No More Learning

This was no matter of indifference. The burgesses alone could depose the consul or praetor from his oflice ; the proconsul and propraetor were nominated and dismissed by the senate, so that by this enactment the whole military power, on which withal everything ultimately depended, became formally at least dependent on the senate.
Lastly we have already observed that the highest of all Shelving ot
the censor
magistracies, the censorship, though not formally abolished, was shelved in the same way as the dictatorship had previously been. Practically it might certainly be dis pensed with. Provision was otherwise made for filling up the senate. From the time that Italy was practically tax- free and the army was substantially formed by enlistment, the register of those liable to taxation and service lost in the main its significance; and, if disorder prevailed in the equestrian roll or the list of those entitled to the suffrage, that disorder was probably not altogether unwelcome. There thus remained only the current financial functions which the consuls had hitherto discharged when, as fre quently happened, no election of censors had taken place, and which they now took as a part of their ordinary oflicial duties. Compared with the substantial gain that by the shelving of the censorship the magistracy lost its crowning dignity, it was a matter of little moment and was not at all prejudicial to the sole dominion of the supreme govern ing corporation, that—with a view to satisfy the ambition
Regulation of the finances.
136 THE SULLAN CONSTITUTION BOOK rv
of the senators now so much more numerous—the number of the pontifices and that of the augurs was increased from nine 38 that of the custodiers of oracles from ten 380), to fifteen each, and that of the banquet masters from three (iii. no) to seven.
In financial matters even under the former constitution the decisive voice lay with the senate; the only point to be dealt with, accordingly, was the re-establishment of an orderly administration. Sulla had found himself at first in no small dificulty as to money; the sums brought with him from Asia Minor were soon expended for the pay of his numerous and constantly swelling army. Even after the victory at the Colline gate the senate, seeing that the state-chest had been carried 05 to Praeneste, had been obliged to resort to urgent measures. Various building sites in the capital and several portions of the Campanian domains were exposed to sale, the client kings, the freed
and allied communities, were laid under extraordinary contribution, their landed property and their customs revenues were in some cases confiscated, and in others new privileges were granted to them for money. But the residue of nearly £600,000 found in the public chest on the surrender of Praeneste, the public auctions which soon began, and other extraordinary resources, relieved the embarrassment of the moment. Provision was made for the future not so much by the reform in the Asiatic revenues, under which the tax-payers were the principal gainers, and the state chest was perhaps at most no loser, as by the resumption of the Campanian domains, to which Aenaria was now added (p. 107), and above all by the abolition of the largesses of grain, which since the time of Gaius Gracchus had eaten like canker into the Roman finances.
The judicial system on the other hand was essentially revolutionized, partly from political considerations, partly
a
(i.
(i.
5),
CHAP. x THE SULLAN CONSTITUTION
I27
with a view to introduce greater unity and usefulness into the previous very insufficient and unconnected legislation on the subject. According to the arrangements hitherto sub- sisting, processes fell to be decided partly by the burgesses, partly by jurymen. The judicial cases in which the whole
Rem-gm.
21,912’: i judicial
Immac burgesses decided on appeal from the judgment of the menu‘
magistrate were, down to the time of Sulla, placed in the hands primarily of the tribunes of the people, secondarily 0f the aediles, inasmuch as all the processes, through which a person entrusted with an oflice or commission by the community was brought to answer for his conduct of its affairs, whether they involved life and limb or money fines, had to be in the first instance dealt with by the tribunes of the people, and all the other processes in which ultimately the people decided, were in the first instance adjudicated on, in the second presided over, by the curule or plebeian aediles. Sulla, if he did not directly abolish the tribunician process of calling to account, yet made it dependent, just like the initiative of the tribunes in legisla
tion, on the previous consent of the senate, and presumably also limited in like manner the aedilician penal pro cedure. On the other hand he enlarged the jurisdiction of the jury courts. There existed at that time two sorts
of procedure before jurymen. The ordinary procedure, Ordinary
which was applicable in all cases adapted according to our view for a criminal or civil process with the exception of crimes immediately directed against the state, consisted in this, that one of the two praetors of the capital technically adjusted the cause and a juryman (z'udex) nominated by him decided it on the basis of this adjustment. The extraordinary jury-procedure again was applicable in par ticular civil or criminal cases of importance, for which, instead of the single juryman, a special jury-court had been appointed by special laws. Of this sort were the special tribunals constituted for individual cases (ag. iii. 396, 439) 5
proud“
Permanent
128 THE SULLAN CONSTITUTION BOOK lv
the standing commissional tribunals, such as had been
312cm‘ appointed for exactions (iii. 300), for poisoning and murder
tiona. (iii. 348), perhaps also for bribery at elections and other
mm“ crimes, in the course of the seventh century; and lastly,
the two courts of the “Ten-men” for processes affecting freedom, and the “Hundred and five," or more briefly, the “Hundred-men,” for processes afi'ecting inheritance, also called, from the shaft of a spear employed in all disputes as to property, the “spear-court” (lzarta). The court of Ten-men (decemm'ri litibu: iudz'candzk) was a very ancient institution for the protection of the plebeians against their masters The period and circumstances in which the spear-court originated are involved in obscurity; but they must, may be presumed, have been nearly the same as in the case of the essentially similar criminal commissions mentioned above. As to the presidency of these different tribunals there were different regulations in the respective ordinances appointing them: thus there presided over the tribunal as to exactions praetor, over the court for murder president specially nominated from those who had been aediles, over the spear-court several directors taken from the former quaestors. The jurymen at least for the ordinary as for the extraordinary procedure were, in accordance with the Gracchan arrangement, taken from the non-senatorial men of equestrian census; the selection belonged in general to the magistrates who had the conducting of the courts, yet on such footing that they, in entering upon their oflice, had to set forth once for all the list of jurymen, and then the jury for an individual case was formed from these, not free choice of the magistrate, but drawing lots, and rejection on behalf of the parties. From the choice of the people there came only the “ Ten-men " for procedure affectin freedom
Sullan Sulla’s leadin reforms w ct .
9::
Centum-
Firs he. very consi era increased the number of the
y
by
by by a g
a
a
3 2).
it
5
(i.
can. jw
dealing
1: THE SULLAN CONSTITUTION
n9
There were henceforth separate judicial com missions for exactions ; for murder, including arson and perjury; for bribery at elections; for high treason and any dishonour done to the Roman name; for the most
heinous cases of fraud—the forging of wills and of money; for adultery; for the most heinous violations of honour, particularly for injuries to the person and disturbance of the domestic peace; perhaps also for embezzlement of public moneys, for usury and other crimes; and at least the greater number of these courts were either found in existence or called into life by Sulla, and were provided by him with special ordinances setting forth the crime and form of criminal procedure. The government, moreover, was not deprived of the right to appoint in case of emergency special courts for particular groups of crimes. As a result of these arrangements, the popular tribunals were in substance done away with, processes of high treason in particular were consigned to the new high treason commission, and the ordinary jury procedure was con siderably restricted, for the more s ' falsifications and injuries were withdrawn from it. eco as respects the presidency of the courts, six praetors, as we have already mentioned, were now available for the superintendence of
-the different jury-courts, and to these were added number of other directors in the care of the commission which was most frequently called into action—that for
with murder. the senators were once more installed in the of jurymen in room of the Gracchan equites.
The political aim of these enactments—to putailgni v__,v. ___v_‘_v . vv
m the share which rhieméglhrgija’d hitherto had in the government—is clear as day but as little admits of
doubt, that these were not mere measures of political tendency, but that they formedlhflii)siattgnw the Roman criffifiialwproaedure and criminalglaw, which had
voL. xv
\/. 109
a
;
it
o e
ir Ly,
a
ly,
Police laws.
130
THE SULLAN CONSTITUTION BOOK iv
since the struggle between the orders fallen more and more into confusion. From this Sullan legislation wdatfsz the
N’ law distinction—substantialiy' uhk'n'o'wnitowthefharwlier
between civil and criminal causes, in the sense which we now attach-'5 these expressions; henceforthiggimingll cause appears as that which comes before—the_lgn_ch,of
u der the presidency of the raetor, a civil cause as the procedure, in which the juryman or jurymen do not
discharge their duties under praetorian presidency. The whole body of the Sullan ordinances as to the quaertx'oner
maymbe characterized _avt_ 913ias the firsVtJRgmancQdLftEr the Tables, anduaith‘e first criminalwggd v ever specially issiiednat-iallr But in the details also there
appears a laudable and liberal spirit. Singular as it may sound regarding the author of the proscriptions, it remains nevertheless true that he abolished the punishment of
Wgflencgsi
Roman custom which even Sulla retained unchanged the people only, and not the jury-commission, could sentence to forfeiture of life or to imprisonment (iii. 348), the trans ference of processes of high treason from the burgesses to a standing commission amounted to the abolition of capital
to the
for such offences. On the other hand, the restriction of the pernicious special commissions for par ticular cases of high treason, of which the Varian com mission (iii. 503) in the Social war had been a specimen, likewise involved an improvement. The whole reform was of singular and lasting benefit, and a permanent monument of the practical, moderate, statesmanly spirit, which made its author well worthy, like the old decemvirs, to step forward between the parties as sovereign mediator with his code of law.
We may regard as an appendix to these criminal laws the police ordinances, by which Sulla, putting the law in place of the censor, again enforced good discipline and
punishment
for, as
according
CHAP- it THE SULLAN CONSWTITUTION t3!
strict manners, and, by establishing new maximum rates instead of the old ones which had long been antiquated, attempted to restrain luxury at banquets, funerals, and otherwise.
,9)
Lastly, the development of an indepen oman The
municipal system was the w rk, if not of Sulla, at any rate Roman municipal
of the Su an epoch. The idea of organically incorpor system. -. .
atm the com 5 a s rdmate tmal unit in the
higher unity oftllgstateuwasgor‘iginally foreignTtfiiitiquity;
of the east knew nidflii'fi‘g'br'urbai'eonniiom wealths in the strict sense of the word, and city and state were throughout the Helleno-Italic world necessarily co
incident. In so far there was no proper municipal system from the outset either in Greece or in Italy. The Roman polity especially adhered to this view with its peculiar tenacious consistency; even in the sixth century the
"th'e‘dés-potism
communities of Italy were either, in order to their keeping their municipal constitution, constituted as formally sovereign states of non-burgesses, or, if they obtained the Roman franchise, were—although not
dependent
from organizing themselves as collective bodies —deprived of properly municipal rights, so that in all
prevented
and burgess-mum'rzfia even the administra tion of justice and the charge of buildings devolved on the Roman praetors and censors. The utmost to which Rome consented was to allow at least the most urgent lawsuits to be settled on the spot by a deputy (praefictur) of the
nominated from Rome (ii. 49). The provinces were similarly dealt with, except that the governor there came in place of the authorities of the capital. In the free, that formally sovereign towns the civil and criminal jurisdiction was administered by the municipal magistrates according to the local statutes; only, unless altogether special privileges stood in the way, every Roman might either as defendant or as plaintiff request to have his cause
burgess-colonies
praetor
is,
132
THE SULLAN CONSTITUTION 3001: IV
decided before Italian judges according to Italian law. For the ordinary provincial communities the Roman
governor was the only regular judicial authority, on whom devolved the direction of all processes. It was a great matter when, as in Sicily, in the event of the defendant being a Sicilian, the governor was bound by the provincial statute to give a native juryman and to allow him to decide according to local usage; in most of the provinces this seems to have depended on the pleasure of the directing magistrate
In the seventh century this absolute centralization of the public life of the Roman community in the one focus of Rome was given up, so far as Italy at least was concerned. Now that Italy was a single civic community and the civic territory reached from the Arnus and Rubico down to the Sicilian Straits (p. 122), it was necessary to consent to the formation of smaller civic communities within that larger unit. So Italy was organized into communities of full burgesses; on which occasion also the larger cantons that were dangerous from their size were probably broken up, so far as this had not been done already, into several smaller town-districts (iii. 499). The position of these new communities of full burgesses was a compromise between that which had belonged to them hitherto as allied states, and that which by the earlier law would have belonged to them as integral parts of the Roman community. Their basis was in general the con stitution of the former formally sovereign Latin community, or, so far as their constitution in its principles resembled the Roman, that of the Roman old-patrician-consular com
munity; only care was taken to apply to the same institu tions in the mum'afium names different from, and inferior to, those used in the capital, or, in other words, in the state. A burgess-assembly was placed at the head, with the prerogative of issuing municipal statutes and nominating
cnAr. x THE SULLAN CONSTITUTION
I33
the municipal magistrates. A municipal council of a hundred members acted the part of the Roman senate. The administration of justice was conducted by four magistrates, two regular judges corresponding to the two consuls, and two market-judges corresponding to the curule aediles. The functions of the censorship, which recurred, as in Rome, every five years and, to all appearance,
consisted chiefly in the superintendence of public buildings, were also undertaken by the supreme magistrates of the community, namely the ordinary duumm'ri, who in this case assumed the distinctive title of duumm'ri “with censorial or quinquennial power. ” The municipal funds were managed by two quaestors. Religious functions primarily devolved on the two colleges of men of priestly lore alone known to the earliest Latin constitution, the municipal pontifices and augurs.
With reference to the relation of this secondary political Relation of
organism to the primary organism of the state, political the immi cipium to
prerogatives in general belonged completely to the former the state. as well as to the latter, and consequently the municipal
decree and the imperium of the municipal
bound the municipal burgess just as the decree of the people and the consular imperium bound the Roman. This led, on the whole, to a co-ordinate exercise of power by the authorities of the state and of the town ; both had, for instance, the right of valuation and taxation, so that in the case of any municipal valuations and taxes prescribed by Rome were not taken into account, and via versa; public buildings might be instituted both
the Roman magistrates throughout Italy and by the municipal authorities in their own district, and so in other cases. In the event of collision, of course the community
yielded to the state and the decree of the people invalidated the municipal decree. A formal division of functions probably took place only in the administration of justice,
magistrates
those by
Rise of the munici piun.
where the system of pure co-ordination would have led to the greatest confusion. In criminal procedure presumably all capital causes, and in civil procedure those more diflicult cases which presumed an independent action on the part of the directing magistrate, were reserved for the authorities and jurymen of the capital, and the Italian municipal courts were restricted to the minor and less complicated lawsuits, or to those which were very urgent.
The origin of this Italian municipal system has not been recorded by tradition. It is probable that its germs may be traced to exceptional regulations for the great
134
THE SULLAN CONSTITUTION BOOK IV
which were founded at the end of the sixth century (iii. 26); at least several, in themselves
indifferent, formal differences between burgess-colonies
and burgeSsmum'aIpz'a tend to show that the new burgess colony, which at that time practically took the place of the Latin, had originally a better position in state-law than the far older burgess-mum‘apium, and the advantage doubt less can only have consisted in a municipal constitution approximating to the Latin, such as afterwards belonged to all burgess-colonies and burgess-mum'altia. The new organization is first distinctly demonstrable for the revolu tionary colony of Capua 70); and admits of no doubt that was first fully applied, when all the hitherto sovereign towns of Italy had to be organized, in con
sequence of the Social war, as burgess-communities. Whether was the Julian law, or the censors of 668, or Sulla, that first arranged the details, cannot be determined: the entrusting of the censorial functions to the duumw'ri seems indeed to have been introduced after the analogy of the Sullan ordinance superseding the censorshipw, but may be equally well referred to the oldest Latin constitu- tion to which also the censorship was unknown.
case this‘ . Jnunicipal constitution—inserted and su -
ordinate'35th};_s_tatewproper—is one of the most remarkable 'v'w_u,. _---—~_-~__. v_-'
burgess-colonies,
in,
it
it
(p.
it
CHAP. X THE SULLAN CONSTITUTION
135
and s roducts of the riod, and of the life of the Roman state generally. Antiquity was certain y as little able to dovetail the city into the state as to develop of itself representative government and other great principles
of our modern state-life; but it carried its political develop ment up to those limits at which it outgrows and bursts its assigned dimensions, and this was the case especially with Rome, which in every respect stands on the line of separation and connection between the old and the new intellectual worlds. In the Sullan constitution the primary assembly and the urban character of thevcqrgnmomalth_of
WRomeronrtlfefofihmost into a meaningless
form’; the community subsistingwwithin'"'tliéfitaté-lqrLthe
otheThand was aMWawWin-themhan
munz'ajfiiuk
Down to the name, which in such cases no
doubtisthehalfofthematter,thislastt constitution of
ahmmmm
he
the free republic carried out the representative system
pai---—~
e municipal system in the provinces was not altered
by this movement; the municipal authorities of the non free towns continued—special exceptions apart—to be confined to administration and police, and to such jurisdic tion as the Roman authorities did not prefer to take into their own hands.
gmm
Such was the constitution which Lucius Cornelius Sulla
Impression produced by the Sullan reorganiza tion.
Opposition of the oflicorl.
of Rome. The senate and equestrian order, the burgesses and proletariate, Italians and provincials, accepted it as it was dictated to them by
the regent, if not without grumbling, at any rate without rebelling: not so the Sullan oflicers. The Roman army had totally changed its character. It had certainly been rendered by the Marian reform more ready for action and more militarily useful than when it did not fight before the walls of Nurnantia ; but it had at the same time been con
""fl
Wh WWW_
136
THE SULLAN CONSTITUTION BOOK lv
verted from a burgess-force into a set of mercenaries who showed no fidelity to the state at all, and proved faithful to the oflicer only if he had the skill personally to gain their attachment. The civil war had given fearful evidence of this total revolution in the spirit of the army: six generals in command, Albinus (iii. 529), Cato (iii. 5 3o), Rufus (iii. 546), Flaccus 47), Cinna 74), and Gaius Carbo 91), had fallen during its course the hands of their soldiers: Sulla alone had hitherto been able to retain the mastery of the dangerous crew, and that only, in fact, giving the rein to all their wild desires as no Roman general before him had ever done. If the blame of destroying the old military discipline on this account attached to him, the censure not exactly without ground, but yet without justice; he was indeed the first Roman magistrate who was only enabled to discharge his military and political task by coming
‘forward as zana’ottz'ere. He had not however taken the military dictatorship for the purpose of making the state subject to the soldiery, but rather for the purpose of compelling everything in the state, and especially the army and the oflicers, to submit once more to the authority of civil order. When this became evident, an opposition
' arose against him among his own stafi‘. The oligarchy might play the tyrant as respected other citizens; but that the generals also, who with their good swords had replaced
overthrown senators in their seats, should now be summoned to yield implicit obedience to this very senate,
intolerable. The very two oflicers in whor Sulla had placed most confidence resisted the new orde of things. When Gnaeus Pompeius, whom Sulla had entrusted with the conquest of Sicily and Africa and had selected for his son-in-law, after accomplishing his task received orders from the senate to dismiss his army, he omitted to comply and fell little short of open insurrection.
{the
Lgemed
ii‘
a
is
is
by
(p. by
(p.
CHAP- x THE SULLAN CONSTITUTION
r37
Ofella, to whose firm perseverance in front of Praeneste the success of the last and most severe campaign was essentially due, in equally open violation of the newly issued ordinances became a candidate for the consulship without having held the inferior magistracies. With Pompeius there was effected, if not a cordial reconciliation,
at any rate a compromise. Sulla, who knew his man sufliciently not to fear him, did not resent the impertinent
remark which Pompeius uttered to his face, that more
people concerned themselves with the rising than with the
setting sun; and accorded to the vain youth the empty
marks of honour to which his heart clung 94). If in
this instance he appeared lenient, he showed on the other
hand in the case of Ofella that he was not disposed to
allow his marshals to take advantage of him as soon as
the latter had appeared unconstitutionally as candidate,
Sulla had him out down in the public market-place, and
then explained to the assembled citizens that the deed was
done by his orders and the reason for doing So this significant opposition of the staff to the new order of things
was no doubt silenced for the present; but continued to
subsist and furnished the practical commentary on Sulla’s
saying, that what he did on this occasion could not be M done second time.
qrlgthiaastillrsnairfgl—pewrhaps 915)gpsrgd'gmr
all: to hiingthfi-fiwiflnfllgateglthingsintoaccordance 23125350’
with the paths prescribed by the new or old laws. It was tic =1 facifitated“'byfle'circTfistancefth'atwsullicnexrellost sight
of this as his ultimate aim. Although the Valerian law gambsoliitegpow‘ef'ahd gave to each of his ordinances
the force of law, he had nevertheless availed himself of this extraordinary prerogative only in the case of measures, which were of transient importance, and to take part which would simply have uselessly compromised the senate and burgesses, especially in the case of the proscriptions.
Quintus
V
in
‘ 0%‘
a
it
it.
;
(p.
138
THE SULLAN CONSTITUTION 3001: IV
Ordinarily he had himself observed those regulations, which he prescribed for the future. That the people were con sulted, we read in the law as to the quaestors which is still in part extant 3 and the same is attested of other laws, cg. the sumptuary law and those regarding the confiscation of domains. In like manner the senate was previously con sulted in the more important administrative acts, suchas in the sending forth and recall of the African army and in the conferring of the charters of towns. In the same spirit
BL Sulla caused consuls to be elected even for 673, through which at least the odious custom of dating oilicially by the regency was avoided; nevertheless the power still lay exclusively with the regent, and the election was directed so as to fall on secondary personages. But in the following
80. year (674) Sulla revived the ordinary constitution in full efficiency, and administered the state as consul in concert with his comrade in arms Quintus Metellus, retaining the regency, but allowing it for the time to lie dormant. He saw well how dangerous it was for his own very institutions to perpetuate the military dictatorship. When the new state of things seemed likely to hold its ground and the largest and most important portion of the new arrangements had been completed, although various matters, particularly in colonization, still remained to be done, he allowed the
79. elections for 675 to have free course, declined re-election to the consulship as incompatible with his own ordinances,
‘
.
79.
Sulll resigns tho regency.
and at the beginning of 67 5 resigned the regency, soon after the new consuls Publius Servilius and Appius Claudius had entered on oflice. Even callous hearts were impressed, when the man who had hitherto dealt at his pleasure with the life and property of millions, at whose nod so many heads had fallen, who had mortal enemies dwelling in every street of Rome and in every town of Italy, and who with out an ally of equal standing and even, strictly speaking, without the support of a fixed party had brought to an end
CHAP- it THE SULLAN CONSTITUTION
I39
his work of reorganizing the state, a work offending a thousand interests and opinions—when this man appeared in the market-place of the capital, voluntarily renounced his plenitude of power, discharged his armed attendants, dismissed his lictors, and summoned the dense throng of burgesses to speak, ifany one desired from him a reckoning. All were silent: Sulla descended from the rostra, and on foot, attended only by his friends, returned to his dwelling through the midst of that very populace which eight years before had razed his house to the ground.
Posterity has not justly appreciated either Sulla himself or Character his work of reorganization, as indeed it is wont to judge of Sulla. unfairly ofpersons who oppose themselves to the current
of the times. In fact Sulla is one of the most marvellous characters-we may even say a unique phenomenon—in
history. Physically and mentally of sanguine temperament,
blue-eyed, fair, of a complexion singularly white but blush
ing with every passionate emotion—though otherwise a handsome man with piercing eyes—he seemed hardly
destined to be of more moment to the state than his
ancestors, who since the days of his great-great-grandfather
Publius Cornelius Rufinus (consul in 464, 47 one of the 290. 277. most distinguished generals and at the same time the
most ostentatious man of the times of Pyrrhus, had remained
in second-rate positions. He desired from life nothing but
serene enjoyment. Reared in the refinement of such cul
tivated luxury as was at that time naturalized even in the
less wealthy senatorial families of Rome, he speedily and
adroitly possessed himself of all the fulness of sensuous and intellectual enjoyments which the combination of Hellenic
polish and Roman wealth could secure. He was equally
welcome as pleasant companion in the aristocratic saloon
and as a good comrade in the tented field his acquaintances,
high and low, found in him sympathizing friend and
ready helper in time of need, who gave his gold with far
a
a
;
a
7),
140
THE SULLAN CONSTITUTION BOOK iv
more pleasure to his embarrassed comrade than to his wealthy creditor. Passionate was his homage to the wine cup, still more passionate to women; even in his later years he was no longer the regent, when after the business of the day was finished he took his place at table. A vein of irony—we might perhaps say of buffoonery—pervaded his whole nature. Even when regent he gave orders, while conducting the public sale of the property of the proscribed, that a donation from the spoil should be given to the author of a wretched panegyric which was handed to him, on condition that the writer should promise never to sing his praises again. When he justified before the burgesses the execution of Ofella, he did so by re lating to the people the fable of the countryman and the lice. He delighted to choose his companions
among actors, and was fond of sitting at wine not only with Quintus Roscius—the Roman Talma—but also with far inferior players ; indeed he was himself not a bad singer, and even
wrote farces for performance within his own circle. Yet amidst these jovial Bacchanalia he lost neither bodily nor mental vigour, in the rural leisure of his last years he was still zealously devoted to the chase, and the circumstance that he brought the writings of Aristotle from conquered Athens to Rome attests withal his interest in more serious reading. The specific type of Roman character rather repelled him. Sulla had nothing of the blunt hauteur which the grandees of Rome were fond of displaying in presence of the Greeks, or of the pomposity of narrow minded great men 5 on the contrary he freely indulged his humour, appeared, to the scandal doubtless of many of his countrymen, in Greek towns in the Greek dress, or induced
his aristocratic companions to drive their chariots personally at the games. He retained still less of those half-patriotic, half-selfish hopes, which in countries of free constitution allure every youth of talent into the political arena, and
CHAP- x THE SULLAN CONSTITUTION
:4:
which he too like all others probably at one time felt. In such a life as his was, oscillating between passionate intoxi cation and more than sober awaking, illusions are speedily dissipated. Wishing and striving probably appeared to him folly in a world which withal was absolutely governed by chance, and in which, if men were to strive after anything at all, this chance could be the only aim of their efforts.
He followed the general tendency of the age in addicting himself at once to unbelief and to superstition. His whimsical credulity was not the plebeian superstition of Marius, who got a priest to prophesy to him for money and determined his actions accordingly; still less was it the sullen belief of the fanatic in destiny ; it was that faith in the absurd, which necessarily makes its appearance in every man who has out and out ceased to believe in a connected order of things—the superstition of the fortunate player, who deems himself privileged by fate to throw on each and every occasion the right number. In practical questions Sulla understood very well how to satisfy ironically the demands of religion. When he emptied the treasuries of the Greek temples, he declared that the man could never fail whose chest was replenished by the gods themselves. When the Delphic priests reported to him that they were afraid to send the treasures which he asked, because the harp of the god emitted a clear sound when they touched
he returned the reply that they might now send them all the more readily, as the god evidently approved his design. Nevertheless he fondly flattered himself with the idea that he was the chosen favourite of the gods, and in an altogether special manner of that goddess, to whom down to his latest years he assigned the pre-erninence, Aphrodite. In his conversations as well as in his autobio graphy he often plumed himself on the intercourse which the immortals held with him in dreams and omens. He had more right than most men to be proud of his achieve
it,
107
‘
142
THE SULLAN CONSTITUTION BOOK rv
Sulla's political Cm
ments ; he was not so, but he was proud of his uniquely faithful fortune. He was wont to say that every improvised enterprise turned out better with him than those which were systematically planned; and one of his strangest whims—that of regularly stating the number of those who had fallen on his side in battle as nil—was nothing but the childishness of a child of fortune. It was but the utter ance of his natural disposition, when, having reached the culminating point of his career and seeing all his contem poraries at a dizzy depth beneath him, he assumed the designation of the Fortunate—Sulla Felix—as a formal surname, and bestowed corresponding appellations on his children.
Nothing lay farther from Sulla than systematic ambition. He had too much sense to regard, like the average aristo crats of his time, the inscription of his name in the roll of the consuls as the aim of his life ; he was too indifferent and too little of an ideologue to be disposed voluntarily to
in the reform of the rotten structure of the state. He remained—where birth and culture placed him—in the circle of genteel society, and passed through the usual routine of oflices ; he had no occasion to exert himself, and left such exertion to the political working bees, of whom there was in truth no lack. Thus in 647, on the allotment of the quaestorial places, accident brought him to Africa to the headquarters of Gaius Marius. The untried man-of fashion from the capital was not very well received by the rough boorish general and his experienced staff. Provoked by this reception Sulla, fearless and skilful as he was, rapidly made himself master of the profession of arms, and in his daring expedition to Mauretania first displayed that peculiar combination of audacity and cunning with refer ence to which his contemporaries said of him that he was half lion half fox, and that the fox in him was more danger ous than the lion. To the young, highborn, brilliant ofhcer,
engage
CHAP. x THE SULLAN CONSTITUTION
143
who was confessedly the real means of ending the vexatious Numidian war, the most splendid career now lay open ; he took part also in the Cimbrian war, and manifested » his singular talent for organization in the management of l the diflicult task of providing supplies; yet even now the
of life in the capital had far more attraction
for him than war or even politics. During his praetor ship, which oflice he held in 661 after having failed in 8. a previous candidature, it once more chanced that in
his province, the least important of all, the first victory over king Mithradates and the first treaty with the mighty
Arsacids, as well as their first humiliation, occurred. The Civil war followed. It was Sulla mainly, who decided
the first act of it—the Italian insurrection—in favour of Rome, and thus won for himself the consulship by his sword; it was he, moreover, who when consul suppressed with energetic rapidity the Sulpician revolt. Fortune seemed to make it her business to eclipse the old hero Marius by means of this younger oflicer. The capture
of Jugurtha, the vanquishing of Mithradates, both of which Marius had striven for in vain, were accomplished
in subordinate positions by Sulla: in the Social war, in which Marius lost his renown as a general and was deposed, Sulla established his military repute and rose
to the consulship; the revolution of 666, which was at 88. the same time and above all a personal conflict between
the two generals, ended with the outlawry and flight of Marius. Almost without desiring Sulla had become the most famous general of his time and the shield of the oligarchy. New and more formidable crises ensued—the Mithradatic war, the Cinnan revolution; the star of Sulla continued always the ascendant. Like the captain who seeks not to quench the flames of his burning ship but continues to fire on the enemy, Sulla, while the revolution was raging in Italy, persevered unshaken in Asia till the
pleasures
l
in
it,
144
THE SULLAN CONSTITUTION ' loo: rv
public foe was subdued. So soon as he had done with that foe, he crushed anarchy and saved the capital from the firebrands of the desperate Samnites and revolutionists.
The moment of his return home was for Sulla an over powering one in joy and in pain : he himself relates in his memoirs that during his first night in Rome he had not been able to close an eye, and we may well believe it. But still his task was not at an end ; his star was destined to rise still higher. Absolute autocrat as was ever any king, and yet constantly abiding on the ground of formal right, he bridled the ultra-reactionary party, annihilated the Gracchan constitution which had for forty years limited the oligarchy, and compelled first the powers of the capital ists and 0f the urban proletariate which had entered into rivalry with the oligarchy, and ultimately the arrogance of the sword which had grown up in the bosom of his own staff, to yield once more to the law which he strength ened afresh. He established the oligarchy on a more independent footing than ever, placed the magisterial
power as a ministering instrument in its hands, com mitted to it the legislation, the courts, the supreme military and financial power, and furnished it with a sort of bodyguard in the liberated slaves and with a sort of army in the settled military colonists. Lastly, when the work was finished, the creator gave way to his own creation ; the absolute autocrat became of his own
accord once more a simple senator. In all this long military and political career Sulla never lost a battle, was never compelled to retrace a single step, and, led astray neither by friends nor by foes, brought his work ‘to the goal which he had himself proposed. He had reason, indeed, to thank his star. The capricious goddess of fortune seemed in his case for once to have exchanged caprice for steadfastness, and to have taken a pleasure in loading her favourite with successes and honours_
CHAP- x THE SULLAN CONSTITUTION
[45
‘whether he desired them or not; But history must be more just towards him than he was towards himself, and must place him in a higher rank than that of the mere favourites of fortune.
We do not mean that the Sullan constitution was a workgsulla and
of political genius, such as those of Gracchus and Caesar. There does not occur in it—as indeed, implied in itsi very nature Aas reswtoration-—a singleisnewsioinstates
the initiative of the senate in legislationfthe conversion of the tribunician oflice into an instrument of the senate for fettering the imperiumfthe prolon ing of the duration! of the supreme oflice to two years, the transference of the command from the popularly-elected,’ magistrate to the senatorial groconsul or propraetor, and even the new criminal and municipal arrangements—. vwere not created
3L“,
grown g1g1vt_o_f_tgeg'oi archic government, and which he
rmcmlylegulated and fixed. 11 even as to the horrors attaching to his restoration, the proscriptions and con fiscations—are they, compared with the doings of Nasica, Popillius, Opimius, Caepio and so on, anything else than the legal embodiment of the customary oligarchic mode
"at
idea
manship. to
ll
adm
he a bolition
lding
of the censorial right to eject senator from the senate,
y the the senate b
ho
quaes
o
t
of getting rid of opponents? On the Roman oligarchy >v-. ~. w. . . -»
of this period no judgment CHE: passed save' one of inexorable'ari'd remogrspeless condeiihégon am: like every thing else tfinhected 'iwi'tlinitjwtlie Sullan constitution
involved inillat condemnation. "fo-iccord which the genius of had inan~bribes us into
complgtely
praise
bestowing to sin against the sacred character of his tory but we may be allowed to bear in mind that Sulla was far less answerable for the Sullan restoration than the body of the Roman aristocracy, which had ruled as
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is
by.
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I45
THE SULLAN CONSTITUTION IOOK lv
I clique for centuries and had every year become more enervated and embittered by age, and that all that was hollow and all that was nefarious therein is ultimately traceable to that aristocracy. Sulla reorganized the state ---not, however, as the master of the house who puts his shattered estate and household in order according to his own discretion, but as the
temporary business-manager who faithfully complies with his instructions; it is super
ficial and false in such a case to devolve the final and essential responsibility from the master upon the manager. We estimate the importance of Sulla much too highly, or rather we dispose of those terrible proscriptions, ejections, and restorations—for which there never could be and never was any reparation—on far too easy terms, when we regard them as the work of a bloodthirsty tyrant whom accident had placed at the head of the state. These and the terrorism of the restoration were the deeds of the aristocracy, and Sulla was nothing more in the matter than, to use the poet’s expression, the execu tioner‘s axe following the conscious thought as its uncon scious instrument. Sulla carried out that part with rare, in fact superhuman, perfection; but within the limits
which it laid down for him, his working was not only grand but even useful. Never has any aristocracy deeply decayed and decaying still farther from day to day, such as was the Roman aristocracy of that time, found a guardian so willing and able as Sulla to wield for it the sword of the general and the pen of the legislator with out any regard to the gain of power for himself. There is no doubt a difference between the case of an oflicer who refuses the sceptre from public spirit and that of one who throws it away from a cloyed appetite; but, so far as concerns the total absence of political selfishness—although, it is true, in this one respect only—Sulla deserves to be named side by
side with Washington.
CHAP- x THE SULLAN CONSTITUTION 147 \\
But the whole country—and not the aristocracy merely Value
—was more indebted to him than posterity was willing ofthe Sullan con
to confess. Sulla definitely terminated the Italian - stitution.
revohi tion, in so are? it was ased on t e disabilities of in
v//.
dividual less privileged districts as compared with others of better rights, and, by compelling himself and his party to recognize the equality of the rights of all Italians in presence of the law, became the real and final author of the full political unit of Ital —a gain which was not
'tmso
themn governmerrt''of'th’e'ienate with the
troubles and streams of blood. Sulla however did more. For more
than half a century
and anarchy had beepliemrmanent condition: for the
WSW/gnomes? ? ?
Cinna and Carbo was a yet far worse illustration of the absence of a master-hand (the sad image of which is most clearly reflected in that equally confused and unnatural league
with the Samnites), the most uncertain, most intolerable, and most mischievous of all conceivable political condi tions—in fact the beginning of the end. We do not go too far when we assert that the long-undermined Roman commonwealth must have necessarily fallen to pieces, had not Sulla by his intervention in Asia and Italy saved
had as little endurance as and now
its existence.
is
_It true
gtwh_at_ the constitution of Sulla “WNW-“TM
was not see that his structure was no solid“ one;
but‘it is arrant thmfififfis'shégfiwérfli'fle fact that without Sulla most probably the very site of the building would have been swept away by the waves; and even the blame of its want of stability does not fall primarily on Sulla. The statesman builds only so much as in the sphere assigned to him he can build. What a man of conservative views could do to save the old constitution, Sulla did ; and he himself had a foreboding that, while
many
declining, Gracchanjonstitution
\
the Sullan others to do. Sulla not only established his despotic power
by unscrupulous violence, but in doing so called things by their right name with certain cynical frankness, through which he has irreparably offended the great mass of the weakhearted who are more revolted at the name than at the thing, but through which, from the cool and dispas sionate character of his crimes, he certainly appears to the moral judgment more revolting than the criminal acting from passion. Outlawries, rewards to executioners, con fiscations of goods, summary procedure with insubordinate ofl'icers had occurred hundred times, and the obtuse
political morality of ancient civilization had for such things only lukewarm censure; but was unexampled that the names of the outlaws should be publicly posted up and their heads publicly exposed, that set sum should be fixed
restoration.
148
THE SULLAN CONSTITUTION 800: IV
/’_\ Immoral and superficial nature of
he might doubtless erect fortress, he would be unable to create garrison, and that the utter worthlessness of the oligarchs would render any attempt to save the oligarchy vain. His constitution resembled temporary dike thrown into the raging breakers; was no reproach to the builder,
some ten years afterwards the waves swallowed up
structure at variance with nature and not defended even
by those whom sheltered. The statesman has no need
to be referred to highly commendable isolated reforms,
such as those of the Asiatic revenue-system and of criminal
justice, that may not summarily dismiss Sulla’s ephe
meral restoration: he will admire as
of thevRoman commonwealth ju'd‘iciously planned and on
the whole consistently carried out-linger infinite difiictilties, bv--~> . __. . . . A ~. . v_
and he will place the deliverer of Rome and the accom plisher of Italian unity below, but yet by the side of, Cromwell.
not, however, the statesman alone who has voice in judging the dead; and with justice outraged human feeling will never reconcile itself to what Sulla did or suffered
it a
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it
a
it
a
CHAP- x THE SULLAN CONSTITUTION
149
for the bandits who slew them and that it should be duly entered in the public account-books, that the confiscated property should be brought to the hammer like the spoil of an enemy in the public market, that the general should order a refractory oflicer to be at once cut down and acknowledge the deed before all the people. This public mockery of humanity was also a political error; it contributed not a little to envenom later revolutionary crises beforehand, and on that account even now a dark shadow deservedly rests on the memory of the author of the proscriptions.
Sulla may moreover be justly blamed that, while in all important matters he acted with remorseless vigour, in subordinate and more especially in personal questions he very frequently yielded to his sanguine temperament and dealt according to his likings or dislikings. Wherever he really felt hatred, as for instance against the Marians, he allowed it to take its course without restraint even against the innocent, and boasted of himself that no one had better requited friends and foes. 1 He did not disdain on occasion
of his plenitude of power to accumulate a colossal fortune. The first absolute monarch of the Roman state, he verified the maxim of absolutism—that the laws do not bind the prince—forthwith in the case of those laws which he him
self issued as to adultery and extravagance. But his lenity towards his own party and his own circle was more per nicious for the state than his indulgence towards himself. The laxity of his military discipline, although it was partly enjoined by his political exigencies, may be reckoned as coming under this category ; but far more pernicious was his indulgence towards his political adherents. The extent of his occasional forbearance is hardly credible: for instance Lucius Murena was not only released from punishment for
1 Euripides, Medea, 807 :
Mrloelr [u ¢a|$kqv xdurOn-fi voluflrw H116’ ipo'vxalav, (1AM. Barépov 'rp61rou, Bupdw dxepoir Kal ¢Dtoww ell/Airfi
150
THE SULLAN CONSTITUTION BOOK IV
defeats which he sustained through arrant perversity and insubordination 9 but was even allowed triumph; Gnaeus Pompeius, who had behaved still worse, was still more extravagantly honoured by Sulla (pp. 94, 137). The extensive range and the worst enormities of the proscriptions and confiscations probably arose not so much from Sulla’s own wish as from this spirit of indifference, which in his
indeed was hardly more pardonable. That Sulla with his intrinsically energetic and yet withal indifi'erent temperament should conduct himself very variously, some times with incredible indulgence, sometimes with inexorable severity, may readily be conceived. The saying repeated
thousand times, that he was before his regency good natured, mild man, but when regent bloodthirsty tyrant, carries in its own refutation; he as regent displayed the reverse of his earlier gentleness, must rather be said that he punished with the same careless nonchalance with which he pardoned. This half-ironical frivolity pervades his whole political action. always as the victor, just as pleased him to call his merit in gain ing victory good fortune, esteemed the victory itself of no value as he had partial presentiment of the vanity and perishableness of his own work as after the manner of steward he preferred making repairs to pulling down and rebuilding, and allowed himself in the end to be content with sorry plastering to conceal the flaws.
But, such as he was, this Don Juan of politics was a man of one mould. His whole life attests the internal equilibrium of his nature; in the most diverse situations Sulla remained unchangeably the same. It was the same temper, which after the brilliant successes in Africa made him seek once more the idleness of the capital, and after the full possession of absolute power made him find rest and refreshment in his Cuman villa. In his mouth the saying, that public affairs were burden which he threw
position
Sulla after his ' ment.
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it
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CRAP. I THE SULLAN CONSTITUTION
I5!
off so soon as he might and could, was no mere phrase. After his resignation he remained entirely like himself, without peevishness and without affectation, glad to be rid of public affairs and yet interfering now and then when opportunity offered. Hunting and fishing and the com position of his memoirs occupied his leisure hours; by way of interlude he arranged, at the request of the discordant citizens, the internal affairs of the neighbouring colony of Puteoli as confidently and speedily as he had formerly arranged those of the capital. His last action on his sick bed had reference to the collection of a contribution for the rebuilding of the Capitoline temple, of which he was not allowed to witness the completion.
Little more than a year after his retirement, in the six Death of tieth year of his life, while yet vigorous in body and mind, Sulla. he was overtaken by death; after a brief confinement to a sick-bed—he was writing at his autobiography two days
even before his death—the rupture of a blood-vessel1 carried
him off (676). His faithful fortune did not desert him 78. even in death. He could have no wish to be drawn once
more into the disagreeable vortex of party struggles, and
to be obliged to lead his old warriors once more against a
new revolution; yet such was the state of matters at his
death in Spain and in Italy, that he could hardly have
been spared this task had his life been prolonged. Even
now when it was suggested that he should have a public
funeral in the capital, numerous voices there, which had
been silent in his lifetime, were raised against the last honour
which it was proposed to show to the tyrant. But his
memory was still too fresh and the dread of his old soldiers
too vivid : it was resolved that the body should be conveyed
to the capital and that the obsequies should be celebrated
there.
1 Not pthlrlasls, as another account states; for the simple realon that
such a disease is entirely imaginary.
'
l-Ill funnel.
Italy never witnessed a grander funeral solemnity. In every place through which the deceased was borne in regal attire, with his well-known standards and fasces before him, the inhabitants and above all his old soldiers joined the mourning train : it seemed as if the whole army would once
more meet round the hero in death, who had in life led it so often and never except to victory. So the endless funeral procession reached the capital, where the courts kept holiday and all business was suspended, and two thousand golden chaplets awaited the dead—the last honorary gifts of the faithful legions, of the cities, and of his more intimate friends. Sulla, faithful to the usage of the Cornelian house, had ordered that his body should be buried without being burnt; but others were more mindful than he was of what past days had done and future days might do: by command of the senate the corpse of the man who had disturbed the bones of Marius from their rest in the grave was committed to the flames. Headed by all the magistrates and the whole senate, by the priests
and priestesses in their oflicial robes and the band of noble youths in equestrian armour, the procession arrived at the
great market-place ; at this spot, filled by his achievements and almost by the sound as yet of his dreaded words, the funeral oration was delivered over the deceased; and thence the bier was borne on the shoulders of senators to the Campus Martius, where the funeral pile was erected. While the flames were blazing, the equites and the soldiers held their race of honour round the corpse ; the ashes of the regent were deposited in the Campus Martius beside the tombs of the old kings, and the Roman women mourned him for a year.
152
THE SULLAN CONSTITUTION BOOK iv
CHAP. XI THE COMMONWEALTH 153
CHAPTER XI
THE COMMONWEALTH AND ITS ECONOMY
WI have traversed a period of ninety years—forty years of External
profound peace, fifty of an almost constant revolution. It and inter nal bank
is the most inglorious epoch known in Roman history. It ruptcy of
is true that the Alps were crossed both in an easterly and westerly direction (iii. 4 r 6, 428), and the Roman arms reached in the Spanish peninsula as far as the Atlantic Ocean (iii. :32) and in the Macedono-Grecian peninsula as far as the Danube (iii. 429); but the laurels thus gained were as cheap as they were barren. The circle of the “ extraneous peoples under the will, sway, dominion, or friendship of the Roman burgesses,”1 was not materially extended ; men were content to realize the gains of a better age and to bring the com munities, annexed to Rome in laxer forms of dependence, more and more into full subjection. Behind the brilliant screen of provincial reunions was concealed a very sensible decline of Roman power. While the whole ancient civiliza tion was daily more and more distinctly embraced in the Roman state, and embodied there in forms of more general validity, the nations excluded from it began simultaneously beyond the Alps and beyond the Euphrates to pass from defence to aggression. 0n the battle-fields of Aquae
1 Extenu natirmer in arbitratu diabne palatal: amicih'ave popuh’ Romaru' (lea: repel. v. 1), the oflicial designation of the non-Italian subjects and clients as contrasted with the Italian "allies and kinsmen"
the Roman state.
(Jodi mfnim
154
THE COMMONWEALTH noox rv
Sextiae and Vercellae, ofChaeronea and Orchomenus, were heard the first peals of that thunderstorm, which the Germanic tribes and the Asiatic hordes were destined to bring upon the Italo-Grecian world, and the last dull roll ing of which has reached almost to our own times. But in internal development also this epoch bears the same character. The old organization collapses irretrievably. The Roman commonwealth was planned as an urban com munity, which through its free burgess-body gave to itself rulers and laws ; which was governed by these well-advised rulers within these legal limits with kingly freedom; and around which the Italian confederacy, as an aggregate of free urban communities essentially homogeneous and cog nate with the Roman, and the body of extra-Italian allies, as an aggregate of Greek free cities and barbaric peoples and principalities—both more superintended, than domineered over, by the community of Rome-formed a double circle. It was the final result of the revolution—and both parties, the nominally conservative as well as the democratic party, had co-operated towards it and concurred in it—that of this venerable structure, which at the beginning of the present epoch, though full of chinks and tottering, still stood erect, not one stone was at its close left upon another. The holder of sovereign power was now either a single man, or a close oligarchy—now of rank, now of riches. The burgesses had lost all legitimate share in the government. The magistrates were instruments without independence in the hands of the holder of power for the time being. The
urban community of Rome had broken down by its un natural enlargement. The Italian confederacy had been merged in the urban community. The body of extra Italian allies was in full course of being converted into a body of subjects. The whole organic classification of the Roman commonwealth had gone to wreck, and nothing was left but a crude mass of more or less disparate elements.
CRAP. XI AND ITS ECONOMY 155 W
The state of matters threatened to end in utter anarchy '11:: and in the inward and outward dissolution of the state. The political movement tended thoroughly towards the goal of despotism ; the only point still in dispute was whether the close circle of the families of rank, or the senate of capital
ists, or a monarch was to be the despot. The political movement followed thoroughly the paths that led to des potism ; the fundamental principle of a free commonwealth —that the contending powers should reciprocally confine themselves to indirect coercion—had become effete in the eyes of all parties alike, and on both sides the fight for power began to be carried on first by the bludgeon, and soon by the sword. The revolution, at an end in so far as the old constitution was recognized by both sides as finally set aside and the aim and method of the new political develop
ment were clearly settled, had yet up to this time dis covered nothing but provisional solutions for this problem of the reorganization of the state; neither the Gracchan nor the Sullan constitution of the community bore the stamp of finality. But the bitterest feature of this bitter time was that even hope and effort failed the clear-seeing
The sun of freedom with all its endless store of blessings was constantly drawing nearer to its setting, and the twilight was settling over the very world that was still so brilliant. It was no accidental catastrophe which patriot ism and genius might have warded oil‘; it was ancient social evils—at the bottom of all, the ruin of the middle class by the slave proletariate—that brought destruction on the Roman commonwealth. The most sagacious states man was in the plight of the physician to whom it is equally painful to prolong or to abridge the agony of his patient. Beyond doubt it was the better for the interests of Rome, the more quickly and thoroughly a despot set aside all
remnants of the ancient free constitution, and invented new forms and expressions for the moderate measure of human
patriot.
Financel of the lute.
Italian
I 56 THE COMMONWEALTH soox rv
prosperity for which in absolutism there is room: the intrinsic advantage, which belonged to monarchy under the given circumstances as compared with any oligarchy, lay mainly in the very circumstance that such a despotism, energetic in pulling down and energetic in building up,
could never be exercised by a collegiate board. But such calm considerations do not mould history ; it is not reason it is passion alone, that builds for the future. The Romans had just to wait and to see how long their commonwealth would continue unable to live and unable to die, and whether it would ultimately find its master and, so far as might be possible, its regenerator, in a man of mighty gifts, or would collapse in misery and weakness.
It remains that we should notice the economic and social relations of the period before us, so far as we have not already done so.
The finances of the state were from the commencement of this epoch substantially dependent on the revenues from the provinces. In Italy the land-tax, which had always occurred there merely as an extraordinary impost by the side of the ordinary domanial and other revenues, had not
been levied since the battle of Pydna, so that absolute freedom from land-tax began to be regarded as a constitu tional privilege of the Roman landowner. The royalties of the state, such as the salt monopoly (iii. 20) and the right of coinage, were not now at least, if ever at all, treated as sources of income. The new tax on inheritance
(iii. 89) was allowed to fall into abeyance or was perhaps directly
abolished. Accordingly the Roman exchequer drew from Italy including Cisalpine Gaul nothing but the produce of the domains, particularly of the Campanian territory and of the gold mines in the land of the Celts, and the revenue from manumissions and from goods imported by sea into the Roman civic territory not for the personal consumption of the importer. Both of these may be regarded essen
CRAP. XI AND ITS ECONOMY
I57
tially as taxes on luxury, and they certainly must have been considerably augmented by the extension of the field of Roman citizenship and at the same time of Roman customs dues to all Italy, probably including Cisalpine Gaul.
In the provinces the Roman state claimed directly as its private property, on the one hand, in the states annulled by martial law the whole domain, on the other hand in those states, where the Roman government came in room of the former rulers, the landed property possessed by the latter. By virtue of this right the territories of Leontini, Carthage, and Corinth, the domanial property of the kings of Mace donia, Pergamus, and Cyrene, the mines in Spain and Macedonia were regarded as Roman domains ; and, in like manner with the territory of Capua, were leased by the
Roman censors to private contractors in return for the delivery of a proportion of the produce or a fixed sum of money. We have already explained that Gaius Gracchus went still farther, claimed the whole land of the provinces as domain, and in the case of the province of Asia practi cally carried out this principle; inasmuch as he legally justified the decumae, rcrzlptura, and vea‘z'galfa levied there on the ground of the Roman state’s right of property in the land, pasture, and coasts of the province, whether these had pre viously belonged to the king or private persons (iii. 35 2, 3 59).
There do not appear to have been at this period any royalties from which the state derived profit, as respected the provinces; the prohibition of the culture of the vine and olive in Transalpine Gaul did not benefit the state chest as such. On the other hand direct and indirect taxes were levied to a great extent. The client states recognized as fully sovereign—such as the kingdoms of Numidia and Cappadocia, the allied states (cit/fizzler finde ratae) of Rhodes, Messana, Tauromenium, Massilia, Gades --were legally exempt from taxation, and merely bound by their treaties to support the Roman republic in times of
Provincial revenues.
158
THE COMMONWEALTH soon: 17
war by regularly furnishing a fixed number of ships or men at their own expense, and, as a matter of course in case of need, by rendering extraordinary aid of any kind.
The rest of the provincial territory on the other hand, even including the free cities, was throughout liable to taxation; the only exceptions were the cities invested with the Roman franchise, such as Narbo, and the communities on which immunity from taxation was specially conferred (cit/{taler immum), such as Centuripa in Sicily. The direct taxes consisted partly—as in Sicily and Sardinia—of a title to the tenth1 of the sheaves and other field produce as of grapes and olives, or, if the land lay in pasture, to a corresponding rmflura; partly—as in Macedonia, Achaia, Cyrene, the greater part of Africa, the two Spains, and by Sulla’s arrangements also in Asia—of a fixed sum of money
to be paid annually by each community to Rome (mpm dz'um, trifiutum). This amounted, ag. for all Macedonia, to 600,000 denarir' (£34,000), for the small island of Gyaros near Andros to I50 denarii (£6 : 10r. ), and was
on the whole low and less than the tax paid before the Roman rule. Those ground-tenths and pasture moneys the state farmed out to private contractors on condition of their paying fixed quantities of grain or fixed sums of money ; with respect to the latter money-payments the state drew upon the respective communities, and left it to these to assess the amount, according to the general
apparently
laid down by the Roman government, on the persons liable, and to collect it from them. 8
principles
1 This tax-tenth, which the state levied from private landed property, il to be clearly distinguished from the proprietor's tenth, which it imposed on the domain-land. The former was let in Sicily. and was fixed once for all ; the latter-especially that of the territory of Leontini-was let by the censors in Rome, and the proportion of produce payable and other conditions were regulated at their discretion (Cic. Verr. iii. 6, 13; v. 21, 53; de leg. agr. i. 2, 4; ii. 18, 48). Comp. my Staatrrecltl, iii. 73o.
’ The mode of proceeding was apparently as follows. The Roman government fixed in the first instance the kind and the amount of the tax. Thus it Asia, for instance, according to the arrangement of Sulla and
can. x! AND ITS ECONOMY
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The indirect taxes consisted-—apart from the subordinate Custom. moneys levied from roads,vbridges, and canals—mainly of customs-duties. The customs-duties of antiquity were, if
not exclusively, at any rate principally port-:dues, less frequently frontier-dues, on imports and exports destined
for sale, and were levied by each community in its ports and its territory at discretion. The Romans recognized this principle generally, in so far as their original customs domain did not extend farther than the range of the Roman franchise and the limit of the customs was by no means coincident with the limits of the empire, so that a general imperial tariff was unknown: it was only by means of state-treaty that a total exemption from customs-dues in the client communities was secured for the Roman state, and in various cases at least favourable terms for the Roman
burgess. But in those districts, which had not been
admitted to alliance with Rome but were in the condition
Caesar the tenth sheaf was levied (Appian. B. C. v. 4); thus the Jews by Caesar's edict contributed every second year a fourth of the seed (Joseph. iv. 10, 6; comp. ii. 5); lhus in Cilicia and Syria subsequently there was paid 5 per cent from estate (Appian. Syr. 50), and in Africa also an apparently similar tax was paid-in which case, we may add, the estate seems to have been valued according to certain presumptive indications, e. g. the size of the land occupied, the number of doorways, the number of head of children and slaves (exacfio capitum ntyue artiorum, Cicero, Ad Fans. 8, 5, with reference to Cilicia; ¢6pos é1rl. Ti 71'} ml 10? : ddipao'w, Appian. Pun. 135, with reference to Africa). In accordance with this regulation the magistrates of each community under the super intendence of the Roman governor (Cic. ad Q.