No More Learning

1
2 1
24 Arab Historians of the Crusades
cavalry and infantry with their horses and armour, and none escaped to bear the news. Even Roger, their leader, was found stretched out among the dead. Some who were there said that they had walked over the battlefield, to witness the splendid miracle sent by God, and had seen dead horses bristling like hedgehogs with the arrows sticking out of them. Meanwhile Antioch lay open, with no one to protect it, deserted by its champions, a prize for whoever came first to claim it, waiting for the man who could take it. But because the Ata-beg Zahi? r ad-Din was not there, no one thought to occupy the city. The Turcomans were thrust headlong into action without time to prepare themselves, such being God's decree, while the rest of the troops were wholly occupied with seizing booty, of which there was enough to enrich, delight and satisfy everyone. So 'their dwellings stood desolate and deserted';1 God, Lord of the worlds, be praised!
BALDWIN, HIS DEATH AND HIS CHARACTER (IBN AL-QALA? NISI, 233)
In this year (526/1131-32) news came from the Franks of the death of Baldwin, 'the little leader' (ar-ru' ayyis), King of the Franks and Lord of Jerusalem. He died in Acre on Thursday 25 ramada? n/8 August 1132. 1 He was an old man, rich in experience and inured to every trial and hardship of life. Several times he had been imprisoned by the Muslims, in war and in peace, but his famous stratagems and skilful manoeuvring had got him out. At his death he was succeeded by a man who lacked his good sense and gift for kingship; the new King was Fulk, Count of Anjou, who came out by sea from his homeland. Baldwin's death caused trouble and disturbance among the Franks.
1
1
A Qur'anic phrase (Qur'a? n XXVII, 53), here applied to the conquered enemy. The whole passage is written in saj', rhymed prose full of rhetorical tropes used at times of high emotion.
The date given here is a year too late; Baldwin died at Jerusalem on 21 August 1131, which corresponds to 25 ramada? n 525.
CHAPTER FIVE
With the appearance on the scene of Zangi, the Ata-beg of Mosul and Aleppo, (1129-46), the real Muslim counter-offensive began. Ibn al-Athi? r was the faithful servant and historian, and enthusiastic eulogist of the brief Zangid dynasty of Mesopotamia and Syria. According to his religious view of history it was Providence that put into Zangi's hands the kingdom left by Tughtiki? n of Damascus, the first opponent of the Crusades to be worthy of the name, who died in 1128. Zangi's real aim, even when fighting the Crusaders, was Damascus, nominally ruled by Tughtiki? n's incompetent descendants, and controlled in fact by Mu'i? n ad-Din Unur. Faced with the threat of Zangi, none of these hesitated to make an alliance with the Franks. In the following extracts Ibn al-Athi? r presents an exalted image of his hero, and Ibn al-Qala? nisi the opposite view; that of civil patriotism and loyalty to the local dynasty of Tughtiki? n.
ZANGI, MAN OF DESTINY FOR ISLA? M (IBN AL-ATHI? R, X, 458)
If God in his mercy had not granted that the Ata-beg (Zangi) should conquer Syria, the Franks would have overrun it (completely). They had laid siege to this town and that, but Zahi? r ad-Din Tughtiki? n had barely heard the news before he was mustering his men and marching on the Frankish territories. He besieged them and raided them, and in this way forced the Franks to abandon their campaign and return home. Now in this year (522/1128), by God's decree, Tughtiki? n died, and Syria would have been left completely at their mercy, with no one to defend its inhabitants; but that God in His mercy to the Muslims was pleased to raise to power 'Ima? d ad-Din (Zangi), whose deeds in the battle with the Franks we shall, God willing, record here.
ZANGI TAKES THE FORTRESS OF BA'RI? N. THE DEFEAT OF THE FRANKS
(IBN AL-ATHI? R, XI, 33-34)
In shawwa? l of this year (531/1137), Zangi left Hims and laid siege to Ba'ri? n,1 a strongly defended fortress near Hama? t, held by the Franks. He surrounded it and began to attack it and try to storm it. The Franks marshalled their cavalry and infantry and set out, kings, counts and barons together, against the Atabeg Zangi to make him lift the siege. But Zangi was unmoved. He stood firm to await them, and when they arrived he faced them in a battle which after some bitter fighting resolved itself into a rout of the Franks, who fled,
The Crusaders 'Mont Ferrand', which stood between Tortosa and Hama? t.
1
26 Arab Historians of the Crusades
closely pursued by the Muslims. The Frankish King2 shut himself up inside the near-by fort of Ba'ri? n, and was besieged there by the Muslims. The Ata-beg cut off all means of communication with the fort, so that not even news of their homelands got inside, so closely were movements controlled by Zangi and so great was the fear of him.
Then priests and monks traversed the Byzantine empire, the countries of the Franks and the neighbouring Christian states raising armies to fight the Muslims and declaring that if Zangi took Ba'ri? n and the Franks inside it he would overrun all their lands in no time, for there would be no one to defend them. They said that the Muslims had but one ambition: to march on Jerusalem. So the Christians flocked to Syria by land and sea. Among them was the Byzantine Emperor. 3 Meanwhile Zangi continued to wage war on the Franks, who held out but were running short of food and other essentials, for the siege had been sprung on them unexpectedly, leaving them no time to make preparations. They had not believed that anyone could put them on the defensive--they had been expecting to take over the whole of Syria themselves. When they ran out of food they ate their horses, and then they were forced to ask for terms. They requested Zangi to guarantee their lives until they reached their own domains. At first he refused to accept their terms, but hearing that the Emperor and the rest of the Franks were approaching Syria he granted the men in the fort their lives and fixed the ransom at 50,000 dinar. They accepted his terms and yielded up the fort to him. When they emerged they learnt that a great concourse was on its way to save them, and reproached themselves for having surrendered, unaware of what was happening outside the fort.
While the siege of Ba'ri? n was going on Zangi had taken Ma'arra and Kafarta? b from the Franks. Like the population of the whole region between there and Aleppo and Hama? t, as well as of Ba'ri? n, the inhabitants of these two towns had been reduced to a state of squalid misery by the constant pillaging and slaughter, for this region had been a theatre of war since the beginning. When Zangi assumed command the people breathed again, the countryside blossomed and soon began to bring in a large revenue. It was an unqualified victory, as anyone who saw it knows.
One of Zangi's finest acts was his treatment of the people of Ma'arra. When the Franks took the town they seized their possessions, and at the reconquest their descendants and survivors presented themselves before Zangi to ask for restitution of their belongings. He asked to see the documents giving proof of ownership, but they replied that the Franks had taken everything, including the title-deeds. He had the land registers in Aleppo examined, and anyone for whom there was an entry for the land tax on a particular holding was given that land. Thus he restored their land to the people of Ma'arra, the finest act of justice and generosity that I ever heard of.
DAMASCUS AND THE FRANKS IN ALLIANCE AGAINST ZANGI
(IBN AL-QALA? NISI, 270-3)
In this year (534/1139-40) news came that the Ata-beg 'Ima? d ad-Din (Zangi) had finished repairing the damage to Baalbek and its fort and had begun preparations for a siege of
King Fulk of Jerusalem and his barons. John II Comnenus (1118-43).
2 3
Part One: From Godfrey to Saladin 27
Damascus. Soon came the news that he had left Baalbek in rabi? ' 1/November 1139 and had encamped in the Biqa? '. 1 From there he sent a message to Jama? l ad-Din2 inviting him to exchange the city for another of his own choice or suggestion. Jama? l ad-Din refused, and so on Wednesday 13 rabi? ' II/6 December Zangi left the Biqa? ' and camped at Darayya, immediately outside Damascus. On his arrival at Darayya the advance parties of the two sides came to blows. Jama? l ad-Din's men were defeated, and some took refuge inside the city. On Friday 28th Zangi advanced in force on the side of the city where the Musalla3 was, and won a victory against a great host composed of the citizen militia and peasants. There was wholesale slaughter. Survivors were killed or imprisoned. Those who could, whether or not they were wounded, escaped to the city. That day, but for God's grace, the city would have fallen. Zangi took his prisoners back to camp, and for the next few days undertook no operations. He sent out messengers and exerted himself to obtain peace by courtesy and diplomacy, offering the ami? r of Damascus, Baalbek and Hims and other towns that he suggested. Jama? l ad-Din Muhammad ibn Taj al-Mulu? k would have preferred to accept these terms and to come to a peaceful agreement without bloodshed, in a way that would bring peace and prosperity to the people. But his advisers rejected this view. For several days Zangi sent out his troops in raiding parties, without deploying his full force or completing the blockade, in order to avoid violence and to act like a man restrained by peaceful intentions and a reluctance to indulge in bloodshed and pillage. In jumada 1 Jama? l ad-Din showed the first signs of an illness that was finally to gain complete mastery of him, its grip tightening and loosening, its tide ebbing and flowing until he was absolutely at its mercy. Medicine and magic art had no effect on him, and in the end his destiny fulfilled itself, and on the night of Friday 8 sha'ba? n/29 March 1140, at the very hour of his brother and forerunner Shiha? b ad-Din Mahmu? d's assassination, he passed to his Creator. The people were overcome by this coincidence of day and hour, and gave praise and glory to God. He was given a place in his grandmother's sepulchre at al-Faradi? s. 1 After his burial the commanders and notables decided to fill the gap left by his death by putting in his place his son, the ami? r Adab ad-Daula Abu Sa'i? d Abaq Ibn Jama? l ad-Din Muhammad. They swore solemn oaths of loyalty and obedience, faithful service and counsel. Thus the matter was settled. The city had an effective government, all discord ceased, and confusion was replaced by calm, so that after a time of unrest men's spirits were once more tranquil.
When the Ata-beg 'Ima? d ad-Din learnt of Jama? l ad-Din's death he brought his troops up close to the city, in the hope that on their leader's death disunity among the military commanders would give him the opportunity to realize some of his ambitions. But things did not go as he had anticipated: he found the civil and military authorities of Damascus firm in their decision to fight it out and to continue their resistance and opposition to him. He returned to camp discouraged and furious. At this point the Franks agreed to give Damascus support and help in driving Zangi back and prevent his getting what he wanted. The agreement was sealed with a solemn oath, and each side gave guarantees that it would
1 The ancient Coelesyria, between Lebanon and Antilebanon.
2 The nephew and fourth successor of Tughtiki? n to the amirate of Damascus. 3The place of (public) prayer.
1 Bab al-Faradi? s, one of the gates of Damascus.
28 Arab Historians of the Crusades
honour its obligations. The Franks asked for a certain sum of money for them to use on any operations that they undertook, and also for hostages, for their own peace of mind. This was agreed, and money and hostages--relatives of the army commanders--were handed over. Then the Franks began their preparations for assisting Damascus, and messages passed between them in which it was agreed that the Franks should concentrate their resources on the other forts and towns in the area, to drive off Zangi and prevent his achieving his ambition of taking Damascus, before he became so powerful and well-equipped that he could break through the Frankish lines and attack their own territories.
When Zangi heard what was afoot, and that the Frankish troops were assembling ready to move at the same time as the army from Damascus, he left his camp, and on Sunday 5 ramada? n moved off toward Haura? n to confront the Franks if that was what they wanted, or to follow them if they moved off. After using these tactics for a while he turned aside at the Ghuta1 of Damascus and camped at 'Adhra? ' on Wednesday 24 shawwa? l/12 June. He burnt some villages in the Marj and the Ghuta as far as Harasta? at-Tin, and on the following Saturday left for the north on the receipt of definite information that the Franks were encamped in force at al-Mada? n. One of the conditions of the Franco-Damascene agreement was that the Muslims should hand over Baniya? s, which was held by Ibrahi? m ibn Turghu? t. This man, you will understand, had taken his men on a raiding mission in the region of Tyre and there crossed the path. of Raymond of Antioch,2 who was on his way to reinforce the Franks at Damascus. In the battle Ibrahi? m was defeated and killed, together with a few of his men. The rest returned to Baniya? s and mustered reinforcements from the tribes of the Wadi t-Taim and elsewhere in sufficient numbers to defend the fortress. Then the ami? r Mu'i? n ad-Din1 attacked and besieged the fort with the army from Damascus, using catapults and various other methods. He had a large Frankish contingent with him, and the siege continued throughout shawwa? l (May-June 1140). Then came the news that in shawwa? l the Ata-beg 'Ima? d ad-Din, from his camp at Baalbek, had summoned the Turcomans to attack Baniya? s and drive off the besiegers. This was the situation at the end of dhu l-hijja of that year. . . . Baniya? s was beleaguered until all its stores were gone and there was no food for the defenders, then it surrendered to Mu'i? n ad-Din. The governor was recompensed with other fiefs and benefices, and Mu'i? n ad-Din handed the city over to the Franks as he had agreed, and returned in triumph to Damascus at the end of shawwa? l.
On the morning of Saturday 7 dhu l-hijja/22 June the Atabeg 'Ima? d ad-Din appeared with his army outside Damascus. At the Musalla he had attacked the city wall unnoticed, for the citizens were all deep in the final hours of sleep. As dawn broke they realized what was happening and a great cry of anguish went up as they rushed to their posts on the walls. The gates opened and the citizen cavalry and infantry came out. Zangi had sent his own men out on raiding missions in Haura? n, the Ghuta, the Marj and other places, and confronted the army from Damascus with his guards, to prevent their pursuing their raiding parties. The two sides came to blows and a large number of troops were involved
The Ghuta is the fertile belt of gardens and orchards around Damascus; all the place-names in this passage refer to places in and around Damascus.
Raymond of Poitiers.
1
2
Part One: From Godfrey to Saladin 29
in the fighting on both sides, but Zangi withdrew his men, for his main concern was to act as cover for the raiders. These rounded up vast numbers of horses and cattle, sheep, lambs, oxen, and household goods, for their action had taken the city completely by surprise. That night Zangi camped at Marj Rahit, so that his men could reassemble with their booty, and then left by the northern route, taking a vast quantity of booty with him.
Mu'i? n ad-Din Unur (the Aynard of the Frankish sources) was an old Turkish general and the real
1
ruler of Damascus during these years, on behalf of the young ami? r Abaq.
CHAPTER SIX
After his setback at Damascus Zangi recovered his position by conquering Edessa (1144) and breaking up the county, the first of the four Christian states born of the First Crusade to disappear. We give versions of the story by Ibn al-Qala? nisi and Ibn al-Athi? r. The latter, as usual, covers the wider field, giving in anecdotal form both the local events and their effect on the whole struggle between Christianity and Isla? m. Barely two years after this triumph his hero was assassinated while fighting other Muslims. He bequeathed his political and military ambitions to his son Nur ad-Din (Norandin), Sultan of Aleppo. Ibn al-Athi? r's eulogy of Zangi, with due allowance made for its emotional bias, reveals traits of character of which we have independent confirmation.
ZANGI TAKES EDESSA (IBN AL-QALA? NISI, 279-80)
In this year (539/1144) news came from the north that Zangi had taken Edessa by storm, in spite of its strength and state of readiness to face even a powerful besieging army. Zangi had always coveted Edessa and watched for a chance to achieve his ambition. Edessa was never out of his thoughts or far from his mind. At last he heard that Joscelin (II) Prince of Edessa, with a large part of his army, the flower of his gallant company of knights, had been killed in battle far away from the city. It seemed as if it was God's will. When Zangi heard the news he hastened to besiege and blockade Edessa with a large force. He sent to summon the aid of the Turcomans, in fulfilment of their obligations in the Holy War. Large numbers answered his appeal and they completely surrounded the city, intercepting all supplies and reinforcements. It was said that even the birds dared not fly near, so absolute was the desolation made by the besiegers' weapons and so unwinking their vigilance. Catapults drawn up against the walls battered at them ceaselessly, and nothing interrupted the remorseless struggle. Special detachments of sappers from Khurasa? n and Aleppo began work at several suitable places, digging into the bowels of the earth until their tunnels, propped up with beams and special equipment, reached under the towers of the city wall. The next step was to light the fires, and they applied to Zangi for permission. This was given after he had been into the tunnels to inspect them and had admired their imposing work. The wooden supports were fired, flames spread and devoured the beams, the walls above the tunnels crumbled, and the Muslims took the city by storm. Many men of both sides were killed when the walls collapsed, and many more Franks and Armenians were killed, wounded or put to flight. The city was taken at dawn on Saturday 26 jumada II/23 December 1144. Then the looting and the killing began, the capturing and pillaging. The hands of the victors were filled with money and treasure, horses and booty enough to gladden the heart and make the soul rejoice. Then Zangi ordered that the carnage should
Part One: From Godfrey to Saladin 31
come to an end, and began to rebuild the walls where they had been damaged. He appointed suitable men to govern and defend the city and to look after its interests. He reassured the inhabitants with promises of good government and universal justice. Then he left Edessa for Saru? j, to which the Franks had fled, and took it. Indeed every region and town through which he passed was immediately handed over to him.
(IBN AL-ATHI? R, XI, 64-6)
On 61 jumada II of that year the Ata-beg 'Ima? d ad-Din Zangi ibn Aq Sunqu? r seized from the Franks the city of Edessa and other forts in the Jazira. 1 The Franks had penetrated far into this area, as far as Amid and Nusaibi? n, Ras al-'Ain and ar-Raqqa. Their influence extended from near Mardi? n to the Euphrates, and covered Edessa, Saru? j, al-Bira, Sinn ibn 'Utai? r, Jamli? n, al-Mu'azzar, Quradi and other cities as well. All these and other regions west of the Euphrates belonged to Joscelin, the most famous of the Franks and the leader of their army by virtue of his valour and command of strategy. Zangi knew that if he made a direct attack on Edessa the Franks would concentrate there to defend it, and it was too well fortified to be an easy conquest. He moved to Diya? r Bakr, to give the Franks the impression that his interests lay elsewhere and that he was in no position to attack their kingdom. When the Franks felt sure that he could not extract himself from the war he was fighting with the Artuqids and other princes at Diya? r Bakr, and so felt safe from him, Joscelin left Edessa and crossed the Euphrates to move westwards. As soon as Zangi's spies informed him of this, he issued orders to his army to set out the next day for Edessa. His ami? rs were summoned to his presence, and he ordered food to be served. 'No one', he said, 'shall eat with me at this table unless he is prepared to hurl his lance with me tomorrow at the gates of Edessa. ' The only ones who dared to come forward were a solitary ami? r and a youth of humble birth whose bravery and prowess were known to all, for he had no equal in battle. The ami? r said to him; 'What are you doing here? ' but the Ata-beg intervened: 'Leave him, for his, I can see, is not a face that will be lagging behind me in battle. '
The army set out and reached the walls of Edessa. Zangi was the first to charge the Franks, but the young man was at his side. A Frankish knight lunged at Zangi from the side, but the ami? r faced him and transfixed him with his lance,2 and Zangi was saved.
They besieged the city and attacked it for three weeks. Zangi made several assaults on it, and used sappers to mine the walls. He was straining every nerve in the struggle, for fear that the Franks should marshal their forces and march on him to relieve the" fortress. Then the sappers undermined the wall and it collapsed, and Zangi took the city and besieged the citadel. The citizens and their goods were seized, the young taken captive, the men killed. But when Zangi inspected the city he liked it and realized that it would not be sound policy to reduce such a place to ruins. He therefore gave the order that his men should return every man, woman and child to his home together with the goods and chattels looted from them. This was done in all but a very few cases, in which the captor had already left the camp. The city was restored to its former state, and Zangi installed a garrison to defend it. Then he
A '2' must have fallen out here; the real date is that given by Ibn al-Qala? nisi. Northern Mesopotamia.
Could also mean 'fell, struck by him'.
1 1 2
32 Arab Historians of the Crusades
received the surrender of Saru? j and other cities west of the Euphrates. The only exception was al-Bira, a strongly defended fort on the bank of the Euphrates. 1 So he marched on it and besieged it, but it was well stocked and well guarded, and so after some time, as by God's will we shall describe, he lifted the siege.
It is said that a great authority on genealogies and biographies tells the following story: the King of Sicily sent a naval expedition that ravaged Tripoli in North Africa. Now there was in Sicily a learned, God-fearing Muslim whom the King held in great respect, relying on his advice rather than that of his own priests and monks; so much so that the people used to say that the King was really a Muslim. One day, as the King was standing at a window overlooking the sea, he saw a small boat come into the harbour. The crew told him that his army had invaded Muslim territory, laid it waste and returned victorious. The Muslim sage was dozing at the King's side. The King said to him: 'Did you hear what they said? ' 'No. ' 'They told me that we have defeated the Muslims in Tripoli. What use is Muhammad now to his land and his people? ' 'He was not there,' replied the old man, 'he was at Edessa, which the Muslims have just taken. ' The Franks who were present laughed, but the King said: 'Do not laugh, for by God this man is incapable of speaking anything but the truth. ' And a few days later news came from the Franks in Syria that Edessa had been taken. 1 Certain honest and godly men have told me that a holy man saw the dead Zangi in a dream and asked him: 'How has God treated you? ' and Zangi replied, 'God has pardoned me, because I conquered Edessa. '
ZANGI's DEATH, AND A EULOGY OF HIM (IBN AL-ATHI? R, XI, 72-4)
In this year (541), on 5 rabi? ' II/14 September 1146, the Ata-beg 'Ima? d ad-Din Zangi ibn Aq Sunqu? r, martyr for the Faith, ruler of Mosul and Syria,2 was killed while he was besieging Ja'bar as we have narrated. He was killed at night, murdered by a group of his courtiers. They fled to the fortress, whose inhabitants joyfully shouted the news to the (besieging) camp. When Zangi's servants came to his bedside they found that there was still a spark of life in him. My father, one of Zangi's close friends, recalled: 'I went straight to him; he was still alive, and when he saw me, clearly wanting to make an end of it he made a sign to me with his fingers imploring me to take pity on him. At the very suggestion I fell to the ground and said: "My Lord, who has done this? " but he was beyond speech, and yielded up his soul, may the Lord have mercy on him. '
Zangi was a handsome man, with a swarthy complexion, fine eyes, and hair that was beginning to go grey. He was more than 60 years old, for he had been a baby when his father
Now Birecik in Turkey.
Faulty synchronization, possibly with the Sicilian expedition of 1142, or perhaps with the more successful one of 1146. This anecdote is another confirmation of Roger II's tolerant interest in the Muslim world. The nodding sage at his side might even be Idrisi.
Although Zangi died while attacking another Muslim (the 'Uqailid ruler of Ja'bar), the faithful Ibn al-Athi? r endows him here and elsewhere with the title 'Martyr for the Faith' (shahi? d), for his unceasing battle with the Franks.
1 1
2
Part One: From Godfrey to Saladin 33
was killed,1 as has been narrated. After his death he was buried at Raqqa. His subjects and his army went in awe of him; under his government the strong dared not harm the weak. Before he came to power the absence of strong rulers to impose justice, and the presence of the Franks close at hand, had made the country a wilderness, but he made it flower again. The population increased, and so did its prosperity. My father told me that he had seen Mosul in such a state of desolation that from the cymbal-makers' quarter one could see as far as the old Great Mosque, the maida? n and the Sultan's palace, for not a building in between remained standing. It was not safe to go as far as the old Great Mosque without an escort, so far was it from human habitation, whereas now it is the centre of a mass of buildings, and every one of the areas mentioned just now is built up. My father also told me about the occasion when Zangi arrived in the Jazira one winter. One of his chief ami? rs, 'Izz ad-Din ad-Dubaisi, who held the city of Daquqa? as a fief from him, billeted himself on a Jew. The Jew appealed to the Ata-beg, who sympathized with him. He had only to give ad-Dubaisi a look to make him pack his bags and move.
Then the Sultan himself entered the city and had his baggage and tents unpacked. My father said: 'I remember seeing his men putting up his tents in the mud, spreading straw on the ground to keep them out of the mire. Then he appeared and took up residence there. Such was the strictness of his principles. '2 Mosul had been one of the most impoverished regions before Zangi's time, but during and after his reign it blossomed with crops, sweet- smelling flowers and other plants as fruitfully as anywhere else in the world.
Zangi also used to take care to protect the honour of his subjects' women, especially his soldiers' wives. He used to say that if the soldiers' wives were not kept under strict control during their husbands' long absences on campaigns they would certainly go astray. He was the bravest man in the world. Of the time before he came to power it is enough to say that he went with the ami? r Maudu? d of Mosul to Tiberias, in Frankish territory, and flung a lance at the city gates that left a scar in the wood. In the same way he attacked the Humaidi fortress of 'Aqar, which was at the top of a lofty mountain, and flung a lance that reached as far as the walls. There are other similar stories. During his reign in Mosul he was entirely surrounded by hostile states, all doing their best to seize his kingdom. But he, far from merely defending himself from his enemies, never let a year pass without taking over a piece of enemy territory. His neighbour on the Takri? t side was the Caliph al-Mustarshid bi-lla? h, who besieged Mosul. On the Shahrazu? r side was the Sultan Mas'u? d, then Ibn Suqma? n of Khila? t, then Dawu? d ibn Suqma? n of Hisn Kaifa, then the Prince of Amid and Mardi? n, then the Franks, from Damascus to Mardi? n, and finally the Princes of Damascus itself. All these states were trying to encroach on his lands, but he attacked now this one, now that, making a conquest here, a treaty there, until at his death he had taken over several tracts of land at the expense of all his neighbours. You will find the details in the book in which we describe his reign and those of his sons. 1
The ami? r Aq Sunqu? r, who in 1094 rebelled against Tutu? sh, Sultan of Aleppo, and was executed. The chroniclers are unanimous in their praise of Zangi for his unfailing defence of the civilian populations from intimidation and extortion by his troops. According to Kama? l ad-Din, the historian from Aleppo, when Zangi's troops left that city 'they seemed to be walking between two ropes,' so careful were they not to trample the crops. They knew from experience that the Ata-beg was not a man to be trifled with.
1 2
The History of the Ata-begs of Mosul, in which Ibn al-Athi? r displays to the full his patriotism and
1
loyalty to the Zangid dynasty.
CHAPTER SEVEN
The most significant episode of the inconclusive Second Crusade, which was begun under the shadow of the loss of Edessa, was the short and ineffective siege of Damascus (1148). Ibn al-Qala? nisi was an eye-witness, and his account completes and complements that of Ibn al-Athi? r. Sibt Ibn al-Jauzi adds some picturesque details. The heroic death for his Faith and his country of the old faqi? h al-Findalawi could be taken as a symbol of the most noble and austere aspects of the Muslim resistance.
THE SECOND CRUSADE. THE SIEGE OF DAMASCUS (IBN AL-QALA? NISI, 297-300)
At the beginning of 543/1148 news was brought from several sources of the arrival of a Frankish fleet on the Syrian coast. Troops disembarked at the ports of Tyre and Acre to link up with the Franks already there. These were estimated at 100,000 men, allowing for the depredations of war, plague and famine. After the new arrivals had completed the obligatory pilgrimage to Jerusalem and returned, some by land and some by sea, they assembled in the camps of the King of Germany,1 the leading Frankish noble there, and of other, lesser princes. They had not decided which of the Muslim cities of Syria to attack. In the end they decided to besiege Damascus, for in their evil hearts they deluded themselves that they could take it, since the town and country districts merge into one another. The ami? r of Damascus, Mu'i? n ad-Din Unur, received several warnings of the invasion and made preparations to defend his realm and repulse the enemy. He fortified the more exposed positions, manned the communication trenches and the loopholes, cut off supplies to enemy bases and blocked up water-holes and springs. Meanwhile about 50,000 infantry and cavalry, with trains of camel and oxen, were marching on Damascus. As they approached the city they made for the district known as Manazil al-'Askar (Military Encampment) but found that the water supply had been cut off. So they moved on to al-Mizza and encamped there, in order to be near water. They besieged the city with cavalry and infantry. On Saturday 6 rabi? ' I 543/ 24 July 1148 the Muslims challenged them to fight, and the battle began. The army from Damascus had large numbers of auxiliaries; experienced Turkish storm-troopers, the citizen militia and volunteers fighting for the Faith. After a fierce struggle the Franks, superior in numbers and equipment, overwhelmed the Muslims, seized the water supplies and encamped in the gardens surrounding the city. They closed in on the city walls, coming up closer than any army in ancient or modern times had ever been. On this day the Malikite lawyer and scholar, the ima? m Yusuf al-Findalawi--God have mercy on him! --fell in battle,
The Emperor Conrad III. The part played by Louis VII of France is almost entirely ignored by
1
Muslim writers.