it had been stealingly copied, but fearing
malice had altered its original features, I own, sir, that a
dread of the mischiefs which might attend the forgery I
suspected would be made, put me for some time in a most
painful situation. When I communicated to the officers in
my family the intelligence I had received, they all entreat-
ed me to rescue their characters from the suspicions they
justly conceived themselves liable to until the guilty person
should be known. To facilitate the discovery, I wrote your
excellency; but unable to learn whether General Con-
way's letter had been transmitted to you by a member of
congress, or a gentleman in the army, I was afraid much
time would be lost in the course of the inquiry, and that the
states might receive some capital injury from the infidelity
of the person who I thought had stolen a copy of the ob-
noxious letter, was it not probable that the secrets of the
army might be attained and betrayed through the same
means to the enemy?
For this reason, sir, not doubting that congress would
most cheerfully concur with you in tracing out the crimi-
nal, I wrote to the president, and enclosed to him a copy of
my letter to your excellency.
About the same time I was forwarding these letters, Bri-
gadier General Wilkinson returned to Albany. I informed
him of the treachery which had been committed, but I con-
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? 134 THE LIFE OF
cealed from him the measures I was pursuing to unmask
the author. Wilkinson answered, he was assured it never
would come to light, and endeavoured to fix my suspi-
cions on Lieutenant-Colonel Troup, who said he might
have incautiously conversed on the substance of General
Conway's letter with Colonel Hamilton, whom you had
sent not long before to Albany. I did not listen to this in-
sinuation against your aid-de-camp and mine. I considered
it ungenerous; but the light your excellency has just as-
sisted me with, exhibiting the many qualifications which
are necessarily blended together by the head and heart of
General Wilkinson, I would not omit this fact. It would
enable your excellency to judge whether or not he would
scruple to make such a forgery as that which he now stands
charged with, and ought to be exemplarily punished. To
attempt sowing dissensions among the principal officers of
the army, and rendering them odious to each other by false
suggestions and forgeries, is, in my opinion, a crime of the
first magnitude, and involves with it all the consequences of
positive treason. That the forgery now in view was ma-
chinated for injuring General Conway, and perhaps myself,
in your judgment, is now evident to me; and I trust the
detection will operate, as it ought to operate, upon your ex-
cellency, as well as the members of the congress before
whom your letter necessitates me to lay this answer. The
station of the calumniator seems to justify your excellency
for having believed till now that the extract was genuine:
and yet, sir, I cannot help wishing you had sent me a copy
of it immediately after your explanation with General
Conway.
Would that your excellency's prediction relative to him
had not been inserted in your letter which came to me un-
sealed, through the hands of congress. I sincerely wish the
detection of this forgery may render us all more cautious;
and that to procure a fair and dispassionate explanation
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? HAMILTON. 135
whenever insinuations are made to the prejudice of respect-
ed characters, may become an established rule in society,
as well as in public business throughout the United States.
I am with unfeigned respect, sir,
Your excellency's most humble and
Most obedient servant,
Horatio Gates.
January 23d, 1778.
This extraordinary attempt, after having substantially ad-
mitted in his first letter the genuineness of the extract from
Conway's letter, to induce the belief that it was a forgery,
and a forgery committed by Colonel Wilkinson, a member
of his own staff, was thus commented upon.
WASHINGTON TO GATES.
Head Quarters, Valley Forge, February 9th, 1778.
sir:
I was duly favoured with your letter of the 23d last
month, to which I should have replied sooner, had I not
been delayed by business that required my more imme-
diate attention.
It is my wish to give implicit credit to the assurances of
every gentleman; but on the subject of our present cor-
respondence, I am sorry to confess, there happens to be
some unlucky circumstances which involuntarily compel
me to consider the discovery you mention, not so satisfac-
tory and conclusive as you seem to think it. *
+ In a private letter from General Washington to Mr. Jay, dated April 14,
1779, he observes, "I discovered very early in the war, symptoms of coldness
and constraint in General Gates' behaviour to me. These increased as he rose
into greater consequence, but we did not come to a direct breach till the begin-
ning of last year. This was occasioned by a correspondence, which I thought
made rather free with me, between him and General Conway, which acci-
dentally came to my knowledge. The particulars of this affair, you will find
delineated in the packet herewith, endorsed 'Papers respecting General Con-
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? 136 THE LIFE OF
I am so unhappy as to find no small difficulty in recon-
ciling the spirit and import of your different letters, and
sometimes the different parts of the same letter with each
other.
It is not unreasonable to presume, that your first informa-
tion of my having notice of General Conway's letter, came
from himself; there were very few in the secret, and it is
natural to suppose, that he being immediately concerned,
would be the most interested to convey the intelligence to
you. It is also far from improbable, that he acquainted you
with the substance of the passage communicated to me;
one would expect this, if he believed it to be spurious, in
order to ascertain the imposition and evince his innocence,
especially as he seemed to be under some uncertainty as to
the precise contents of what he had written, when I signi-
fied my knowledge of the matter to him. If he neglected
doing it, the omission cannot easily be interpreted into any
thing else than a consciousness of the reality of the extract,
if not literally, at least substantially. If he did not neglect
it, it must appear somewhat strange that the forgery re-
mained so long undetected, and that your first letter to me
from Albany, of the eighth of December, should tacitly re-
cognise the genuineness of the paragraph in question; while
your only concern at that time seemed to be, the "tracing
out the author of the infidelity, which put extracts of Gene-
ral Conway's letters into my hands. " Throughout the
whole of that letter, the reality of the extracts is, by the fair-
est implication, allowed, and your only solicitude was to find
out the person who brought them to light. After making
the most earnest pursuit of the author of the supposed
treachery, without saying a word about the truth or false-
hood of the passage, your letter of the twenty-third ultimo,
way. ' Besides the evidence contained in them of the genuineness of the of-
fensive correspondence, I have other proofs still more convincing, which having
been given me in a confidential way, / am not at liberty to impart. "
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? HAMILTON. 137
to my great surprise, proclaims it in words, as well as sub-
stance, a "wicked forgery. "
It is not my intention to contradict this assertion, but
only to intimate some considerations, which tend to induce
a supposition, that though none of General Conway's letters
to you contain the offensive passage mentioned, there might
have been something in them too nearly related to it, that
could give such an extraordinary alarm. It may be said,
if this were not the case, how easy, in the first instance, to
declare there was nothing exceptionable in them, and to
have produced the letters themselves in support of them?
This may be thought the most proper and effectual way of
refuting misrepresentations, and removing all suspicion.
The propriety of the objections suggested against submitting
them to inspection, may very well be questioned; the vari-
ous reports circulated concerning their contents were, per-
haps, so many arguments for making them speak for them-
selves, to place the matter upon the footing of certainty.
Concealment, in an affair which had made so much noise,
though not by my means, will naturally lead men to con-
jecture the worst, and it will be a subject of speculation
even to candour itself. The anxiety and jealousy you ap-
prehend from revealing the letter, will be very apt to be
increased by suppressing it. It may be asked, why not
submit to inspection a performance perfectly harmless, and
of course conceived in terms of proper caution and delicacy?
Why suppose that "anxiety and jealousy" would have ari-
sen in the breasts of very respectable officers, or that they
would have been necessarily disgusted at being made sen-
sible of their faults when related with judgment and impar-
tiality by a candid observer? Surely they could not have
been unreasonable enough to take offence at a performance
so perfectly inoffensive, "blaming actions rather than per-
sons," which have evidently no connexion with one ano-
ther, and indulgently "recording the errors of inexperience. "
vol. i. 18
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? 138 THE LIFE OF
You are pleased to consider General Conway's letters
as of a confidential nature, observing, that "time and cir-
cumstances must point out the propriety or impropriety of
communicating such letters. " Permit me to inquire, whe-
ther, when there is an impropriety in communication, it is
only applicable with respect to the parties who are the sub-
ject of them? One might be led to imagine this to be the
case, from your having admitted others into the secret of your
confidential correspondence, at the same time that you
thought it ineligible it should be trusted to those officers
whose actions underwent its scrutiny. Your not knowing
whether the letter under consideration "came to me from
a member of congress or from an officer," plainly indicates
that you had originally communicated it to at least one of
that honourable body; and I learn from General Conway,
that before his late arrival at York-Town, it had been com-
mitted to the perusal of several of its members, and was
afterwards shown by himself to three more. It is some-
what difficult to conceive a reason, founded in generosity,
for imparting the free and confidential strictures of this in-
genuous censor on the operations of the army under my
command, to a member of congress; but, perhaps, "time
and circumstances pointed it out. " It must be indeed ac-
knowledged, that the faults of very respectable officers, not
less injurious for being the result of inexperience, were not
improper topics to engage the attention of members of con-
gress.
It is, however, greatly to be lamented, that this adept in
military science, did not employ his abilities in the progress
of the campaign, in pointing out those wise measures which
were calculated to give us "that degree of success we
might reasonably expect. " The United States have lost
much by that unseasonable diffidence, which prevented his
embracing the numerous opportunities he had in council, of
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? HAMILTON. 130
displaying those rich treasures of knowledge and experi-
rience he has since so freely laid open to you. I will not
do him the injustice to impute the penurious reserve, which
ever appeared in him on such occasions, to any other cause
than an excess of modesty; neither will I suppose he pos-
sesses no other merit than of that kind of sagacity, which
qualifies a man better for profound discoveries of errors
that have been committed, and advantages that have been
lost, than for the exercise of that foresight and provident
discernment, which enable him to avoid the one and anti-
cipate the other; but, willing as I am to subscribe to all his
pretensions, and believe that his remarks on the operations
of the campaign were very judicious, and that he has saga-
ciously descanted on many things that might have been
done, I cannot help being a little sceptical as to his ability
to have found out the means of accomplishing them, or to
prove the sufficiency of those in our possession. These
minutiae, I suspect, he did not think worth his attention,
particularly as they might not be within the compass of his
views.
Notwithstanding the hopeful presages you are pleased to
figure to yourself of General Conway's firm and constant
friendship to America, I cannot persuade myself to retract
the prediction concerning him, which you so emphatically
wish had not been inserted in my last. A better acquaint-
ance with him than I have reason to think you have had,
from what you say, and a concurrence of circumstances
oblige me to give him but little credit for the qualities of his
heart, of which, at least, I beg leave to assume the privi-
lege of being a tolerable judge. Were it necessary, more
instances than one might be adduced from his behaviour and
conversation, to manifest that he is capable of all the ma-
lignity of detraction, and all the meanness of intrigue, to
gratify the absurd resentment of disappointed vanity, or to
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? 140 THE LIFE OF
answer the purposes of personal aggrandizement, and pro-
mote the interest of a faction.
I am, with respect, sir,
Your most obedient servant,
Geo. Washington.
Major General Gates.
To this biting sarcasm, which no man conscious of his
innocence would have brooked, General Gates gave the
following submissive reply.
GATES TO WASHINGTON.
SIR,
I yesterday had the honour to receive your excellency's
letter of the 9th instant, and earnestly hope no more of that
time, so precious to the public, may be lost upon the sub-
ject of General Conway's letter. Whether that gentleman
does or does not deserve the suspicions you express, would
be entirely indifferent to me, did he not possess an office of
high rank in the army of the United States; for that rea-
son solely, I wish he may answer all the expectations of
congress.
As to the gentleman, I have no personal connexion with
him, nor had I any correspondence previous to his writing
the letter which has given offence, nor have I since written
to him, save to certify what I know to be the contents of
the letter. He, therefore, must be responsible;-- as I
heartily dislike controversy, even upon my own account,
and much more in a matter wherein I was only accident-
ally concerned. In regard to the parts of your excellency's
letter addressed particularly to me, I solemnly declare, that
I am of no faction, and if any of my letters, taken aggregately
or by paragraphs, convey any meaning which, in any con-
struction, is offensive to your excellency, that was by no
means the intention of the writer. After this, I cannot be-
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? HAMILTON. 141
lieve your excellency will either suffer your suspicions, or
the prejudices of others, to induce you to spend another
moment upon the subject.
With great respect, I am, sir.
Your excellency's most obedient, humble serv't,
Horatio Gates.
"General Wilkinson," says Colonel Troup, "by his acti-
vity and talents, and by the influence he had acquired over
Gates' mind, rendered himself very important in the ope-
rations which led to the convention of Saratoga. The con-
sequent kindness of Gates honoured Wilkinson with being
the bearer of Gates' despatches to congress; and, during
this event, Wilkinson, in carrying the despatches, loitered
so long on his way that the intelligence preceded him,
"which Induced '^oger Sherman^ a shrewd member from
Connecticut, to move in Congress that Wilkinson should
be complimented with a pair of spurs. In the course of
some weeks afterwards, Gates was informed that the sub-
stance of the correspondence was known to General Wash-
ington.
"The information excited such unpleasant feelings in the
breast of General Gates, as to impel him to make inqui-
ries among the gentlemen of his family to discover the
traitor. These gentlemen positively disavowed all know-
ledge of the traitor, and declared their inability even to
suggest any clue to his detection.
"It cannot be matter of surprise, in the absence of all
other evidence, that circumstances so colourable should have
made a serious impression on General Gates. The impres-
sion was more serious against Colonel Hamilton than Co-
lonel Troup; for the former, though very young, had, by
his extraordinary talents, and the correctness of his con-
duct, acquired a standing at head-quarters that kindled the
jealousy of some officers who were inclined to think unfa-
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? 142 THE LIFE OF
vourably of General Washington. Not long after, the mys-
tery was unravelled by satisfactory proof that General
Wilkinson was the traitor. It appeared that in going to
congress with despatches, he fell in with a part of General
Washington's army at Reading: there, in a convivial party
of which an aid of Lord Stirling was one, Wilkinson dis-
closed the substance of the correspondence, and his lord-
ship on receiving the fact from his aid, hastened to commu-
nicate it to General Washington, whereby the honour of
Colonel Troup and Colonel Hamilton were left without
the shadow of reproach.
"The treachery of Wilkinson had the effect of severing
the ties which had long bound him and General Gates to
each other; and in the end it likewise produced a duel be-
tween them, which fortunately terminated without the
shedding of blood. "
The communications with Gates were closed on the 24th
February, 1778, with a cold, dignified, and withering as-
sent to his humble proposition to bury all that had passed
in oblivion.
WASHINGTON TO GATES.
Valley Forge, February 24th, 1778.
Sir:
I yesterday received your favour of the 19th instant. I am
as averse to controversy as any man; and had I not been
forced into it, you never would have had occasion to im-
pute to me even a shadow of a disposition towards it.
Your repeatedly and solemnly disclaiming any offensive
views in these matters which have been the subject of our
past correspondence, makes me willing to close with the
desire you express, of burying them hereafter in silence;
and, as far as future events will permit, oblivion.
My temper leads me to peace and harmony with all
men; and it is particularly my wish to avoid any personal
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? HAMILTON. 143
feuds or dissensions with those who are embarked in the
same great national contest with myself; as every differ-
ence of this kind must, in its consequences, be injurious.
I am, Sir,
Your most obedient servant,
George Washington.
Major General Gates.
This correspondence, written on the part of Washing-
ton, with a master's hand, while it covered Gates with
shame and confusion, afforded to Hamilton abundant cause
of exultation in so triumphant a vindication of his own cha-
racter, and of the conduct of his chief.
The justice of General Washington's charge that a fac-
tion existed both in congress and the army, has never until
recently been made a subject of doubt.
The proceedings of congress, the attestation of the few
survivors of the revolution, and the confidential corres-
pondence of the officers, place the fact beyond all question.
It rests, exclusive of other evidence, on the testimony of
Washington, Greene, and La Fayette, Colonels Harrison,
Hamilton, and Laurens.
On the seventeenth of October, 1777, congress, departing
from their established practice of confining such powers to
their own body, determined to create a Board of War, to
consist of three persons, not members of congress, which,
among various other duties, was directed "to superintend
the several branches of the military establishment;" all
officers were enjoined to observe its directions, and the states
were recommended to give this board all necessary assist-
ance in the execution of the business of their department.
On the thirty-first of October, Colonel Wilkinson announ-
ced officially to congress the capture of Burgoyne, of which
they had been previously advised; and a committee, con-
sisting of Samuel Adams, Richard Henry Lee, and Mr. Ro-
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? 144 THE LIFE OF
berdeau, was appointed to prepare a recommendation to the
states to set apart a day of thanksgiving for this signal suc-
cess, which on the ensuing day was reported to congress,
and breathed all the deep-toned fervour of religious enthu-
siasm which mark the character of Samuel Adams.
On the fourth of November, resolutions of thanks to Ge-
neral Gates and to the officers serving under him, which this
important event justly called for, were passed by congress.
The friends of Gates were not content with this; and not-
withstanding he had volunteered through Wilkinson an apo-
logy for the terms of the capitulation, which had already
called forth the loudest public reprobation, and than which
nothing could have been more futile; "that the reduction
of Fort Montgomery, and the enemy's progress up the river
endangered the arsenal at Albany, a reflection which left
him no time to contest the capitulation," these terms were
"pronounced honourable and advantageous to the states. "
At the same time, the committee to whom the motion for
directing the future operations of the army under General
Gates was referred, brought in a report, which, after de-
bate, was committed, and Mr. Duer added to the com-
mittee; and, on the ensuing day a report was introduced,
upon which it was resolved, "that General Washington be
informed that it is the earnest wish of congress to regain
the possession of the forts and passes of the Hudson river,"
and that for that purpose General Gates should remain in
command in that quarter, and that Putnam join the main
army with such a detachment from Gates' army "as Gene-
ral Washington may think can be spared, not exceeding twen-
ty-five hundred men, including Colonel Morgan's corps. "
Authority was given Gates to order such of the continental
troops and militia as were posted near the Hudson to join him;
and he was empowered to call on the several states for such
number of militia as he shall judge necessary, to maintain
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? HAMILTON. 145
the posts on the river, "to the end that his army may be in
readiness to pursue such operations as congress shall direct. "
He was also authorized to ask all farther means he required.
The governor and council of New-York were directed to be
furnished with copies of these resolutions; to appoint a com-
mittee to assist Gates, which committee were requested and
empowered to call on the states of New-Hampshire, Mas-
sachusetts, Rhode-Island, Connecticut, New-York, and New-
Jersey, to furnish such number of men as he should require
for this object; and farther authority was given to him to
call for all the necessary aids to reduce Ticonderoga and
Fort Independence; to which was added a resolution, --
"That if General Washington, after consulting General
Gates and Governor Clinton, shall be of opinion that a lar-
ger reinforcement can be detached to the main army, con-
sistent with the attainment of the objects, (previously speci-
fied,) in such case he be directed to order such farther rein-
forcements to the main army, as may be thought conducive
to the general welfare, any thing in the preceding resolution
to the contrary notwithstanding. "*
In debating the last resolution, it was moved after "di-
rected" to insert "with their concurrence" which was ne-
gatived by a vote of all the states except Massachusetts and
one vote from Rhode-Island, and the general resolutions
were adopted by every state except Massachusetts, which
was divided, and by one vote from Rhode-Island. f
* This resolution appears on the journals as a part of the report of this
committee. This would seem to be an error; -- as its effect is to defeat the
intention of the report, the probability is, that it was proposed to be appended
to the report with that view, and that on that motion the amendment was sug-
gested.
f The votes were as follows : -- For inserting "with their concurrence. "
Affirmative. --Messrs. Samuel Adams, John Adams, Gerry, Marchant,
Dyer. --5.
Negative. --Messrs. Folsom, Lovell, Law, Williams, Duanc, Duer, Elmer,
VOl. I. 19
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? 146 THE LIFE OF
The importance of drawing reinforcements, at this time,
from the northern army, and the disastrous consequences
which resulted from General Gates' conduct, have been seen
in the previous chapter.
Early in the month of October, General Vaughan, in or-
der to create a diversion in favour of Burgoyne, moved up
the Hudson, came in sight on the fifth, and on the night of
the sixth of that month attacked the Forts Clinton and Mont-
gomery. The former, a circular height, defended by a line
for musketry, with a barbet battery in the centre of three
guns, and flanked by two redoubts: the latter, "strongly
fortified by nature, almost inaccessible in itself, and suffi-
ciently manned," were both, "after a feeble and unskilful de-
fence, carried by storm," and the greater part of the troops
captured, with the loss of cannon and stores of immense
value, and of two frigates. Governor Clinton, who com-
manded, a man of courage, and, on most occasions, active
and vigorous, having escaped.
On the fifteenth of the same month, the enemy made a
descent on Esopus, which, with a barbarity that affixed in-
famy on the expedition, was burnt to the ground; no de-
fence other than the scattered firing of the inhabitants being
offered, while a large body of troops remained unemployed
in the vicinity.
While Gates assigned to Hamilton "a projected attack on
Ticonderoga, and the importance of the arsenal at Albany,"
as the pretext for maintaining an army around him, the re-
covery of these fortresses was deemed by his party in con-
Morris, Roberdeau, Clingan, Smith, Rumsey, Jones, F. L. Lee, Harvie, Perm,
Harnett, Laurens. --18.
For the general resolution.
Affirmative. --Messrs. Folsom, J. Adams, Lovell, Law, Williams, Dunne,
Duer, Elmer, Morris, Clingan, Smith, Rumsey, Jones, F. L. Lee, Harvie,
Penn, Harnett, Laurens. --18.
Negative. --Messrs. S. Adams, Gerry, Marchant, Dyer, Roberdeau. -- 5.
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? HAMILTON. 147
gress a more adequate reason; but it was a wholly insuffi-
cient one.
On the first of November, Washington had addressed an
official letter to that body, informing them that he had writ-
ten to Generals Dickinson and Forman, to afford every aid
in their power to the posts on the Delaware; mentioning
the mission of Hamilton to Gates; that the enemy were
stronger than he had supposed; that reinforcements were
coming in to General Howe, while by the departure of the
Virginia militia, he had no aid to the continental troops other
than a body from Philadelphia and a few from Maryland,
and giving indisputable reasons for his not attempting to dis-
lodge the enemy from Philadelphia.
Notwithstanding these circumstances, the Cabal had given
to Gates an independent command; had limited, by its first
resolution, the succours which Washington was to receive to
two thousand five hundred men, although he had deemed
nearly three times that number necessary to enable him to give
a decisive blow to the enemy; and had sought by the last, to
render the extent of the reinforcements, and the measures of
the main army dependent on the concurrence of an inferior
and a rival; as to whom it was the intention, that he should
add to his newly-earned honours, the easy recovery of the
Highland passes, "to the end that his army might be in rea-
diness to pursue such operations as congress shall direct;"
while, in the mean time, the fall of the posts on the Delaware,
and the undisturbed possession of Philadelphia by the ene-
my, would have produced such invidious contrasts, and art-
fully excited discontent would have become so loud, and
calumny so bold, that an apparent deference to public opin-
ion might have justified the sacrifice of Washington.
The refusal of the commander-in-chief to march directly
to Philadelphia, on the embarkation of Howe, in the pre-
ceding spring, was one of the earliest avowed causes of
dissatisfaction.
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? 148 THE LIFE OF
The state of Pennsylvania, which had hitherto escaped
the calamities of invasion, readily listened to the suggestions
which were thrown out against Washington; and many
members of congress, who looked to the preservation of
that city as the principal subject of solicitude, were willing,
for this purpose, to sacrifice the more important object of
preventing a junction of the British forces.
These feelings, unfortunately for the service, found a
powerful auxiliary in General Mifflin, a native of Pennsyl-
vania, of extensive influence, great activity and great per-
sonal popularity, but of a hot, impatient temper, an ambition
little disposed to be satisfied with a fair share of favour, and
a judgment, which, though prompt, was not free from the
influence of flattery or prejudice.
This gentleman had performed, at the beginning of the
revolution, the duties of Quarter-master-general, a station
which he left; but, after serving a short time in the line of
the army, resumed, at the request of congress, in the autumn
of 1776, and continued to fill until just before the army retired
from the field.
A committee of congress, appointed to investigate the state
of that department, made a report conveying the most seri-
ous censures upon General Mifflin. The public property was
represented as being scattered in every direction, and only
saved by the casual interference of some officer of the fine.
"Not a gentleman of any rank in this department is in
camp, although the duties of the office require constant and
unremitting attention. Not a moment's time," say they,
"is to be lost, in placing a man of approved abilities and
extensive capacity at the head of the department, who will
restore it to some degree of order and regularity, whose
provident care will immediately relieve the wants of the
army, and extend itself to those which must be satisfied, be-
fore we can expect vigour, enterprise, and success. "
Such censure, the frequent, nay constant and unavoid-
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? HAMILTON. 149
able complaints of Washington, and his earnest desire to place
Greene at the head of this department, between whom and
Mifflin unkind feelings existed, were alike calculated to irri-
tate his mind, and embitter his hostility to the commander-
in-chief.
On the 8th of October he addressed a letter to congress
requesting leave to resign his commission as major-general
and quarter-master-general, on account of ill health.
Compelled by the force of public opinion, congress ac-
cepted his resignation as quarter-master-general, but resol-
ved that his rank and commission as major-general should
be retained, but without pay, until their farther order.
And yet on the same day, such was the influence of the
cabal in congress, that, in the selection of the members of
the board of war, Mifflin was placed at its head; while to
render it less offensive to Washington, Colonel Pickering,
and Colonel Harrison, the general's secretary, were asso-
ciated with him.
Notwithstanding the language of congress respecting the
terms of the convention with Burgoyne, the public discon-
tent could not be stifled. The committee of New-York
wrote in terms of the strongest censure; and it became
necessary to bring the subject again under the considera-
tion of congress. The committee to which it was referred
brought in a report ;* but in the belief that more time was
necessary to obtain a proper knowledge of the facts, it was
proposed to postpone the consideration of it, which was
adopted,! but not without a wide division of opinion. J This
subject was subsequently resumed, when motions for a
committee of inquiry, and for obtaining intelligence, were
defeated; and yet such was the dissatisfaction of subsequent
* November 8. f November 22.
J Nov. 8. The votes were--affirmative, Folsom, Gerry, Law, Williami,
Duane, Duer, Elmer, Smith, Harvie, Perrin, Hamett
.
Negative. Samuel Adams. John Adams, Lovell, Marchant, Dyerr, Rober-
d<<au, Clingan, Jones, F. L. Lee, Laurens.
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? 150 THE LIFE OF
congresses with this capitulation, that the obligations of good
faith were forgotten -- at least, never fulfilled.
General Mifflin and Colonel Pickering accepted seats at
the board of war, but Colonel Harrison, from considerations
of delicacy arising from his relation to the commander-in-
chief, declined the appointment.
Within a short interval, a report of the board of war
stated, that, after a conference with General Mifflin, they
were of opinion, that "a sufficient number of commissioners
had not been appointed in order to give due weight to the
execution of the regulations which might be recommended
by the board, and adopted by congress, and particularly for
enabling one of the board to visit, from time to time, the
different armies, in order to see that their regulations were
executed, and to examine what the wants of the army were,
and what defects or abuses prevail from time to time in
the different departments. " Upon this reportit was resolved
that two additional commissioners be appointed; and on
the 27th of November three commissioners were elected,
and General Gates appointed President of the board of
war. A resolution was also adopted, that the President of
congress should inform General Gates of his appointment,
expressing "the high sense congress entertain of his abili-
ties and peculiar fitness to discharge the duties of that im-
portant office, upon the right execution of which the success
of the American cause does eminently depend -- that it is
the intention of congress to continue his rank as major-ge-
neral, and that he may officiate at the board or in the field,
as occasion may require; and that he be requested to re-
pair to congress with all convenient despatch, to enter upon
the duties of his appointment. "
The whole of the proceedings following the events which
have been related were distinctly understood, as prepara-
tory to more decisive measures of hostility: and the selec-
tion of General Mifflin in the first instance, known to be
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? HAMILTON. 151
hostile to the commander-in-chief, and the choice of Gates
as a coadjutor, at the head of a department, invested with a
control of all the military operations with which Washing-
ton had immediate intercourse, and upon which he must
chiefly depend, left no room to doubt the nature of the in-
fluence which then controlled the policy of congress. If
any question could have existed, it was soon after removed
by an act of the most unequivocal hostility--this was, a
resolution founded upon a report of the board of war, to
whom were referred the letters of Brigadier Conway," that
it was essential to the promotion of discipline in the Ame-
rican army, and to the reformation of the various abuses
which prevail in the different departments, that an appoint-
ment be made of Inspectors-General, agreeable to the prac-
tice of the best disciplined armies in Europe" -- that this
appointment be conferred on experienced and vigilant ge-
neral officers, who are acquainted with whatever relates
to the general economy, manoeuvres, and discipline of a
well-regulated army. "
Powers were conferred on this office in effect para-
mount to those of the commander-in-chief. It was resolved
that two inspectors-general should be appointed; and on the
same day* Conway was elected inspector-general, and also
appointed a major-general of the army -- the man who had
been detected intriguing with Gates, and whom Washington
denounced as a " dangerous incendiary. "
This last step following the recent advancement of Wil-
kinson to the grade of brigadier, was resented by the army
as a gross indignity. General Greene in a manly and inde-
pendent letterf rebuked the conduct of congress. A re-
monstrance was presented by the general and field officers
without the knowledge of Washington --Conway was com-
pelled to retire from the inspectorship, and Wilkinson to
resign his short-lived honours.
* December 13th, 1777. t Dated January 12th, 1778.
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? 152 THE LIFE OF
The communications received by Washington from vari-
ous parts of the country, and from his friends in congress,
fully confirmed the belief that a party had been formed
against him in that body, and was rapidly extending.
Rumours were put in circulation, that, yielding to the
public feeling, he purposed to resign, and to such an extent
was the impression created, that some of his warmest
friends were alarmed, lest, under all the pressure of cir-
cumstances he might be led to this sacrifice. But Washing-
ton was surrounded by men who knew his value, and would
have sustained his determination had it faltered; but never
for an instant did he indulge a purpose of such fatal
tendency. "The moment," said he, "I become sensible the
majority of the people wish me out, I will resign; until then
I am determined to withstand this intrigue. "
His course was obvious: relying with confidence and
security on his well-founded popularity, he assumed a tone
of decision and independence in his correspondence with
congress, which at once proved his fearlessness of the char-
ges which were maliciously circulated against him, and his
consciousness, that in an issue between that body and the
nation, his policy would receive its just estimate.
A short time after the appointment of Conway as in-
spector-general, the same faction, in full pursuit of their
object, though a committee had recently visited the camp,
and reported measures of reform in the different depart-
ments of the army, adopted with the concurrence of Wash-
ington and Greene, succeeded in the election of a new
committee* of three members of congress and three mem-
bers of the board of war, to repair to head-quarters, with
general powers, "to reorganize the different battalions; to
recommend the appointment of general officers; to remove
officers in the civil departments of the army, and to adopt
* January 10th, 1778.
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? HAMILTON. 153
such measures as they should judge necessary for introdu-
cing economy, and promoting discipline and good morals in
the army. "
A committee with such powers, could be viewed in no
other light than as a permanent court of inquiry on the con-
duct of the commander-in-chief, to exercise the most rigid
inquisition. The members of the committee were Messrs.
Dana, Reed, and Folsom of congress, and Generals Gates,
Mifflin, and Colonel Pickering of the board of war.
Aware of the distressed situation of the army from the
reiterated representations of the commander-in-chief, the
same faction, as though their intention was to accumulate
insult upon insult, adopted a resolution,* "applauding the
rising spirit of the people of Pennsylvania to recover their
capital, declaring the readiness of congress to aid in it, and
directing the committee in camp to consult with the President
and Council of Pennsylvania, and with General Washington,
on the practicability of an attack. " At the same time,
anonymous charges were addressed to the President of
Congress, to provoke the angry feelings of that body, and
the excitement of the legislature of Pennsylvania was called
in aid to co-operate with the projects of the Cabal. The
language of this resolution, called forth an indignant remon-
strance from the commander-in-chief, in which, after por-
traying the condition of the army, destitute of food, cloth-
ing, and shelter, he animadverted strongly on the reckless
indifference to their sufferings, evinced by these agitators, j-
An incident occurred at this time, which marks the effect
* January 16, 1778.
j "I can assure those gentlemen, that it is a much easier and less distress-
ing thing to draw remonstrances in a comfortable room, by a good fire-side,
than to occupy a cold, bleak hill, and sleep under frost and snow, without
clothes or blankets. However, although they seem to have little feeling for
the naked and distressed soldiers, I feel superabundantly for them, and from
my soul pity those miseries which it is not in my power to relieve or to pre-
vent. "
vol. I. 20
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-08-20 04:05 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uva. x000275470 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-google
? 154 THE LIFE OF
of the letter of the ninth of January, addressed by Washing-
ton to Gates. It will be observed, that the appointment of
the committee to visit camp, was made on the twelfth of
January.
