No More Learning

When Tigranes
the Armenian, being encamped upon a hill with four hundred thousand men,
discovered the army of the Romans, being not above fourteen thousand,
marching towards him, he made himself merry with it, and said, Yonder
men are too many for an embassage, and too few for a fight. But before
the sun set, he found them enow to give him the chase with infinite
slaughter. Many are the examples of the great odds, between number and
courage; so that a man may truly make a judgment, that the principal
point of greatness in any state, is to have a race of military men.
Neither is money the sinews of war (as it is trivially said), where the
sinews of men's arms, in base and effeminate people, are failing. For
Solon said well to Croesus (when in ostentation he showed him his gold),
Sir, if any other come, that hath better iron, than you, he will be
master of all this gold. Therefore let any prince or state think solely
of his forces, except his militia of natives be of good and valiant
soldiers. And let princes, on the other side, that have subjects of
martial disposition, know their own strength; unless they be otherwise
wanting unto themselves. As for mercenary forces (which is the help in
this case), all examples show, that whatsoever estate or prince doth
rest upon them, he may spread his feathers for a time, but he will mew
them soon after.

The blessing of Judah and Issachar will never meet; that the same
people, or nation, should be both the lion's whelp and the ass between
burthens; neither will it be, that a people overlaid with taxes, should
ever become valiant and martial. It is true that taxes levied by
consent of the estate, do abate men's courage less: as it hath been seen
notably, in the excises of the Low Countries; and, in some degree, in
the subsidies of England. For you must note, that we speak now of the
heart, and not of the purse. So that although the same tribute and tax,
laid by consent or by imposing, be all one to the purse, yet it works
diversely upon the courage. So that you may conclude, that no people
overcharged with tribute, is fit for empire.

Let states that aim at greatness, take heed how their nobility and
gentlemen do multiply too fast. For that maketh the common subject, grow
to be a peasant and base swain, driven out of heart, and in effect but
the gentleman's laborer. Even as you may see in coppice woods; if you
leave your staddles too thick, you shall never have clean underwood, but
shrubs and bushes. So in countries, if the gentlemen be too many,
the commons will be base; and you will bring it to that, that not the
hundred poll, will be fit for an helmet; especially as to the infantry,
which is the nerve of an army; and so there will be great population,
and little strength. This which I speak of, hath been nowhere better
seen, than by comparing of England and France; whereof England, though
far less in territory and population, hath been (nevertheless) an
overmatch; in regard the middle people of England make good soldiers,
which the peasants of France do not. And herein the device of king Henry
the Seventh (whereof I have spoken largely in the History of his Life)
was profound and admirable; in making farms and houses of husbandry of a
standard; that is, maintained with such a proportion of land unto them,
as may breed a subject to live in convenient plenty and no servile
condition; and to keep the plough in the hands of the owners, and not
mere hirelings. And thus indeed you shall attain to Virgil's character
which he gives to ancient Italy:


Terra potens armis atque ubere glebae.

Neither is that state (which, for any thing I know, is almost peculiar
to England, and hardly to be found anywhere else, except it be perhaps
in Poland) to be passed over; I mean the state of free servants, and
attendants upon noblemen and gentlemen; which are no ways inferior unto
the yeomanry for arms. And therefore out of all questions, the splendor
and magnificence, and great retinues and hospitality, of noblemen
and gentlemen, received into custom, doth much conduce unto martial
greatness. Whereas, contrariwise, the close and reserved living of
noblemen and gentlemen, causeth a penury of military forces.

By all means it is to be procured, that the trunk of Nebuchadnezzar's
tree of monarchy, be great enough to bear the branches and the boughs;
that is, that the natural subjects of the crown or state, bear
a sufficient proportion to the stranger subjects, that they
govern. Therefore all states that are liberal of naturalization towards
strangers, are fit for empire. For to think that an handful of people
can, with the greatest courage and policy in the world, embrace too
large extent of dominion, it may hold for a time, but it will fail
suddenly. The Spartans were a nice people in point of naturalization;
whereby, while they kept their compass, they stood firm; but when they
did spread, and their boughs were becomen too great for their stem, they
became a windfall, upon the sudden. Never any state was in this point so
open to receive strangers into their body, as were the Romans. Therefore
it sorted with them accordingly; for they grew to the greatest monarchy.
Their manner was to grant naturalization (which they called jus
civitatis), and to grant it in the highest degree; that is, not only jus
commercii, jus connubii, jus haereditatis; but also jus suffragii, and
jus honorum. And this not to singular persons alone, but likewise to
whole families; yea to cities, and sometimes to nations. Add to this
their custom of plantation of colonies; whereby the Roman plant was
removed into the soil of other nations. And putting both constitutions
together, you will say that it was not the Romans that spread upon the
world, but it was the world that spread upon the Romans; and that was
the sure way of greatness. I have marvelled, sometimes, at Spain,
how they clasp and contain so large dominions, with so few natural
Spaniards; but sure the whole compass of Spain, is a very great body of
a tree; far above Rome and Sparta at the first. And besides, though they
have not had that usage, to naturalize liberally, yet they have that
which is next to it; that is, to employ, almost indifferently, all
nations in their militia of ordinary soldiers; yea, and sometimes
in their highest commands. Nay, it seemeth at this instant they are
sensible, of this want of natives; as by the Pragmatical Sanction, now
published, appeareth.

It is certain that sedentary, and within-door arts, and delicate
manufactures (that require rather the finger than the arm), have, in
their nature, a contrariety to a military disposition. And generally,
all warlike people are a little idle, and love danger better than
travail. Neither must they be too much broken of it, if they shall be
preserved in vigor. Therefore it was great advantage, in the ancient
states of Sparta, Athens, Rome, and others, that they had the use
of slaves, which commonly did rid those manufactures. But that is
abolished, in greatest part, by the Christian law. That which cometh
nearest to it, is to leave those arts chiefly to strangers (which, for
that purpose, are the more easily to be received), and to contain
the principal bulk of the vulgar natives, within those three
kinds,--tillers of the ground; free servants; and handicraftsmen of
strong and manly arts, as smiths, masons, carpenters, etc. ; not
reckoning professed soldiers.

But above all, for empire and greatness, it importeth most, that a
nation do profess arms, as their principal honor, study, and occupation.
For the things which we formerly have spoken of, are but habilitations
towards arms; and what is habilitation without intention and act?
Romulus, after his death (as they report or feign), sent a present
to the Romans, that above all, they should intend arms; and then they
should prove the greatest empire of the world. The fabric of the state
of Sparta was wholly (though not wisely) framed and composed, to that
scope and end. The Persians and Macedonians had it for a flash. The
Gauls, Germans, Goths, Saxons, Normans, and others, had it for a time.
The Turks have it at this day, though in great declination. Of Christian
Europe, they that have it are, in effect, only the Spaniards. But it is
so plain, that every man profiteth in that, he most intendeth, that
it needeth not to be stood upon. It is enough to point at it; that no
nation which doth not directly profess arms, may look to have greatness
fall into their mouths. And on the other side, it is a most certain
oracle of time, that those states that continue long in that profession
(as the Romans and Turks principally have done) do wonders. And those
that have professed arms but for an age, have, notwithstanding, commonly
attained that greatness, in that age, which maintained them long after,
when their profession and exercise of arms hath grown to decay.

Incident to this point is, for a state to have those laws or customs,
which may reach forth unto them just occasions (as may be pretended)
of war. For there is that justice, imprinted in the nature of men, that
they enter not upon wars (whereof so many calamities do ensue) but upon
some, at the least specious, grounds and quarrels. The Turk hath at
hand, for cause of war, the propagation of his law or sect; a quarrel
that he may always command. The Romans, though they esteemed the
extending the limits of their empire, to be great honor to their
generals, when it was done, yet they never rested upon that alone, to
begin a war. First, therefore, let nations that pretend to greatness
have this; that they be sensible of wrongs, either upon borderers,
merchants, or politic ministers; and that they sit not too long upon
a provocation. Secondly, let them be prest, and ready to give aids
and succors, to their confederates; as it ever was with the Romans;
insomuch, as if the confederate had leagues defensive, with divers other
states, and, upon invasion offered, did implore their aids severally,
yet the Romans would ever be the foremost, and leave it to none other to
have the honor. As for the wars which were anciently made, on the behalf
of a kind of party, or tacit conformity of estate, I do not see how they
may be well justified: as when the Romans made a war, for the liberty of
Grecia; or when the Lacedaemonians and Athenians, made wars to set up
or pull down democracies and oligarchies; or when wars were made by
foreigners, under the pretence of justice or protection, to deliver the
subjects of others, from tyranny and oppression; and the like. Let it
suffice, that no estate expect to be great, that is not awake upon any
just occasion of arming.

No body can be healthful without exercise, neither natural body nor
politic; and certainly to a kingdom or estate, a just and honorable war,
is the true exercise. A civil war, indeed, is like the heat of a fever;
but a foreign war is like the heat of exercise, and serveth to keep the
body in health; for in a slothful peace, both courages will effeminate,
and manners corrupt. But howsoever it be for happiness, without all
question, for greatness, it maketh to be still for the most part in
arms; and the strength of a veteran army (though it be a chargeable
business) always on foot, is that which commonly giveth the law, or at
least the reputation, amongst all neighbor states; as may well be seen
in Spain, which hath had, in one part or other, a veteran army almost
continually, now by the space of six score years.

To be master of the sea, is an abridgment of a monarchy. Cicero, writing
to Atticus of Pompey his preparation against Caesar, saith, Consilium
Pompeii plane Themistocleum est; putat enim, qui mari potitur, eum rerum
potiri. And, without doubt, Pompey had tired out Caesar, if upon vain
confidence, he had not left that way. We see the great effects of
battles by sea. The battle of Actium, decided the empire of the world.
The battle of Lepanto, arrested the greatness of the Turk. There be many
examples, where sea-fights have been final to the war; but this is when
princes or states have set up their rest, upon the battles. But thus
much is certain, that he that commands the sea, is at great liberty, and
may take as much, and as little, of the war as he will. Whereas those
that be strongest by land, are many times nevertheless in great straits.
Surely, at this day, with us of Europe, the vantage of strength at sea
(which is one of the principal dowries of this kingdom of Great Britain)
is great; both because most of the kingdoms of Europe, are not merely
inland, but girt with the sea most part of their compass; and because
the wealth of both Indies seems in great part, but an accessory to the
command of the seas.

The wars of latter ages seem to be made in the dark, in respect of the
glory, and honor, which reflected upon men from the wars, in ancient
time. There be now, for martial encouragement, some degrees and orders
of chivalry; which nevertheless are conferred promiscuously, upon
soldiers and no soldiers; and some remembrance perhaps, upon the
scutcheon; and some hospitals for maimed soldiers; and such like
things. But in ancient times, the trophies erected upon the place of the
victory; the funeral laudatives and monuments for those that died in the
wars; the crowns and garlands personal; the style of emperor, which the
great kings of the world after borrowed; the triumphs of the generals,
upon their return; the great donatives and largesses, upon the
disbanding of the armies; were things able to inflame all men's
courages. But above all, that of the triumph, amongst the Romans, was
not pageants or gaudery, but one of the wisest and noblest institutions,
that ever was. For it contained three things: honor to the general;
riches to the treasury out of the spoils; and donatives to the army.
But that honor, perhaps were not fit for monarchies; except it be in the
person of the monarch himself, or his sons; as it came to pass in the
times of the Roman emperors, who did impropriate the actual triumphs to
themselves, and their sons, for such wars as they did achieve in person;
and left only, for wars achieved by subjects, some triumphal garments
and ensigns to the general.

To conclude: no man can by care taking (as the Scripture saith) add a
cubit to his stature, in this little model of a man's body; but in the
great frame of kingdoms and commonwealths, it is in the power of princes
or estates, to add amplitude and greatness to their kingdoms; for by
introducing such ordinances, constitutions, and customs, as we have now
touched, they may sow greatness to their posterity and succession. But
these things are commonly not observed, but left to take their chance.




Of Regiment Of Health


THERE is a wisdom in this; beyond the rules of physic: a man's own
observation, what he finds good of, and what he finds hurt of, is the
best physic to preserve health. But it is a safer conclusion to say,
This agreeth not well with me, therefore, I will not continue it; than
this, I find no offence of this, therefore I may use it. For strength of
nature in youth, passeth over many excesses, which are owing a man till
his age. Discern of the coming on of years, and think not to do the same
things still; for age will not be defied. Beware of sudden change, in
any great point of diet, and, if necessity enforce it, fit the rest to
it. For it is a secret both in nature and state, that it is safer
to change many things, than one. Examine thy customs of diet, sleep,
exercise, apparel, and the like; and try, in any thing thou shalt judge
hurtful, to discontinue it, by little and little; but so, as if thou
dost find any inconvenience by the change, thou come back to it again:
for it is hard to distinguish that which is generally held good and
wholesome, from that which is good particularly, and fit for thine own
body. To be free-minded and cheerfully disposed, at hours of meat, and
of sleep, and of exercise, is one of the best precepts of long lasting.
As for the passions, and studies of the mind; avoid envy, anxious
fears; anger fretting inwards; subtle and knotty inquisitions; joys
and exhilarations in excess; sadness not communicated. Entertain hopes;
mirth rather than joy; variety of delights, rather than surfeit of them;
wonder and admiration, and therefore novelties; studies that fill the
mind with splendid and illustrious objects, as histories, fables, and
contemplations of nature. If you fly physic in health altogether, it
will be too strange for your body, when you shall need it. If you make
it too familiar, it will work no extraordinary effect, when sickness
cometh. I commend rather some diet for certain seasons, than frequent
use of physic, except it be grown into a custom. For those diets alter
the body more, and trouble it less. Despise no new accident in your
body, but ask opinion of it. In sickness, respect health principally;
and in health, action. For those that put their bodies to endure in
health, may in most sicknesses, which are not very sharp, be cured
only with diet, and tendering. Celsus could never have spoken it as a
physician, had he not been a wise man withal, when he giveth it for one
of the great precepts of health and lasting, that a man do vary, and
interchange contraries, but with an inclination to the more benign
extreme: use fasting and full eating, but rather full eating; watching
and sleep, but rather sleep; sitting and exercise, but rather exercise;
and the like. So shall nature be cherished, and yet taught masteries.
Physicians are, some of them, so pleasing and conformable to the humor
of the patient, as they press not the true cure of the disease; and some
other are so regular, in proceeding according to art for the disease, as
they respect not sufficiently the condition of the patient. Take one of
a middle temper; or if it may not be found in one man, combine two of
either sort; and forget not to call as well, the best acquainted with
your body, as the best reputed of for his faculty.




Of Suspicion


SUSPICIONS amongst thoughts, are like bats amongst birds, they ever
fly by twilight. Certainly they are to be repressed, or at least well
guarded: for they cloud the mind; they leese friends; and they check
with business, whereby business cannot go on currently and constantly.
They dispose kings to tyranny, husbands to jealousy, wise men to
irresolution and melancholy. They are defects, not in the heart, but
in the brain; for they take place in the stoutest natures; as in the
example of Henry the Seventh of England. There was not a more suspicious
man, nor a more stout. And in such a composition they do small hurt. For
commonly they are not admitted, but with examination, whether they be
likely or no. But in fearful natures they gain ground too fast. There
is nothing makes a man suspect much, more than to know little; and
therefore men should remedy suspicion, by procuring to know more, and
not to keep their suspicions in smother. What would men have? Do they
think, those they employ and deal with, are saints? Do they not think,
they will have their own ends, and be truer to themselves, than to
them? Therefore there is no better way, to moderate suspicions, than to
account upon such suspicions as true, and yet to bridle them as false.
For so far a man ought to make use of suspicions, as to provide, as
if that should be true, that he suspects, yet it may do him no hurt.
Suspicions that the mind of itself gathers, are but buzzes; but
suspicions that are artificially nourished, and put into men's heads,
by the tales and whisperings of others, have stings. Certainly, the best
mean, to clear the way in this same wood of suspicions, is frankly to
communicate them with the party, that he suspects; for thereby he shall
be sure to know more of the truth of them, than he did before; and
withal shall make that party more circumspect, not to give further cause
of suspicion. But this would not be done to men of base natures; for
they, if they find themselves once suspected, will never be true.
The Italian says, Sospetto licentia fede; as if suspicion, did give
a passport to faith; but it ought, rather, to kindle it to discharge
itself.




Of Discourse


SOME, in their discourse, desire rather commendation of wit, in being
able to hold all arguments, than of judgment, in discerning what is
true; as if it were a praise, to know what might be said, and not, what
should be thought. Some have certain common places, and themes, wherein
they are good and want variety; which kind of poverty is for the most
part tedious, and when it is once perceived, ridiculous. The honorablest
part of talk, is to give the occasion; and again to moderate, and
pass to somewhat else; for then a man leads the dance. It is good, in
discourse and speech of conversation, to vary and intermingle speech
of the present occasion, with arguments, tales with reasons, asking of
questions, with telling of opinions, and jest with earnest: for it is a
dull thing to tire, and, as we say now, to jade, any thing too far. As
for jest, there be certain things, which ought to be privileged from
it; namely, religion, matters of state, great persons, any man's present
business of importance, and any case that deserveth pity. Yet there
be some, that think their wits have been asleep, except they dart out
somewhat that is piquant, and to the quick. That is a vein which would
be bridled:


Parce, puer, stimulis, et fortius utere loris.


And generally, men ought to find the difference, between saltness and
bitterness. Certainly, he that hath a satirical vein, as he maketh
others afraid of his wit, so he had need be afraid of others' memory.
He that questioneth much, shall learn much, and content much; but
especially, if he apply his questions to the skill of the persons whom
he asketh; for he shall give them occasion, to please themselves in
speaking, and himself shall continually gather knowledge. But let his
questions not be troublesome; for that is fit for a poser. And let him
be sure to leave other men, their turns to speak. Nay, if there be any,
that would reign and take up all the time, let him find means to take
them off, and to bring others on; as musicians use to do, with those
that dance too long galliards. If you dissemble, sometimes, your
knowledge of that you are thought to know, you shall be thought, another
time, to know that you know not. Speech of a man's self ought to be
seldom, and well chosen. I knew one, was wont to say in scorn, He must
needs be a wise man, he speaks so much of himself: and there is but one
case, wherein a man may commend himself with good grace; and that is
in commending virtue in another; especially if it be such a virtue,
whereunto himself pretendeth. Speech of touch towards others, should
be sparingly used; for discourse ought to be as a field, without coming
home to any man. I knew two noblemen, of the west part of England,
whereof the one was given to scoff, but kept ever royal cheer in his
house; the other would ask, of those that had been at the other's table,
Tell truly, was there never a flout or dry blow given? To which the
guest would answer, Such and such a thing passed. The lord would say, I
thought, he would mar a good dinner. Discretion of speech, is more than
eloquence; and to speak agreeably to him, with whom we deal, is more
than to speak in good words, or in good order. A good continued speech,
without a good speech of interlocution, shows slowness: and a good reply
or second speech, without a good settled speech, showeth shallowness
and weakness. As we see in beasts, that those that are weakest in the
course, are yet nimblest in the turn; as it is betwixt the greyhound and
the hare. To use too many circumstances, ere one come to the matter, is
wearisome; to use none at all, is blunt.




Of Plantations


PLANTATIONS are amongst ancient, primitive, and heroical works. When the
world was young, it begat more children; but now it is old, it begets
fewer: for I may justly account new plantations, to be the children
of former kingdoms. I like a plantation in a pure soil; that is, where
people are not displanted, to the end, to plant in others. For else it
is rather an extirpation, than a plantation. Planting of countries, is
like planting of woods; for you must make account to leese almost twenty
years' profit, and expect your recompense in the end. For the principal
thing, that hath been the destruction of most plantations, hath been the
base and hasty drawing of profit, in the first years. It is true, speedy
profit is not to be neglected, as far as may stand with the good of the
plantation, but no further. It is a shameful and unblessed thing, to
take the scum of people, and wicked condemned men, to be the people with
whom you plant; and not only so, but it spoileth the plantation; for
they will ever live like rogues, and not fall to work, but be lazy, and
do mischief, and spend victuals, and be quickly weary, and then certify
over to their country, to the discredit of the plantation. The people
wherewith you plant ought to be gardeners, ploughmen, laborers, smiths,
carpenters, joiners, fishermen, fowlers, with some few apothecaries,
surgeons, cooks, and bakers. In a country of plantation, first look
about, what kind of victual the country yields of itself to hand; as
chestnuts, walnuts, pineapples, olives, dates, plums, cherries, wild
honey, and the like; and make use of them. Then consider what victual or
esculent things there are, which grow speedily, and within the year; as
parsnips, carrots, turnips, onions, radish, artichokes of Hierusalem,
maize, and the like. For wheat, barley, and oats, they ask too much
labor; but with pease and beans you may begin, both because they ask
less labor, and because they serve for meat, as well as for bread. And
of rice, likewise cometh a great increase, and it is a kind of meat.
Above all, there ought to be brought store of biscuit, oat-meal, flour,
meal, and the like, in the beginning, till bread may be had. For beasts,
or birds, take chiefly such as are least subject to diseases, and
multiply fastest; as swine, goats, cocks, hens, turkeys, geese,
house-doves, and the like. The victual in plantations, ought to be
expended almost as in a besieged town; that is, with certain allowance.
And let the main part of the ground, employed to gardens or corn, be to
a common stock; and to be laid in, and stored up, and then delivered out
in proportion; besides some spots of ground, that any particular person
will manure for his own private. Consider likewise what commodities, the
soil where the plantation is, doth naturally yield, that they may some
way help to defray the charge of the plantation (so it be not, as was
said, to the untimely prejudice of the main business), as it hath fared
with tobacco in Virginia. Wood commonly aboundeth but too much; and
therefore timber is fit to be one. If there be iron ore, and streams
whereupon to set the mills, iron is a brave commodity where wood
aboundeth. Making of bay-salt, if the climate be proper for it, would
be put in experience. Growing silk likewise, if any be, is a likely
commodity. Pitch and tar, where store of firs and pines are, will not
fail. So drugs and sweet woods, where they are, cannot but yield great
profit. Soap-ashes likewise, and other things that may be thought
of. But moil not too much under ground; for the hope of mines is very
uncertain, and useth to make the planters lazy, in other things. For
government; let it be in the hands of one, assisted with some counsel;
and let them have commission to exercise martial laws, with some
limitation. And above all, let men make that profit, of being in the
wilderness, as they have God always, and his service, before their
eyes. Let not the government of the plantation, depend upon too many
counsellors, and undertakers, in the country that planteth, but upon a
temperate number; and let those be rather noblemen and gentlemen, than
merchants; for they look ever to the present gain. Let there be freedom
from custom, till the plantation be of strength; and not only freedom
from custom, but freedom to carry their commodities, where they may make
their best of them, except there be some special cause of caution. Cram
not in people, by sending too fast company after company; but rather
harken how they waste, and send supplies proportionably; but so, as
the number may live well in the plantation, and not by surcharge be
in penury. It hath been a great endangering to the health of some
plantations, that they have built along the sea and rivers, in marish
and unwholesome grounds. Therefore, though you begin there, to avoid
carriage and like discommodities, yet build still rather upwards from
the streams, than along. It concerneth likewise the health of the
plantation, that they have good store of salt with them, that they may
use it in their victuals, when it shall be necessary. If you plant where
savages are, do not only entertain them, with trifles and gingles, but
use them justly and graciously, with sufficient guard nevertheless; and
do not win their favor, by helping them to invade their enemies, but for
their defence it is not amiss; and send oft of them, over to the country
that plants, that they may see a better condition than their own, and
commend it when they return. When the plantation grows to strength, then
it is time to plant with women, as well as with men; that the plantation
may spread into generations, and not be ever pieced from without. It is
the sinfullest thing in the world, to forsake or destitute a plantation
once in forwardness; for besides the dishonor, it is the guiltiness of
blood of many commiserable persons.




Of Riches


I CANNOT call riches better than the baggage of virtue. The Roman word
is better, impedimenta. For as the baggage is to an army, so is riches
to virtue. It cannot be spared, nor left behind, but it hindereth the
march; yea, and the care of it, sometimes loseth or disturbeth the
victory. Of great riches there is no real use, except it be in the
distribution; the rest is but conceit. So saith Solomon, Where much is,
there are many to consume it; and what hath the owner, but the sight of
it with his eyes? The personal fruition in any man, cannot reach to
feel great riches: there is a custody of them; or a power of dole, and
donative of them; or a fame of them; but no solid use to the owner.
Do you not see what feigned prices, are set upon little stones and
rarities? and what works of ostentation are undertaken, because there
might seem to be some use of great riches? But then you will say, they
may be of use, to buy men out of dangers or troubles. As Solomon saith,
Riches are as a strong hold, in the imagination of the rich man. But
this is excellently expressed, that it is in imagination, and not always
in fact. For certainly great riches, have sold more men, than they have
bought out. Seek not proud riches, but such as thou mayest get justly,
use soberly, distribute cheerfully, and leave contentedly. Yet have no
abstract nor friarly contempt of them. But distinguish, as Cicero saith
well of Rabirius Posthumus, In studio rei amplificandae apparebat, non
avaritiae praedam, sed instrumentum bonitati quaeri.
Harken also to
Solomon, and beware of hasty gathering of riches; Qui festinat ad
divitias, non erit insons. The poets feign, that when Plutus (which is
Riches) is sent from Jupiter, he limps and goes slowly; but when he
is sent from Pluto, he runs, and is swift of foot. Meaning that riches
gotten by good means, and just labor, pace slowly; but when they come
by the death of others (as by the course of inheritance, testaments,
and the like), they come tumbling upon a man. But it mought be applied
likewise to Pluto, taking him for the devil. For when riches come from
the devil (as by fraud and oppression, and unjust means), they come upon
speed. The ways to enrich are many, and most of them foul. Parsimony is
one of the best, and yet is not innocent; for it withholdeth men from
works of liberality and charity. The improvement of the ground, is the
most natural obtaining of riches; for it is our great mother's blessing,
the earth's; but it is slow. And yet where men of great wealth do stoop
to husbandry, it multiplieth riches exceedingly. I knew a nobleman in
England, that had the greatest audits of any man in my time; a great
grazier, a great sheep-master, a great timber man, a great collier, a
great corn-master, a great lead-man, and so of iron, and a number of
the like points of husbandry. So as the earth seemed a sea to him, in
respect of the perpetual importation. It was truly observed by one, that
himself came very hardly, to a little riches, and very easily, to great
riches. For when a man's stock is come to that, that he can expect the
prime of markets, and overcome those bargains, which for their greatness
are few men's money, and be partner in the industries of younger men, he
cannot but increase mainly. The gains of ordinary trades and vocations
are honest; and furthered by two things chiefly: by diligence, and by a
good name, for good and fair dealing. But the gains of bargains, are
of a more doubtful nature; when men shall wait upon others' necessity,
broke by servants and instruments to draw them on, put off others
cunningly, that would be better chapmen, and the like practices, which
are crafty and naught. As for the chopping of bargains, when a man buys
not to hold but to sell over again, that commonly grindeth double, both
upon the seller, and upon the buyer. Sharings do greatly enrich, if the
hands be well chosen, that are trusted. Usury is the certainest means of
gain, though one of the worst; as that whereby a man doth eat his bread,
in sudore vultus alieni; and besides, doth plough upon Sundays. But yet
certain though it be, it hath flaws; for that the scriveners and brokers
do value unsound men, to serve their own turn. The fortune in being
the first, in an invention or in a privilege, doth cause sometimes a
wonderful overgrowth in riches; as it was with the first sugar man, in
the Canaries. Therefore if a man can play the true logician, to have as
well judgment, as invention, he may do great matters; especially if the
times be fit. He that resteth upon gains certain, shall hardly grow
to great riches; and he that puts all upon adventures, doth oftentimes
break and come to poverty: it is good, therefore, to guard adventures
with certainties, that may uphold losses. Monopolies, and coemption of
wares for re-sale, where they are not restrained, are great means to
enrich; especially if the party have intelligence, what things are like
to come into request, and so store himself beforehand. Riches gotten
by service, though it be of the best rise, yet when they are gotten
by flattery, feeding humors, and other servile conditions, they may
be placed amongst the worst. As for fishing for testaments and
executorships (as Tacitus saith of Seneca, testamenta et orbos tamquam
indagine capi), it is yet worse; by how much men submit themselves to
meaner persons, than in service. Believe not much, them that seem to
despise riches; for they despise them, that despair of them; and none
worse, when they come to them. Be not penny-wise; riches have wings,
and sometimes they fly away of themselves, sometimes they must be
set flying, to bring in more. Men leave their riches, either to their
kindred, or to the public; and moderate portions, prosper best in both.
A great state left to an heir, is as a lure to all the birds of prey
round about, to seize on him, if he be not the better stablished in
years and judgment. Likewise glorious gifts and foundations, are like
sacrifices without salt; and but the painted sepulchres of alms, which
soon will putrefy, and corrupt inwardly. Therefore measure not thine
advancements, by quantity, but frame them by measure: and defer not
charities till death; for, certainly, if a man weigh it rightly, he that
doth so, is rather liberal of another man's, than of his own.




Of Prophecies


I MEAN not to speak of divine prophecies; nor of heathen oracles; nor
of natural predictions; but only of prophecies that have been of certain
memory, and from hidden causes. Saith the Pythonissa to Saul, To-morrow
thou and thy son shall be with me. Homer hath these verses:


At domus AEneae cunctis dominabitur oris, Et nati natorum, et qui
nascentur ab illis.


A prophecy, as it seems, of the Roman empire. Seneca the tragedian hath
these verses:


--Venient annis
Saecula seris, quibus Oceanus
Vincula rerum laxet, et ingens
Pateat Tellus, Tiphysque novos
Detegat orbes; nec sit terris
Ultima Thule:


a prophecy of the discovery of America. The daughter of Polycrates,
dreamed that Jupiter bathed her father, and Apollo anointed him; and it
came to pass, that he was crucified in an open place, where the sun
made his body run with sweat, and the rain washed it. Philip of Macedon
dreamed, he sealed up his wife's belly; whereby he did expound it, that
his wife should be barren; but Aristander the soothsayer, told him his
wife was with child, because men do not use to seal vessels, that are
empty. A phantasm that appeared to M. Brutus, in his tent, said to him,
Philippis iterum me videbis. Tiberius said to Galba, Tu quoque, Galba,
degustabis imperium. In Vespasian's time, there went a prophecy in the
East, that those that should come forth of Judea, should reign over
the world: which though it may be was meant of our Savior; yet Tacitus
expounds it of Vespasian. Domitian dreamed, the night before he was
slain, that a golden head was growing, out of the nape of his neck: and
indeed, the succession that followed him for many years, made golden
times. Henry the Sixth of England, said of Henry the Seventh, when he
was a lad, and gave him water, This is the lad that shall enjoy the
crown, for which we strive. When I was in France, I heard from one Dr.
Pena, that the Queen Mother, who was given to curious arts, caused the
King her husband's nativity to be calculated, under a false name; and
the astrologer gave a judgment, that he should be killed in a duel; at
which the Queen laughed, thinking her husband to be above challenges
and duels: but he was slain upon a course at tilt, the splinters of the
staff of Montgomery going in at his beaver. The trivial prophecy, which
I heard when I was a child, and Queen Elizabeth was in the flower of her
years, was,


When hempe is spun

England's done:

whereby it was generally conceived, that after the princes had reigned,
which had the principal letters of that word hempe (which were Henry,
Edward, Mary, Philip, and Elizabeth), England should come to utter
confusion; which, thanks be to God, is verified only in the change of
the name; for that the King's style, is now no more of England but of
Britain. There was also another prophecy, before the year of '88, which
I do not well understand.


There shall be seen upon a day,
Between the Baugh and the May,
The black fleet of Norway.
When that that is come and gone,
England build houses of lime and stone,
For after wars shall you have none.


It was generally conceived to be meant, of the Spanish fleet that came
in '88: for that the king of Spain's surname, as they say, is Norway.
The prediction of Regiomontanus,


Octogesimus octavus mirabilis annus,


was thought likewise accomplished in the sending of that great fleet,
being the greatest in strength, though not in number, of all that ever
swam upon the sea. As for Cleon's dream, I think it was a jest. It was,
that he was devoured of a long dragon; and it was expounded of a maker
of sausages, that troubled him exceedingly. There are numbers of
the like kind; especially if you include dreams, and predictions of
astrology. But I have set down these few only, of certain credit, for
example. My judgment is, that they ought all to be despised; and
ought to serve but for winter talk by the fireside. Though when I say
despised, I mean it as for belief; for otherwise, the spreading, or
publishing, of them, is in no sort to be despised. For they have done
much mischief; and I see many severe laws made, to suppress them. That
that hath given them grace, and some credit, consisteth in three things.
First, that men mark when they hit, and never mark when they miss;
as they do generally also of dreams. The second is, that probable
conjectures, or obscure traditions, many times turn themselves into
prophecies; while the nature of man, which coveteth divination, thinks
it no peril to foretell that which indeed they do but collect. As that
of Seneca's verse. For so much was then subject to demonstration, that
the globe of the earth had great parts beyond the Atlantic, which
mought be probably conceived not to be all sea: and adding thereto the
tradition in Plato's Timaeus, and his Atlanticus, it mought encourage
one to turn it to a prediction. The third and last (which is the great
one) is, that almost all of them, being infinite in number, have been
impostures, and by idle and crafty brains merely contrived and feigned,
after the event past.




Of Ambition


AMBITION is like choler; which is an humor that maketh men active,
earnest, full of alacrity, and stirring, if it be not stopped. But if
it be stopped, and cannot have his way, it becometh adust, and thereby
malign and venomous. So ambitious men, if they find the way open
for their rising, and still get forward, they are rather busy than
dangerous; but if they be checked in their desires, they become secretly
discontent, and look upon men and matters with an evil eye, and are
best pleased, when things go backward; which is the worst property in a
servant of a prince, or state. Therefore it is good for princes, if they
use ambitious men, to handle it, so as they be still progressive and
not retrograde; which, because it cannot be without inconvenience, it
is good not to use such natures at all. For if they rise not with their
service, they will take order, to make their service fall with them. But
since we have said, it were good not to use men of ambitious natures,
except it be upon necessity, it is fit we speak, in what cases they are
of necessity. Good commanders in the wars must be taken, be they never
so ambitious; for the use of their service, dispenseth with the rest;
and to take a soldier without ambition, is to pull off his spurs. There
is also great use of ambitious men, in being screens to princes in
matters of danger and envy; for no man will take that part, except he be
like a seeled dove, that mounts and mounts, because he cannot see about
him. There is use also of ambitious men, in pulling down the greatness
of any subject that overtops; as Tiberius used Marco, in the pulling
down of Sejanus. Since, therefore, they must be used in such cases,
there resteth to speak, how they are to be bridled, that they may be
less dangerous. There is less danger of them, if they be of mean birth,
than if they be noble; and if they be rather harsh of nature, than
gracious and popular: and if they be rather new raised, than grown
cunning, and fortified, in their greatness. It is counted by some, a
weakness in princes, to have favorites; but it is, of all others,
the best remedy against ambitious great-ones. For when the way of
pleasuring, and displeasuring, lieth by the favorite, it is impossible
any other should be overgreat. Another means to curb them, is to balance
them by others, as proud as they. But then there must be some middle
counsellors, to keep things steady; for without that ballast, the ship
will roll too much. At the least, a prince may animate and inure some
meaner persons, to be as it were scourges, to ambitious men. As for the
having of them obnoxious to ruin; if they be of fearful natures, it
may do well; but if they be stout and daring, it may precipitate their
designs, and prove dangerous. As for the pulling of them down, if the
affairs require it, and that it may not be done with safety suddenly,
the only way is the interchange, continually, of favors and disgraces;
whereby they may not know what to expect, and be, as it were, in a
wood. Of ambitions, it is less harmful, the ambition to prevail in
great things, than that other, to appear in every thing; for that breeds
confusion, and mars business. But yet it is less danger, to have an
ambitious man stirring in business, than great in dependences. He that
seeketh to be eminent amongst able men, hath a great task; but that
is ever good for the public. But he, that plots to be the only figure
amongst ciphers, is the decay of a whole age. Honor hath three things in
it: the vantage ground to do good; the approach to kings and principal
persons; and the raising of a man's own fortunes. He that hath the
best of these intentions, when he aspireth, is an honest man; and that
prince, that can discern of these intentions in another that aspireth,
is a wise prince. Generally, let princes and states choose such
ministers, as are more sensible of duty than of using; and such as love
business rather upon conscience, than upon bravery, and let them discern
a busy nature, from a willing mind.




Of Masques And Triumphs


THESE things are but toys, to come amongst such serious observations.
But yet, since princes will have such things, it is better they should
be graced with elegancy, than daubed with cost. Dancing to song, is a
thing of great state and pleasure. I understand it, that the song be
in quire, placed aloft, and accompanied with some broken music; and the
ditty fitted to the device. Acting in song, especially in dialogues,
hath an extreme good grace; I say acting, not dancing (for that is a
mean and vulgar thing); and the voices of the dialogue would be strong
and manly (a base and a tenor; no treble); and the ditty high and
tragical; not nice or dainty. Several quires, placed one over against
another, and taking the voice by catches, anthem-wise, give great
pleasure. Turning dances into figure, is a childish curiosity. And
generally let it be noted, that those things which I here set down, are
such as do naturally take the sense, and not respect petty wonderments.
It is true, the alterations of scenes, so it be quietly and without
noise, are things of great beauty and pleasure; for they feed and
relieve the eye, before it be full of the same object. Let the scenes
abound with light, specially colored and varied; and let the masquers,
or any other, that are to come down from the scene, have some motions
upon the scene itself, before their coming down; for it draws the eye
strangely, and makes it, with great pleasure, to desire to see, that it
cannot perfectly discern. Let the songs be loud and cheerful, and not
chirpings or pulings. Let the music likewise be sharp and loud, and well
placed. The colors that show best by candle-light are white, carnation,
and a kind of sea-water-green; and oes, or spangs, as they are of no
great cost, so they are of most glory. As for rich embroidery, it is
lost and not discerned. Let the suits of the masquers be graceful, and
such as become the person, when the vizors are off; not after examples
of known attires; Turke, soldiers, mariners', and the like. Let
anti-masques not be long; they have been commonly of fools, satyrs,
baboons, wild-men, antics, beasts, sprites, witches, Ethiops, pigmies,
turquets, nymphs, rustics, Cupids, statuas moving, and the like. As
for angels, it is not comical enough, to put them in anti-masques; and
anything that is hideous, as devils, giants, is on the other side as
unfit. But chiefly, let the music of them be recreative, and with some
strange changes. Some sweet odors suddenly coming forth, without any
drops falling, are, in such a company as there is steam and heat, things
of great pleasure and refreshment. Double masques, one of men, another
of ladies, addeth state and variety. But all is nothing except the room
be kept clear and neat.

For justs, and tourneys, and barriers; the glories of them are chiefly
in the chariots, wherein the challengers make their entry; especially
if they be drawn with strange beasts: as lions, bears, camels, and the
like; or in the devices of their entrance; or in the bravery of their
liveries; or in the goodly furniture of their horses and armor. But
enough of these toys.




Of Nature In Men


NATURE is often hidden; sometimes overcome; seldom extinguished. Force,
maketh nature more violent in the return; doctrine and discourse, maketh
nature less importune; but custom only doth alter and subdue nature. He
that seeketh victory over his nature, let him not set himself too great,
nor too small tasks; for the first will make him dejected by often
failings; and the second will make him a small proceeder, though by
often prevailings. And at the first let him practise with helps, as
swimmers do with bladders or rushes; but after a time let him practise
with disadvantages, as dancers do with thick shoes. For it breeds great
perfection, if the practice be harder than the use. Where nature is
mighty, and therefore the victory hard, the degrees had need be, first
to stay and arrest nature in time; like to him that would say over the
four and twenty letters when he was angry; then to go less in quantity;
as if one should, in forbearing wine, come from drinking healths, to a
draught at a meal; and lastly, to discontinue altogether. But if a man
have the fortitude, and resolution, to enfranchise himself at once, that
is the best:


Optimus ille animi vindex laedentia pectus
Vincula qui rupit, dedoluitque semel.


Neither is the ancient rule amiss, to bend nature, as a wand, to a
contrary extreme, whereby to set it right, understanding it, where the
contrary extreme is no vice. Let not a man force a habit upon himself,
with a perpetual continuance, but with some intermission. For both the
pause reinforceth the new onset; and if a man that is not perfect,
be ever in practice, he shall as well practise his errors, as his
abilities, and induce one habit of both; and there is no means to help
this, but by seasonable intermissions. But let not a man trust his
victory over his nature, too far; for nature will lay buried a great
time, and yet revive, upon the occasion or temptation. Like as it was
with AEsop's damsel, turned from a cat to a woman, who sat very demurely
at the board's end, till a mouse ran before her. Therefore, let a man
either avoid the occasion altogether; or put himself often to it, that
he may be little moved with it. A man's nature is best perceived in
privateness, for there is no affectation; in passion, for that putteth
a man out of his precepts; and in a new case or experiment, for there
custom leaveth him. They are happy men, whose natures sort with their
vocations; otherwise they may say, multum incola fuit anima mea;
when they converse in those things, they do not affect. In studies,
whatsoever a man commandeth upon himself, let him set hours for it; but
whatsoever is agreeable to his nature, let him take no care for any set
times; for his thoughts will fly to it, of themselves; so as the spaces
of other business, or studies, will suffice. A man's nature, runs either
to herbs or weeds; therefore let him seasonably water the one, and
destroy the other.




Of Custom And Education


MEN'S thoughts, are much according to their inclination; their discourse
and speeches, according to their learning and infused opinions; but
their deeds, are after as they have been accustomed. And therefore, as
Machiavel well noteth (though in an evil-favored instance), there is no
trusting to the force of nature, nor to the bravery of words, except it
be corroborate by custom. His instance is, that for the achieving of a
desperate conspiracy, a man should not rest upon the fierceness of any
man's nature, or his resolute undertakings; but take such an one, as
hath had his hands formerly in blood. But Machiavel knew not of a Friar
Clement, nor a Ravillac, nor a Jaureguy, nor a Baltazar Gerard; yet his
rule holdeth still, that nature, nor the engagement of words, are not so
forcible, as custom. Only superstition is now so well advanced, that men
of the first blood, are as firm as butchers by occupation; and votary
resolution, is made equipollent to custom, even in matter of blood. In
other things, the predominancy of custom is everywhere visible; insomuch
as a man would wonder, to hear men profess, protest, engage, give great
words, and then do, just as they have done before; as if they were dead
images, and engines moved only by the wheels of custom. We see also the
reign or tyranny of custom, what it is. The Indians (I mean the sect
of their wise men) lay themselves quietly upon a stock of wood, and so
sacrifice themselves by fire. Nay, the wives strive to be burned, with
the corpses of their husbands. The lads of Sparta, of ancient time,
were wont to be scourged upon the altar of Diana, without so much as
queching. I remember, in the beginning of Queen Elizabeth's time of
England, an Irish rebel condemned, put up a petition to the deputy, that
he might be hanged in a withe, and not in an halter; because it had been
so used, with former rebels. There be monks in Russia, for penance, that
will sit a whole night in a vessel of water, till they be engaged with
hard ice. Many examples may be put of the force of custom, both upon
mind and body. Therefore, since custom is the principal magistrate
of man's life, let men by all means endeavor, to obtain good customs.
Certainly custom is most perfect, when it beginneth in young years: this
we call education; which is, in effect, but an early custom. So we see,
in languages, the tongue is more pliant to all expressions and sounds,
the joints are more supple, to all feats of activity and motions, in
youth than afterwards. For it is true, that late learners cannot so
well take the ply; except it be in some minds, that have not suffered
themselves to fix, but have kept themselves open, and prepared to
receive continual amendment, which is exceeding rare. But if the force
of custom simple and separate, be great, the force of custom copulate
and conjoined and collegiate, is far greater. For there example
teacheth, company comforteth, emulation quickeneth, glory raiseth: so as
in such places the force of custom is in his exaltation. Certainly
the great multiplication of virtues upon human nature, resteth upon
societies well ordained and disciplined. For commonwealths, and good
governments, do nourish virtue grown but do not much mend the deeds.
But the misery is, that the most effectual means, are now applied to the
ends, least to be desired.




Of Fortune


IT CANNOT be denied, but outward accidents conduce much to fortune;
favor, opportunity, death of others, occasion fitting virtue. But
chiefly, the mould of a man's fortune is in his own hands. Faber quisque
fortunae suae, saith the poet. And the most frequent of external causes
is, that the folly of one man, is the fortune of another. For no man
prospers so suddenly, as by others' errors. Serpens nisi serpentem
comederit non fit draco. Overt and apparent virtues, bring forth praise;
but there be secret and hidden virtues, that bring forth fortune;
certain deliveries of a man's self, which have no name. The Spanish
name, desemboltura, partly expresseth them; when there be not stonds nor
restiveness in a man's nature; but that the wheels of his mind, keep way
with the wheels of his fortune. For so Livy (after he had described Cato
Major in these words, In illo viro tantum robur corporis et animi fuit,
ut quocunque loco natus esset, fortunam sibi facturus videretur) falleth
upon that, that he had versatile ingenium. Therefore if a man look
sharply and attentively, he shall see Fortune: for though she be blind,
yet she is not invisible. The way of fortune, is like the Milken Way in
the sky; which is a meeting or knot of a number of small stars; not seen
asunder, but giving light together. So are there a number of little, and
scarce discerned virtues, or rather faculties and customs, that make men
fortunate. The Italians note some of them, such as a man would little
think. When they speak of one that cannot do amiss, they will throw in,
into his other conditions, that he hath Poco di matto. And certainly
there be not two more fortunate properties, than to have a little of the
fool, and not too much of the honest. Therefore extreme lovers of their
country or masters, were never fortunate, neither can they be. For when
a man placeth his thoughts without himself, he goeth not his own way.
An hasty fortune maketh an enterpriser and remover (the French hath it
better, entreprenant, or remuant); but the exercised fortune maketh the
able man. Fortune is to be honored and respected, and it be but for her
daughters, Confidence and Reputation. For those two, Felicity breedeth;
the first within a man's self, the latter in others towards him. All
wise men, to decline the envy of their own virtues, use to ascribe them
to Providence and Fortune; for so they may the better assume them: and,
besides, it is greatness in a man, to be the care of the higher powers.
So Caesar said to the pilot in the tempest, Caesarem portas, et fortunam
ejus. So Sylla chose the name of Felix, and not of Magnus. And it hath
been noted, that those who ascribe openly too much to their own wisdom
and policy, end infortunate. It is written that Timotheus the Athenian,
after he had, in the account he gave to the state of his government,
often interlaced this speech, and in this, Fortune had no part, never
prospered in anything, he undertook afterwards. Certainly there be,
whose fortunes are like Homer's verses, that have a slide and easiness
more than the verses of other poets; as Plutarch saith of Timoleon's
fortune, in respect of that of Agesilaus or Epaminondas. And that this
should be, no doubt it is much, in a man's self.




Of Usury


MANY have made witty invectives against usury. They say that it is a
pity, the devil should have God's part, which is the tithe. That the
usurer is the greatest Sabbath-breaker, because his plough goeth every
Sunday. That the usurer is the drone, that Virgil speaketh of;


Ignavum fucos pecus a praesepibus arcent.

That the usurer breaketh the first law, that was made for mankind after
the fall, which was, in sudore vultus tui comedes panem tuum; not, in
sudore vultus alieni. That usurers should have orange-tawny bonnets,
because they do judaize. That it is against nature for money to beget
money; and the like. I say this only, that usury is a concessum propter
duritiem cordis; for since there must be borrowing and lending, and
men are so hard of heart, as they will not lend freely, usury must be
permitted. Some others, have made suspicious and cunning propositions
of banks, discovery of men's estates, and other inventions. But few have
spoken of usury usefully. It is good to set before us, the incommodities
and commodities of usury, that the good, may be either weighed out or
culled out; and warily to provide, that while we make forth to that
which is better, we meet not with that which is worse.

The discommodities of usury are, First, that it makes fewer merchants.
For were it not for this lazy trade of usury, money would not be still,
but would in great part be employed upon merchandizing; which is
the vena porta of wealth in a state. The second, that it makes poor
merchants. For, as a farmer cannot husband his ground so well, if he sit
at a great rent; so the merchant cannot drive his trade so well, if he
sit at great usury. The third is incident to the other two; and that
is the decay of customs of kings or states, which ebb or flow, with
merchandizing. The fourth, that it bringeth the treasure of a realm, or
state, into a few hands. For the usurer being at certainties, and others
at uncertainties, at the end of the game, most of the money will be
in the box; and ever a state flourisheth, when wealth is more equally
spread. The fifth, that it beats down the price of land; for the
employment of money, is chiefly either merchandizing or purchasing;
and usury waylays both. The sixth, that it doth dull and damp all
industries, improvements, and new inventions, wherein money would be
stirring, if it were not for this slug. The last, that it is the canker
and ruin of many men's estates; which, in process of time, breeds a
public poverty.

On the other side, the commodities of usury are, first, that howsoever
usury in some respect hindereth merchandizing, yet in some other it
advanceth it; for it is certain that the greatest part of trade is
driven by young merchants, upon borrowing at interest; so as if the
usurer either call in, or keep back, his money, there will ensue,
presently, a great stand of trade.