to the foot of the Cyrenaic chain, which is fourteen
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Charles - 1867 - Classical Dictionary
in-
testinal canal is never more than the breadth of twelve
fingers in length, snd from this fact proposed for it a
name, the Latin form of which (duodenum) is still ap-
plied to it. He described with great exactness the
jrspin of sight, and gave to its various membranes the
? lames which have still, in a great measure, remained
? o them. He operated on the cataract by extracting
die crystalline humour. The ancient physicians praise
lis descriptions of the os hyoides, which he called
tapaoTdriK, of the liver, and of the parta of genera-
ion. (Ruffus, I c, p. 37. -- Galen, de Admimstr.
Anal. , lib. 6, p. 172. ) Herophilus was the first, also,
'. hat had just notions respecting the pulse, of which his
vaster, Praxagoras, had taught him some of the value,
<s a means of discriminating diseases. ( Galen, de dig.
'fuls. , lib. 2, p. 24. --Plin. , 11, 37-- Id. , 29, I. ) He
does not appear to have drawn many pathological con-
tusions from his knowledge of the healthy structure.
H was he, however, who first showed that paralysis is
ihe result, not of a vitiated state of the humours, as
vas previously imagined, but of an affection of the
tervous system. Herophilus seems to have founded
a school which took its name from him. He is sup-
posed to have been the first that commented on the
aphorisms of Hippocrates. His commentary exists in
manuscript in the Ambrosian library at Milan. All
his other works, among which was one on respiration,
are lost. (Sprengel, Hist, de la Med. , vol. 1, p. 433,
ttaa. )
HeeostrXtvs, less correctly Erobtratus, the in-
cendiary who set fire to the famous temple of Diana
at Ephesus. When put to the torture, he confessed
that his only object was to gain himself a name among
posterity- The states-general of Asia endeavoured,
very foolishly, to prevent this, by ordering that his
? ? name should never be mentioned; but the natural
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? HESIODUS.
HESIODUS.
sea. The brothers divided the inheritance; but Per-
ses, by means of bribes to the judges, contrived to de-
fraud his elder brother, llesio/ thereupon migrated
to Orchomenus, as Gottling supposes, and the harsh
epithets which he applies to his native village {Op. et
D. 637, acq. ) were, in all probability, prompted by re-
sentment at the wrong which ho had suffered from the
Ascrcan judges, in relation to the division of his patri-
mony. (G'ittling, Praf. ad Hcs. , p. iv. ) From a
passage in the proem to the Theogony, it has been in-
ferred that Hesiod was literally a shepherd, and tended
bis flocks on the side of Helicon; and this supposition,
though directly at variance with the statement of Pau-
janias, who makes mm a pr est of the Muses on Mount
Helicon, seems decidedly the most rational one. He
was evidently born in an humble station, and was him-
self engaged in rural pursuits; and this perfectly accords
with the subject of the poem which was unanimously
ascribed to him, namely, the Works and Days, which
is a collection of reflections and precepts relating to
husbandry, and the regulation of a rural household.
The only additional fact that can be gathered from
Hesiod's writings is, that he passed into the island of
Eubcea, on occasion of a poetical contest at Chalcis,
which formed part of the funeral games instituted in
honour of Arnphidamas: that he obtained a tripod as
the prize, and consecrated it to the Muses of Helicon.
This latter passage, however, is suspected by Guictus
and Wolf; but it seems to have formed a part of the
poem from time immemorial; and it may not be un-
reasonable to infer its authenticity from the tradition
respecting an imaginary contest between Homer and
Hesiod. That the passage should have been raised
sn the basis of the tradition is impossible, because, in
that case, it is obvious that the name of Homer would
ha'e appeared in the verses; but it is highly probable
th. it the tradition was built on the passage. If the
passage be a forgery, it is a forgery without any os-
tensible purpose; it is a mere gratuitous imposture
which tends to nothing; and it seems impossible that
any person should take the trouble of foisting suppos-
ititious lines into Hesiod's poem, for the barren object
? f inducing a belief that he had won a poetical prize
from somebody. This nullity of purpose could not but
strike those who, being themselves willing to believe
that Homer was the competitor at Chalcis, were anx-
ious for proofs to convince others: and hence an in-
terpolation of this very passage has been practised;
which alone shows that, if a forgery, it was an un-
meaning and useless forgery. For the verse, "Vic-
tor in song a tripod bore away," it has been attempted
to substitute, " Victor in song o'er Homer the divine. "
Connected with the same design of making Homer and
Hesiod contemporaries, is an imposture on a large
scale, which professes to be an historical account of
the contest between Homer and Hesiod, and which
appears to be erected on tho above tradition as related
by Plutarch; for it is evident, from a passage in the
work itself, that it was not composed till tho time of
the Emperor Hadrian. As to the tradition of this im-
aginary meeting, for which not a shadow of evidence
appears in Hesiod's own writings, Robinson offers a
very probable conjecture: that it originated in a coin-
cidence between this passage of the work and a pas-
sage in one of Homer's hymns, where the writer sup-
plicates Venus to grant him the victory in some ap-
proaching contest. --The following account is given as
? ? to the manner of Hesiod's death. Hesiod is said to
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? H&>>10DU&
HES
business. These precepts, which do not relate to par-1 piter and Typhoeus, astonishes the reader oy sudnci
ticular seasons of the year, but to the course of each | bursts of enthusiasm, for which the prolix and nerve-
lunar month, are exclusively of a superstitions charac- less narrative of the general poem had little prepared
*a, and are in great part connected with tbo different , him. Mihou has borrowed some images from these
worships which were celebrated upon these days: but I descriptions: and the arming of the Messiah for battle
our knowledge is far too insufficient to explain them . is obviously imitated from the magnificent picture
all. --One thing must be very evident to all who read of Jupiter summoning all the terrors of his omnip-
tbo "Works and Days," that in its present state it "' ''""
shows a want of purpose and of unity too great to be
accounted for otherwise than on tho supposition of its
fragmentary nature. Ulrici considera the moral and
the agricultural instruction as genuine; the story of
Prometheus, and that of the Five Ages, as much al-
tered from their original Hesiodic form; and the de-
scripti in of Winter as latest of all. (Ulrici, Geschichte
ier H<. Un. Dichtkunst, vol. 1, p. 360. )--The "The-
ogony" is perhaps the work which, whether genuine
or not, most emphatically expresses the feeling which
is supposed to have given rise to the Hieratic school.
It consists, as its name expresses, of an account of the
origin of the world, iacluding the birth of the gods,
and makes use of numerous personifications. This
has given rise to a theory, that the old histories of
creation, from which Hesiod drew without under-
standing them, were in fact philosophical, and not
mythological, speculations -, so that the names winrji in
after limes were applied to persons, had originally be-
longed only to qualities, attributes, etc. , and that the
inventor bad carefully excluded all personal agency
from his system. Thus much we may safely assert
respecting the "Theogony," that it points out one im-
portant feature in the Greek character, and one which,
when that character arrived at maturity, produced re-
sults, of which the Theogony is at best but a feeble
promise; we mean that speculative tendency which
lies at the root of Greek philosophy. --Even as early as
the time of Pausanias (8, 18, and 9, 31), it was doubt-
ed whether Hesiod was actually the author of this
poem. According to a learned German critic, it is a
tpecies of milangc, formed by the union of several
poems on the same subject, and which has been ef-
fected by the same copyists or grammarians. Such ia
the theory of Hermann, who has advanced this hy-
pothesis in a letter addressed to llgcn, and which the
latter has placed at the head of his edition of Homer's
Hymns. Hermann thinks that he has discovered seven
different exordia, composed of the following verses:
the first, of verses 1, 22-24, 26-52; the second, of
verses 1-4, 11-21; the third, of verses 1, 2, 5-21,
75-93; the fourth, of verses 1, 53-64, 68-74; the
fifth, of verses 1, 53-61', 65, 66; in the sixth, the. 60th
and 61st verses were immediately followed hy the 67th;
the seventh, of verses 1, 94-103. --The Theogony is
interesting as being the most ancient monument that
we have of the Greek mythology. When we consider
it as a poem, we find no composition of ancient times
so stamped with a rude simplicity of character. It
is without luminous order of arrangement, abounds
with dry and insipid details, and only by snatches, as
it were, rises to any extraordinary elevation of fancy.
It exhibits that crude irregularity, and that mixture of
meanness and grandeur, which characterize a strong
but uncultivated genius. The censure of Quintilian,
that " Hesiod rarely rises, and a great part of him is
occupied in mere names," is confessedly merited.
Considered, however, as a general critique, the judg-
ment which Quintilian pronounces on Hesiod is liable
? ? to objection. The sentence just quoted refers plainly
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? H ES
HESPERIDES.
Sue his I >r. g ihrcatened vengeance on Laomeion.
He accordingly rollcctcd a fleet of eighteen fifty-oared
vessels (Homer, //. , 5, 641, says six), manned by a val-
iant band of volunteer warriors, and, sailing to Ilium,
took the city, having been powerfully aided by his friend
ap. d follower Telamon. Hercules slew with his arrows
Laomedon and all his sons except Podarces, who had
advised his father to give the stipulated reward to the
Aero for the destruction of the monster. He then
gave Hesionc to Telamon as a reward of" his valour,
and allowed her to choose one among the captives to
be set at liberty. When she had fixed upon her
bro'iier Podarces, Hercules replied that be must first
be made a slave, and then she might give something
for him and redeem him. She took her golden veil on
her head, and with it bought him, and hence he was after-
ward named Priamus (Purchased) instead of Podarces
(Swift-foot). Hesione was taken to Greece by Tela-
mon, where she became the mother of Teucer. (Apol-
lod. , 2, 5, 9, seqq. --Id. , 2, fi, i. --Keightley's Mythol-
ogy, p. 359, 365. )
HkspekIa, a name applied by the poets to Italy, as
lying to the west of Greece. It is of Greek origin
('Eoirtpia), and is derived from iortipa, "eremite;,"
so that Hcsperia properly means "the evening-land,"
i. e. , the western region. (Virg. , Mn. , 1, 530. --Id.
ib. , 569. --Ovid, Met. , 2, 458. --Lucan, 1, 224. ) It
is also, though less frequently, applied to Spain, as ly-
ing west of Italy. (Horat. , Od. , 1, 36, 4. --Lucan,
4, 14. )
Hesperides, or " the Western Maidens," three cel-
eorated nymphs, whose genealogy is differently given
by various writers. According to Hesiod (Theog. ,
215), they were the daughters of Night, without a fa-
ther. Diodorus, on the other hand, makes them to
have had for their parents Atlas and Hesperis daugh-
ter of Hesperus (Diod. Sic, 4, 27), an account which
is followed by Milton in his Comus (v. 981). Others,
however, to assimilate them to their neighbours the
Grata; and Gorgons, call the Hcsperides the offspring
of Pborcys and Ceto. (Schol. ad Apoll. Rh, 4,1399. )
Apollonius gives their names as AZgie, Hespera, and
Erythe'is (4, 1427), while Apollodorus, who increases
the number to four, calls them -'Eglc, Ervthea, Hestia,
and Arethusa. (Apollod. , 2, 5, 11. ) Hesiod makes
them to have dwelt "beyond the bright ocean," op-
posite to where Atlas stood supporting the heavens
(Theog. , 518), and when Atlas had been fixed as a
mountain in the extremity of Libya, the dwelling of
the Hesperides was usually placed in his vicinity,
though some set it in the country of the Hyperboreans.
(Apollod. , 1. c. )--According to the legend, when the
bridal of Jupiter and Juno took place, the different dei-
ties came with nuptial presents for the latter, and
among them the goddess of Earth, with branches hav-
ing golden apples growing on them (" Terrain venisse
ferentem aurea mala cum ramis. " Hijgin. , Poet,
istron. , 2, 3. ) Juno, greatly admiring these, begged
of Earth to plant them in her gardens, which extended
as far as Mount Atlas (" qui cranl usque ad Allanlem
montem. " Hygin. , I. c. ) The Hesperides, or daugh-
ters of Atlas, were directed to watch these trees; but,
as they were somewhat remiss in discharging this duty,
and frequently plucked off the apples themselves, Ju-
no sent thither a large serpent to guard the precious
fruit. This monster was the offspring of Typhon and
Echidna, and had a hundred heads, so that it never
? ? slept. (Hygin. , 1. c. ) According to Pisander, the
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? HES
HIS
lenl, enclosed withii. steep, and, for ihe most part, per-
pendicular, sides of aolid rock, rising sometimes to a
height of sixty or seventy feet, or more, before they
reach the level of the plain in which they arc situated.
The soil at the bottom of these chasms appears to
have been washed down from the plain above by the
heavy rains, and is frequently cultivated by the Arabs;
so that a person, in walking over the country where
they exist, comes suddenly upon a beautiful orchard
or garden, blooming in secret, and in the greatest lux-
uriance, at a considerable depth beneath his feet, and
defended on all sides by walls of solid rock, so as to
be at firs: sight apparently inaccessible. The effect
of these secluded little spots, protected, as it were, from
the intrusion of mankind, by the steepness and depth
of :he barriers which enclose them, is singular and
pleasing in the extreme; they reminded us of some
of those secluded retreats which we read of in fairy
legends or tales. It was impossible to walk along the
edge of these precipices, looking everywhere for some
part less abrupt than the rest, by which we might de-
scend into the gardens beneath, without calling to
mind the description given by Scylax of the far-famed
gardens of the Hesperides. "--It has been supposed by
many, and among the rest by Gossellin and Pacho,
that the Hesperian gardens of the ancients were no-
thing more than some of those verdant caves which
stud the Libyan desert, and which, from their con-
cealed and inaccessible position, their unknown origin,
and their striking contrast to the surrounding waste,
might well suggest the idea of a terrestrial paradise,
and become the types of the still fairer creations of
poetic fable. Possibly, therefore, supposing the fable
to rest on a real basis, the first of these Elysian groves
may have been at the extremity of Cyrena'ica mentioned
by Beechey, and the original idea of the legend may
have been taken from a subterranean garden of the
above description. --The garden of the Hesperides is
stated by Scylax (p. 46) to have been an enclosed spot
of ten stadia each way, filled with thickly-planted fruit-
trees of various kinds, and inaccessible on all sides.
It was situated at six hundred and twenty stadia (fifty
geographical miles) from the port of Barce; and this
agrees precisely with that of the place described by
Captain Beechey from Ptolcmata. The testimony of
Pliny (5, 5) is very decided in fixing the site of the
Hesperides in the neighbourhood of Berenice. "Not
far from the city" (Berenice), "is the river Lethon,
and the sacred grove where the gardens of the Hes-
perides are said to be situated. We do not mean,"
remarks Captain B. , "to point out any one of these
subterranean gardens as that which is described in the
passage above quoted from Scylax; for we know of
no one which will correspond, in point of extent, to
the garden which that author has mentioned. All
those which we saw were considerably less than the
fifth of a mile in diameter (the measurement given by
Scylax); and the places of this nature which would
best agree with the dimensions, are now filled with
water sufficiently fresh to be drinkable, and take the
form of romantic little lakes. Scarcely any two of the
gardens we met with were, however, of the same depth
or extent; end we have no reason to conclude that,
because we saw none which were large enough to be
fixed upon for the garden of the Hesperides, there is
therefore no place of the dimensions required; par-
ticularly as the singular formation alluded lo continues
? ?
to the foot of the Cyrenaic chain, which is fourteen
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? HESY CUIUS.
HT. l
wnetb. r the glossary which has reached us under the
name of this writer be really his, or whether it be not
merely an abridgment of his work. What has inclined
some to favour the latter opinion is the circumstance
of the citations being omitted. Others think, and with
tome, appearance of reason, that this lexicon was ori-
ginally a small volume, and that the numerous biblical
glosses which are at present found in it have been in-
tercalated by the copyists, who have taken the remarks
nade in the margin by the possessors of manuscripts
for portions of the text itself. However this may be,
the work of Hesychius is very important towards ac-
quiring a full knowledge of the Greek language. It
has preserved for us a large number of passages from
poets, orators, historians, and physicians, whose works
are lost. Hesychius explains, moreover, various words
that depart from the ordinary usage of the Greek
tongue, as well as terms used in sacrifices, gymnastic
encounters, &c. And yet it must be acknowledged
that his text is in a most corrupt state, and that when
he is a solitary witness his testimony ought to be re-
ceived with caution. (Mas. Crit. , vol. 1, p. 503. )
The work, in fact, has all the appearance of rough
notes, put down in the course of reading, rather than
of a finished production. It was not known until the
sixteenth century. Only one MS. , in the library of
St. Mark, at Venice, is said to be preserved, and that
is full of abbreviations, and has many erasures; which
accounts for the great corruption of the text, in spite
of the labours of many able editors. It appears, how-
ever, that in the seventeenth century there existed a
second manuscript in the Florence library. (EberCs
Bibliogr. Lexicon, vol. 1, p. 772. )--The best edition
of Hesychius is that of Alberti, completed by Kuhn-
ken, Lugd. Bat. , 1746-1776, 2 vols. fol. It is to be
regretted, however, that Alberti could not avail him-
self of the valuable MS. notes of Benlley on this lexi-
cographer. --The editio princepsof Hesychius was pub-
lished by the elder Aldus, Venice, 1514, fol. , under the
care of Marcus Musurus. The manuscript followed was
the Venice one. This, however, being, as we have al-
ready remarked, very difficult to decipher, and in other
respects extremely inaccurate, Musurus took great
pains to correct and restore it. This is often done
with intelligence and success; but often also he de-
ceives himself in his corrections, and in general treats
his original in too arbitrary a manner. Schow, of Co-
penhagen, being at Venice, collated the manuscript
with the edition of Alberti, and took note of all the
variations. He published this collation at Lcipsic,
1792, 8vo, under the title, "Hesychii Lexicon ex tod.
Ms. b'Miotkeca S. Marci restilutum, el ah omnibus
Musuri correctionibus repurgalum. " By the help of
this volume, the possessor of any edition of Hesychius,
for they are all based upon this manuscript, can make
the necessary corrections. The glosses, taken from
the Scriptures, that are found in Hesychius, were col-
lected and published by J. C. G. Ernesti, Lips. , 1785,
8vo. We may regard as the second volume of this
production the work published by Ernesti in 1786,
8vo, under the title, "Simla el Phavorini Glossa sa-
cra," in which are found two hundred and twenty-nine
losses of Hesychius, forgotten in the first volume.
? "o this may be joined the work of Schleusner, Ob-
tervat. in Suid. el Hayek. , Wittemb. , 1810, 4to.
Among the subsidiary works that illustrate Hesychius,
may be mentioned Toup'a Emendations (Toupii Emcn-
? ? iaiioncs in Suidam el Hcsyckium, Oxon. , 1790, 4
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? HETRURIA.
HETRURIA.
Kim wens called Tyrrhenians, occupied up to the limr
of Herodotus. If we divest the Lydian tradition of
? ante marvellous circumstances which are attached to
it, particularly those that relate to the famine, which
maybe fairly charged to Oriental hyperbole, there still
remains the record of an important event, which, con-
sidering the character of the historian who has handed
it down to us, and the geographica' information he
pMsessed, is certainly entitled to o,. r attention if it
d'>es not recommend itself to our belief. The great-
est argument, however, in favour of this tradition,
oust be allowed to consist in the weight of testimony
which can be collected in support of it from the wri-
ters of antiquity, especially those of Rome, who, with
few exceptions, seem to concur in admitting the fact
of the Lydian colony. (Consult Virg. , JEn. , 8, 479,
etpass. --Catull. , 31,13. --Horat. , Sat. , 1, 6. --Slat.
Silv. , 1, 2 -- Id. , 4,i. --Senec, ad Hell--Justin, 20,
l. -- Fal. Max. , 2,4--Plut. , Vit. Rom. --Pliny, 3, 5. )
--Strabo, who has entered more fully into the discus-
sion of the Tyrrhenian origin, does not seem to enter-
tain any doubt of the event which we are now con-
sidering, and he quotes Anticlidcs, an historian of
some authority, who reports that the first Pelasgi
settled in the islands of Imbros and I. emnos, and that
tome of them sailed with Tyrrhenus, the son of Alys,
to Italy. (Strabo, 219. ) In short, the presumption
would appear so strong in favour of this popular ac-
count of the origin of the Tyrrheni, that we might
consider the question to be decided, were not our at-
tention called to the opposite side by some weighty ob-
jections, advanced long since by Dionysius of Halicar-
nassus, and farther strongly urged by some modern
critics of great reputation and learning. Dionysius
seems to stand alone among the writers of antiquity
ts invalidating the facts recorded by Herodotus; and
though his own explanation of the origin of the Tyr-
rhenians is evidently inconsistent and unsatisfactory,
still it must be owned that his arguments tend greatly
to discredit the colony of the Lydian Tyrrhenus. , He
maintains, in the first plsce, that it is fabulous, from
the silence on so important an event of Xanthus the
historian of Lydia, a writer of great research and au-
thority, and more ancient than Herodotus. Xanthus
acknowledges no Lydian prince of the name of Tyr-
rhenus; the sons of Atys, according to him, were Ly-
dus and Torvbus, who both remained in Asia. Again,
Dionysius asserts that there was no resemblance to
be discovered either in the religion, customs, or lan-
guage of the Lydians and Tuscans; and, lastly, from
tne discrepance to be observed in the various state-
ments of the genealogy of Tyrrhenus and the period
of his migration, he feels justified in rejecting that
event as a mere fiction. (Ant. Rom. , 1, 30. ) The
advocates of Herodotus, however, have not been in-
timidated by these arguments, but have endeavoured
to prove their insufficiency. Among these may be
reckoned Ryckius (de primis Italia eolonis, c. fi);
Bishop Cumberland (Connexion of the Greek and Ro-
nton Antiquities. Trart. 7, c. 2); Dempster (Errur.
Regal, I, 4); Larcher (Hist, d'Herod. , vol. 1, p. );
? nd Lanzi (Saggio, &c, vol. 2, p. 102). On the
other hand, the reasons advanced by the Greek histo-
rian have appeared convincing to some eminent critics,
? urn as CluveriuB (Ilal. Antiq. , vol. 1, lib. 1. c. 1);
Frerct (Mem. de VAead. , vol. 18, p. 97); and Heyne
(Comment, dje. , Nov. Soe. Gott. , vol. 3, p. 39); who
? ? save, besides, added other objections to those already
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? HETRl-'RIA.
HEVRUKTA.
ancient author describes the Tyrrhenians of L) fia as
Pelasgians from Attica and the islands. The gene-
alogy of Herodotus from the Lydian authors makes
Tyrrhenus a son of Atys, king of Lydia; in that given
in Dionysius without the author's name, Lydus and
Tyrrhenus are brothers; in that of Xanthus the broth-
ira are called Lydus and Torybus or Torrhubus, i. e. ,
according to Muller, Tyrrhenus. Whichever of these
it s argue from, it appears very improbable that the
li'ieage of a band of Pclasgian pirates, who had settled
<n the coasts of Lydia, should have been carried up
to the ancient kings or gods of the country; and that,
ton, not by the Greeks, but by the Lydians themselves.
We cannot, therefore, avoid the conclusion, that the
Tyrrhenians were much more intimately connected
wi<\ the Lydian population than Muller's account of
lim\ supposes. Niebuhr makes the Mceonians (the
Jkut. eric name for the Lydians) to be Pelasgians, ar-
gute from tho name of their stronghold, Larissa,'
>>hi<<a is found in all countries occupied by Pelasgians;
VI (4- "i represents them as wholly different, alleging
thai to ancient author calls the Mceonians Pelasgians.
Thii >> true; but they make the Tyrrhenians Mceoni-
ans i tx* also Pelasgians, and therefore imply, though
they iV not assert, the identity of the people who bore
these i\ re names. The whole coast of Asia Minor
appeals to have been occupied by the Pelasgi, or na-
tions di taring from them only in name. Menecrates
(ap. Strai. , 571) related, that the Pelasgi had occu-
pied the whole of Ionia, from Mycale northward, and
the adjacent islands; the Carians, the Lclcges, and
ti* Caucones, the Trojans, and Mysians, were of the
name race, and also allied to the Lydians, as appears
from the genealogy given by Herodotus (1,171). Tho
Greeks themselves attribute the Pelasgic population
of Asia Minor to colonies sent from Greece or from
the islands; but their accounts of colonies before the
Homeric age, being founded on no contemporary au-
thority, must generally be regarded as historical hy-
potheses, chiefly grounded upon similarity of names,
which may often be more rationally explained from
Bther causes. It is, however, by no means probable
that the Lydians were wholly a Pelasgic people. The
phenomena of the history of Asia Minor are most
easily solved by the supposition that a nation of Syr-
ian origin was mingled in its two principal districts,
Lydia and Phrygia, with another nearly allied to the
Greeks. The Mosaic genealogy of nations (Gen. , 10,
22) assigns a Semitic origin to the Lydians; while it
refers most of the tribes of Asia Minor, along with the
Greeks, to the stock of Japheth. The mythology of
Lydia, the basis, as usual, of its dynasties of kings,
betrays its Syrian as well as Grecian affinities. Their
doitics "Arrr/f or "Attc (the same as noTaf, Hes. ),
and Ma, father and mother, have probably given their
name to the Atyadcs and the Maeonians; and their
worship is clearly the same with that of the Syrian
foddess, who was variously denominated Atargatis,
(erceto, Semiramis, Rhea, Juno, and Venus. The
chief seat of her worship at Hierapolis, was the resort
of the people of Asia Minor; and Ascalon, in Phoe-
nicia, appears to have been considered as a colony of
the Lydians (Steph. Byz. , >>. v) for no other reason
than that the traditions of the great goddess were in
a peculiar manner connected with this place. In the
list of the kings of Troy, whose names are generally
of Grecian etymology, the Oriental name of Assara-
? ? cus points to a mixture of Oriental mythology; and
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? HETRCRIA
HETRURIA.
ut. on to ili<< maritime town Tarquinii, and the hero
Tarchon, both probably only variations of the name
Tyrrheni. Here it was that the much-dreaded Pelas-
gians of Lydia landed and settled, bringing with them
the arts they had acquired at home or on their way.
For the first time the barbarous land saw men covered
with brass array themselves for battle to the sound of
the trumpet; here first tl. ey heard the loud sound of
the Lydt -Phrygian flute accompaiying the sacrifice,
and perhaps witnessed for the first time the rapid
course of the fifty-oared ship. As the legend, in its
propagation from mouth to mouth, swells beyond all
bounds, the whole glory of the Tuscan name, even
that which did not properly belong to the colonists,
attached itself to the name of Tarchon, the disciple
of Tages, as the author of a new and better era in the
history of Etruria. The neighbouring Urabrians and
Latins named the nation, which from this time began
to increase and diffuse itself, not from the primitive
inhabitants, but from these new settlers. For since,
in the Eugubine tables, Trusce occurs along with
Tuseom and Tuseer, it is impossible not to conclude,
that from the root TUR have been formed Trusicus,
Truscus, Tuscan; as from the root OP, Opscus and
Onus; so that Tvfifmvoi or Tvponvoi, and Tusci,
are only the Asiatic and Italic forms of one and tbo
same name. " (Etrusker, vol. 1, p. 100. ) The time
of such a colonization can, of course, only be fixed by
approximation. Miiller supposes it to have coincided
with the Ionic migration, and to have been occasioned
by it. The Umbrians were powerful in the land of
which the new colonists took possession, and long
wars must have been carried on with them before
they were dispossessed of the three hundred towns
which Pliny (3, 19) says they once held in the coun-
try afterward called Etruria. To the south the Etru-
rians extended themselves to the banks of the Tiber,
and even beyond it into Lalium, as the name of Tus-
colum proves. According to their own traditions, the
Bine Tarchon who founded the twelve cities of Etru-
ria led a colony across the Apennines and founded
twelve other cities. Of such a tradition, the historian
cat receive no more than the fact, that Etruria, in the
valley of the Po, was colonized from the southern
Etruria. Bologna, anciently Felsina, which stands
where the Apennines descend into the fertile plains
which border the Po, was probably the first of these
colonies, as it is called by Pliny (3, 20), "princeps
quondam Etruria -? " the names of most of the others
are uncertain. A stone, with an Etruscan inscription,
baa been found (Lanzi, vol. 2, p.
testinal canal is never more than the breadth of twelve
fingers in length, snd from this fact proposed for it a
name, the Latin form of which (duodenum) is still ap-
plied to it. He described with great exactness the
jrspin of sight, and gave to its various membranes the
? lames which have still, in a great measure, remained
? o them. He operated on the cataract by extracting
die crystalline humour. The ancient physicians praise
lis descriptions of the os hyoides, which he called
tapaoTdriK, of the liver, and of the parta of genera-
ion. (Ruffus, I c, p. 37. -- Galen, de Admimstr.
Anal. , lib. 6, p. 172. ) Herophilus was the first, also,
'. hat had just notions respecting the pulse, of which his
vaster, Praxagoras, had taught him some of the value,
<s a means of discriminating diseases. ( Galen, de dig.
'fuls. , lib. 2, p. 24. --Plin. , 11, 37-- Id. , 29, I. ) He
does not appear to have drawn many pathological con-
tusions from his knowledge of the healthy structure.
H was he, however, who first showed that paralysis is
ihe result, not of a vitiated state of the humours, as
vas previously imagined, but of an affection of the
tervous system. Herophilus seems to have founded
a school which took its name from him. He is sup-
posed to have been the first that commented on the
aphorisms of Hippocrates. His commentary exists in
manuscript in the Ambrosian library at Milan. All
his other works, among which was one on respiration,
are lost. (Sprengel, Hist, de la Med. , vol. 1, p. 433,
ttaa. )
HeeostrXtvs, less correctly Erobtratus, the in-
cendiary who set fire to the famous temple of Diana
at Ephesus. When put to the torture, he confessed
that his only object was to gain himself a name among
posterity- The states-general of Asia endeavoured,
very foolishly, to prevent this, by ordering that his
? ? name should never be mentioned; but the natural
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? HESIODUS.
HESIODUS.
sea. The brothers divided the inheritance; but Per-
ses, by means of bribes to the judges, contrived to de-
fraud his elder brother, llesio/ thereupon migrated
to Orchomenus, as Gottling supposes, and the harsh
epithets which he applies to his native village {Op. et
D. 637, acq. ) were, in all probability, prompted by re-
sentment at the wrong which ho had suffered from the
Ascrcan judges, in relation to the division of his patri-
mony. (G'ittling, Praf. ad Hcs. , p. iv. ) From a
passage in the proem to the Theogony, it has been in-
ferred that Hesiod was literally a shepherd, and tended
bis flocks on the side of Helicon; and this supposition,
though directly at variance with the statement of Pau-
janias, who makes mm a pr est of the Muses on Mount
Helicon, seems decidedly the most rational one. He
was evidently born in an humble station, and was him-
self engaged in rural pursuits; and this perfectly accords
with the subject of the poem which was unanimously
ascribed to him, namely, the Works and Days, which
is a collection of reflections and precepts relating to
husbandry, and the regulation of a rural household.
The only additional fact that can be gathered from
Hesiod's writings is, that he passed into the island of
Eubcea, on occasion of a poetical contest at Chalcis,
which formed part of the funeral games instituted in
honour of Arnphidamas: that he obtained a tripod as
the prize, and consecrated it to the Muses of Helicon.
This latter passage, however, is suspected by Guictus
and Wolf; but it seems to have formed a part of the
poem from time immemorial; and it may not be un-
reasonable to infer its authenticity from the tradition
respecting an imaginary contest between Homer and
Hesiod. That the passage should have been raised
sn the basis of the tradition is impossible, because, in
that case, it is obvious that the name of Homer would
ha'e appeared in the verses; but it is highly probable
th. it the tradition was built on the passage. If the
passage be a forgery, it is a forgery without any os-
tensible purpose; it is a mere gratuitous imposture
which tends to nothing; and it seems impossible that
any person should take the trouble of foisting suppos-
ititious lines into Hesiod's poem, for the barren object
? f inducing a belief that he had won a poetical prize
from somebody. This nullity of purpose could not but
strike those who, being themselves willing to believe
that Homer was the competitor at Chalcis, were anx-
ious for proofs to convince others: and hence an in-
terpolation of this very passage has been practised;
which alone shows that, if a forgery, it was an un-
meaning and useless forgery. For the verse, "Vic-
tor in song a tripod bore away," it has been attempted
to substitute, " Victor in song o'er Homer the divine. "
Connected with the same design of making Homer and
Hesiod contemporaries, is an imposture on a large
scale, which professes to be an historical account of
the contest between Homer and Hesiod, and which
appears to be erected on tho above tradition as related
by Plutarch; for it is evident, from a passage in the
work itself, that it was not composed till tho time of
the Emperor Hadrian. As to the tradition of this im-
aginary meeting, for which not a shadow of evidence
appears in Hesiod's own writings, Robinson offers a
very probable conjecture: that it originated in a coin-
cidence between this passage of the work and a pas-
sage in one of Homer's hymns, where the writer sup-
plicates Venus to grant him the victory in some ap-
proaching contest. --The following account is given as
? ? to the manner of Hesiod's death. Hesiod is said to
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? H&>>10DU&
HES
business. These precepts, which do not relate to par-1 piter and Typhoeus, astonishes the reader oy sudnci
ticular seasons of the year, but to the course of each | bursts of enthusiasm, for which the prolix and nerve-
lunar month, are exclusively of a superstitions charac- less narrative of the general poem had little prepared
*a, and are in great part connected with tbo different , him. Mihou has borrowed some images from these
worships which were celebrated upon these days: but I descriptions: and the arming of the Messiah for battle
our knowledge is far too insufficient to explain them . is obviously imitated from the magnificent picture
all. --One thing must be very evident to all who read of Jupiter summoning all the terrors of his omnip-
tbo "Works and Days," that in its present state it "' ''""
shows a want of purpose and of unity too great to be
accounted for otherwise than on tho supposition of its
fragmentary nature. Ulrici considera the moral and
the agricultural instruction as genuine; the story of
Prometheus, and that of the Five Ages, as much al-
tered from their original Hesiodic form; and the de-
scripti in of Winter as latest of all. (Ulrici, Geschichte
ier H<. Un. Dichtkunst, vol. 1, p. 360. )--The "The-
ogony" is perhaps the work which, whether genuine
or not, most emphatically expresses the feeling which
is supposed to have given rise to the Hieratic school.
It consists, as its name expresses, of an account of the
origin of the world, iacluding the birth of the gods,
and makes use of numerous personifications. This
has given rise to a theory, that the old histories of
creation, from which Hesiod drew without under-
standing them, were in fact philosophical, and not
mythological, speculations -, so that the names winrji in
after limes were applied to persons, had originally be-
longed only to qualities, attributes, etc. , and that the
inventor bad carefully excluded all personal agency
from his system. Thus much we may safely assert
respecting the "Theogony," that it points out one im-
portant feature in the Greek character, and one which,
when that character arrived at maturity, produced re-
sults, of which the Theogony is at best but a feeble
promise; we mean that speculative tendency which
lies at the root of Greek philosophy. --Even as early as
the time of Pausanias (8, 18, and 9, 31), it was doubt-
ed whether Hesiod was actually the author of this
poem. According to a learned German critic, it is a
tpecies of milangc, formed by the union of several
poems on the same subject, and which has been ef-
fected by the same copyists or grammarians. Such ia
the theory of Hermann, who has advanced this hy-
pothesis in a letter addressed to llgcn, and which the
latter has placed at the head of his edition of Homer's
Hymns. Hermann thinks that he has discovered seven
different exordia, composed of the following verses:
the first, of verses 1, 22-24, 26-52; the second, of
verses 1-4, 11-21; the third, of verses 1, 2, 5-21,
75-93; the fourth, of verses 1, 53-64, 68-74; the
fifth, of verses 1, 53-61', 65, 66; in the sixth, the. 60th
and 61st verses were immediately followed hy the 67th;
the seventh, of verses 1, 94-103. --The Theogony is
interesting as being the most ancient monument that
we have of the Greek mythology. When we consider
it as a poem, we find no composition of ancient times
so stamped with a rude simplicity of character. It
is without luminous order of arrangement, abounds
with dry and insipid details, and only by snatches, as
it were, rises to any extraordinary elevation of fancy.
It exhibits that crude irregularity, and that mixture of
meanness and grandeur, which characterize a strong
but uncultivated genius. The censure of Quintilian,
that " Hesiod rarely rises, and a great part of him is
occupied in mere names," is confessedly merited.
Considered, however, as a general critique, the judg-
ment which Quintilian pronounces on Hesiod is liable
? ? to objection. The sentence just quoted refers plainly
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? H ES
HESPERIDES.
Sue his I >r. g ihrcatened vengeance on Laomeion.
He accordingly rollcctcd a fleet of eighteen fifty-oared
vessels (Homer, //. , 5, 641, says six), manned by a val-
iant band of volunteer warriors, and, sailing to Ilium,
took the city, having been powerfully aided by his friend
ap. d follower Telamon. Hercules slew with his arrows
Laomedon and all his sons except Podarces, who had
advised his father to give the stipulated reward to the
Aero for the destruction of the monster. He then
gave Hesionc to Telamon as a reward of" his valour,
and allowed her to choose one among the captives to
be set at liberty. When she had fixed upon her
bro'iier Podarces, Hercules replied that be must first
be made a slave, and then she might give something
for him and redeem him. She took her golden veil on
her head, and with it bought him, and hence he was after-
ward named Priamus (Purchased) instead of Podarces
(Swift-foot). Hesione was taken to Greece by Tela-
mon, where she became the mother of Teucer. (Apol-
lod. , 2, 5, 9, seqq. --Id. , 2, fi, i. --Keightley's Mythol-
ogy, p. 359, 365. )
HkspekIa, a name applied by the poets to Italy, as
lying to the west of Greece. It is of Greek origin
('Eoirtpia), and is derived from iortipa, "eremite;,"
so that Hcsperia properly means "the evening-land,"
i. e. , the western region. (Virg. , Mn. , 1, 530. --Id.
ib. , 569. --Ovid, Met. , 2, 458. --Lucan, 1, 224. ) It
is also, though less frequently, applied to Spain, as ly-
ing west of Italy. (Horat. , Od. , 1, 36, 4. --Lucan,
4, 14. )
Hesperides, or " the Western Maidens," three cel-
eorated nymphs, whose genealogy is differently given
by various writers. According to Hesiod (Theog. ,
215), they were the daughters of Night, without a fa-
ther. Diodorus, on the other hand, makes them to
have had for their parents Atlas and Hesperis daugh-
ter of Hesperus (Diod. Sic, 4, 27), an account which
is followed by Milton in his Comus (v. 981). Others,
however, to assimilate them to their neighbours the
Grata; and Gorgons, call the Hcsperides the offspring
of Pborcys and Ceto. (Schol. ad Apoll. Rh, 4,1399. )
Apollonius gives their names as AZgie, Hespera, and
Erythe'is (4, 1427), while Apollodorus, who increases
the number to four, calls them -'Eglc, Ervthea, Hestia,
and Arethusa. (Apollod. , 2, 5, 11. ) Hesiod makes
them to have dwelt "beyond the bright ocean," op-
posite to where Atlas stood supporting the heavens
(Theog. , 518), and when Atlas had been fixed as a
mountain in the extremity of Libya, the dwelling of
the Hesperides was usually placed in his vicinity,
though some set it in the country of the Hyperboreans.
(Apollod. , 1. c. )--According to the legend, when the
bridal of Jupiter and Juno took place, the different dei-
ties came with nuptial presents for the latter, and
among them the goddess of Earth, with branches hav-
ing golden apples growing on them (" Terrain venisse
ferentem aurea mala cum ramis. " Hijgin. , Poet,
istron. , 2, 3. ) Juno, greatly admiring these, begged
of Earth to plant them in her gardens, which extended
as far as Mount Atlas (" qui cranl usque ad Allanlem
montem. " Hygin. , I. c. ) The Hesperides, or daugh-
ters of Atlas, were directed to watch these trees; but,
as they were somewhat remiss in discharging this duty,
and frequently plucked off the apples themselves, Ju-
no sent thither a large serpent to guard the precious
fruit. This monster was the offspring of Typhon and
Echidna, and had a hundred heads, so that it never
? ? slept. (Hygin. , 1. c. ) According to Pisander, the
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? HES
HIS
lenl, enclosed withii. steep, and, for ihe most part, per-
pendicular, sides of aolid rock, rising sometimes to a
height of sixty or seventy feet, or more, before they
reach the level of the plain in which they arc situated.
The soil at the bottom of these chasms appears to
have been washed down from the plain above by the
heavy rains, and is frequently cultivated by the Arabs;
so that a person, in walking over the country where
they exist, comes suddenly upon a beautiful orchard
or garden, blooming in secret, and in the greatest lux-
uriance, at a considerable depth beneath his feet, and
defended on all sides by walls of solid rock, so as to
be at firs: sight apparently inaccessible. The effect
of these secluded little spots, protected, as it were, from
the intrusion of mankind, by the steepness and depth
of :he barriers which enclose them, is singular and
pleasing in the extreme; they reminded us of some
of those secluded retreats which we read of in fairy
legends or tales. It was impossible to walk along the
edge of these precipices, looking everywhere for some
part less abrupt than the rest, by which we might de-
scend into the gardens beneath, without calling to
mind the description given by Scylax of the far-famed
gardens of the Hesperides. "--It has been supposed by
many, and among the rest by Gossellin and Pacho,
that the Hesperian gardens of the ancients were no-
thing more than some of those verdant caves which
stud the Libyan desert, and which, from their con-
cealed and inaccessible position, their unknown origin,
and their striking contrast to the surrounding waste,
might well suggest the idea of a terrestrial paradise,
and become the types of the still fairer creations of
poetic fable. Possibly, therefore, supposing the fable
to rest on a real basis, the first of these Elysian groves
may have been at the extremity of Cyrena'ica mentioned
by Beechey, and the original idea of the legend may
have been taken from a subterranean garden of the
above description. --The garden of the Hesperides is
stated by Scylax (p. 46) to have been an enclosed spot
of ten stadia each way, filled with thickly-planted fruit-
trees of various kinds, and inaccessible on all sides.
It was situated at six hundred and twenty stadia (fifty
geographical miles) from the port of Barce; and this
agrees precisely with that of the place described by
Captain Beechey from Ptolcmata. The testimony of
Pliny (5, 5) is very decided in fixing the site of the
Hesperides in the neighbourhood of Berenice. "Not
far from the city" (Berenice), "is the river Lethon,
and the sacred grove where the gardens of the Hes-
perides are said to be situated. We do not mean,"
remarks Captain B. , "to point out any one of these
subterranean gardens as that which is described in the
passage above quoted from Scylax; for we know of
no one which will correspond, in point of extent, to
the garden which that author has mentioned. All
those which we saw were considerably less than the
fifth of a mile in diameter (the measurement given by
Scylax); and the places of this nature which would
best agree with the dimensions, are now filled with
water sufficiently fresh to be drinkable, and take the
form of romantic little lakes. Scarcely any two of the
gardens we met with were, however, of the same depth
or extent; end we have no reason to conclude that,
because we saw none which were large enough to be
fixed upon for the garden of the Hesperides, there is
therefore no place of the dimensions required; par-
ticularly as the singular formation alluded lo continues
? ?
to the foot of the Cyrenaic chain, which is fourteen
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? HESY CUIUS.
HT. l
wnetb. r the glossary which has reached us under the
name of this writer be really his, or whether it be not
merely an abridgment of his work. What has inclined
some to favour the latter opinion is the circumstance
of the citations being omitted. Others think, and with
tome, appearance of reason, that this lexicon was ori-
ginally a small volume, and that the numerous biblical
glosses which are at present found in it have been in-
tercalated by the copyists, who have taken the remarks
nade in the margin by the possessors of manuscripts
for portions of the text itself. However this may be,
the work of Hesychius is very important towards ac-
quiring a full knowledge of the Greek language. It
has preserved for us a large number of passages from
poets, orators, historians, and physicians, whose works
are lost. Hesychius explains, moreover, various words
that depart from the ordinary usage of the Greek
tongue, as well as terms used in sacrifices, gymnastic
encounters, &c. And yet it must be acknowledged
that his text is in a most corrupt state, and that when
he is a solitary witness his testimony ought to be re-
ceived with caution. (Mas. Crit. , vol. 1, p. 503. )
The work, in fact, has all the appearance of rough
notes, put down in the course of reading, rather than
of a finished production. It was not known until the
sixteenth century. Only one MS. , in the library of
St. Mark, at Venice, is said to be preserved, and that
is full of abbreviations, and has many erasures; which
accounts for the great corruption of the text, in spite
of the labours of many able editors. It appears, how-
ever, that in the seventeenth century there existed a
second manuscript in the Florence library. (EberCs
Bibliogr. Lexicon, vol. 1, p. 772. )--The best edition
of Hesychius is that of Alberti, completed by Kuhn-
ken, Lugd. Bat. , 1746-1776, 2 vols. fol. It is to be
regretted, however, that Alberti could not avail him-
self of the valuable MS. notes of Benlley on this lexi-
cographer. --The editio princepsof Hesychius was pub-
lished by the elder Aldus, Venice, 1514, fol. , under the
care of Marcus Musurus. The manuscript followed was
the Venice one. This, however, being, as we have al-
ready remarked, very difficult to decipher, and in other
respects extremely inaccurate, Musurus took great
pains to correct and restore it. This is often done
with intelligence and success; but often also he de-
ceives himself in his corrections, and in general treats
his original in too arbitrary a manner. Schow, of Co-
penhagen, being at Venice, collated the manuscript
with the edition of Alberti, and took note of all the
variations. He published this collation at Lcipsic,
1792, 8vo, under the title, "Hesychii Lexicon ex tod.
Ms. b'Miotkeca S. Marci restilutum, el ah omnibus
Musuri correctionibus repurgalum. " By the help of
this volume, the possessor of any edition of Hesychius,
for they are all based upon this manuscript, can make
the necessary corrections. The glosses, taken from
the Scriptures, that are found in Hesychius, were col-
lected and published by J. C. G. Ernesti, Lips. , 1785,
8vo. We may regard as the second volume of this
production the work published by Ernesti in 1786,
8vo, under the title, "Simla el Phavorini Glossa sa-
cra," in which are found two hundred and twenty-nine
losses of Hesychius, forgotten in the first volume.
? "o this may be joined the work of Schleusner, Ob-
tervat. in Suid. el Hayek. , Wittemb. , 1810, 4to.
Among the subsidiary works that illustrate Hesychius,
may be mentioned Toup'a Emendations (Toupii Emcn-
? ? iaiioncs in Suidam el Hcsyckium, Oxon. , 1790, 4
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? HETRURIA.
HETRURIA.
Kim wens called Tyrrhenians, occupied up to the limr
of Herodotus. If we divest the Lydian tradition of
? ante marvellous circumstances which are attached to
it, particularly those that relate to the famine, which
maybe fairly charged to Oriental hyperbole, there still
remains the record of an important event, which, con-
sidering the character of the historian who has handed
it down to us, and the geographica' information he
pMsessed, is certainly entitled to o,. r attention if it
d'>es not recommend itself to our belief. The great-
est argument, however, in favour of this tradition,
oust be allowed to consist in the weight of testimony
which can be collected in support of it from the wri-
ters of antiquity, especially those of Rome, who, with
few exceptions, seem to concur in admitting the fact
of the Lydian colony. (Consult Virg. , JEn. , 8, 479,
etpass. --Catull. , 31,13. --Horat. , Sat. , 1, 6. --Slat.
Silv. , 1, 2 -- Id. , 4,i. --Senec, ad Hell--Justin, 20,
l. -- Fal. Max. , 2,4--Plut. , Vit. Rom. --Pliny, 3, 5. )
--Strabo, who has entered more fully into the discus-
sion of the Tyrrhenian origin, does not seem to enter-
tain any doubt of the event which we are now con-
sidering, and he quotes Anticlidcs, an historian of
some authority, who reports that the first Pelasgi
settled in the islands of Imbros and I. emnos, and that
tome of them sailed with Tyrrhenus, the son of Alys,
to Italy. (Strabo, 219. ) In short, the presumption
would appear so strong in favour of this popular ac-
count of the origin of the Tyrrheni, that we might
consider the question to be decided, were not our at-
tention called to the opposite side by some weighty ob-
jections, advanced long since by Dionysius of Halicar-
nassus, and farther strongly urged by some modern
critics of great reputation and learning. Dionysius
seems to stand alone among the writers of antiquity
ts invalidating the facts recorded by Herodotus; and
though his own explanation of the origin of the Tyr-
rhenians is evidently inconsistent and unsatisfactory,
still it must be owned that his arguments tend greatly
to discredit the colony of the Lydian Tyrrhenus. , He
maintains, in the first plsce, that it is fabulous, from
the silence on so important an event of Xanthus the
historian of Lydia, a writer of great research and au-
thority, and more ancient than Herodotus. Xanthus
acknowledges no Lydian prince of the name of Tyr-
rhenus; the sons of Atys, according to him, were Ly-
dus and Torvbus, who both remained in Asia. Again,
Dionysius asserts that there was no resemblance to
be discovered either in the religion, customs, or lan-
guage of the Lydians and Tuscans; and, lastly, from
tne discrepance to be observed in the various state-
ments of the genealogy of Tyrrhenus and the period
of his migration, he feels justified in rejecting that
event as a mere fiction. (Ant. Rom. , 1, 30. ) The
advocates of Herodotus, however, have not been in-
timidated by these arguments, but have endeavoured
to prove their insufficiency. Among these may be
reckoned Ryckius (de primis Italia eolonis, c. fi);
Bishop Cumberland (Connexion of the Greek and Ro-
nton Antiquities. Trart. 7, c. 2); Dempster (Errur.
Regal, I, 4); Larcher (Hist, d'Herod. , vol. 1, p. );
? nd Lanzi (Saggio, &c, vol. 2, p. 102). On the
other hand, the reasons advanced by the Greek histo-
rian have appeared convincing to some eminent critics,
? urn as CluveriuB (Ilal. Antiq. , vol. 1, lib. 1. c. 1);
Frerct (Mem. de VAead. , vol. 18, p. 97); and Heyne
(Comment, dje. , Nov. Soe. Gott. , vol. 3, p. 39); who
? ? save, besides, added other objections to those already
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? HETRl-'RIA.
HEVRUKTA.
ancient author describes the Tyrrhenians of L) fia as
Pelasgians from Attica and the islands. The gene-
alogy of Herodotus from the Lydian authors makes
Tyrrhenus a son of Atys, king of Lydia; in that given
in Dionysius without the author's name, Lydus and
Tyrrhenus are brothers; in that of Xanthus the broth-
ira are called Lydus and Torybus or Torrhubus, i. e. ,
according to Muller, Tyrrhenus. Whichever of these
it s argue from, it appears very improbable that the
li'ieage of a band of Pclasgian pirates, who had settled
<n the coasts of Lydia, should have been carried up
to the ancient kings or gods of the country; and that,
ton, not by the Greeks, but by the Lydians themselves.
We cannot, therefore, avoid the conclusion, that the
Tyrrhenians were much more intimately connected
wi<\ the Lydian population than Muller's account of
lim\ supposes. Niebuhr makes the Mceonians (the
Jkut. eric name for the Lydians) to be Pelasgians, ar-
gute from tho name of their stronghold, Larissa,'
>>hi<<a is found in all countries occupied by Pelasgians;
VI (4- "i represents them as wholly different, alleging
thai to ancient author calls the Mceonians Pelasgians.
Thii >> true; but they make the Tyrrhenians Mceoni-
ans i tx* also Pelasgians, and therefore imply, though
they iV not assert, the identity of the people who bore
these i\ re names. The whole coast of Asia Minor
appeals to have been occupied by the Pelasgi, or na-
tions di taring from them only in name. Menecrates
(ap. Strai. , 571) related, that the Pelasgi had occu-
pied the whole of Ionia, from Mycale northward, and
the adjacent islands; the Carians, the Lclcges, and
ti* Caucones, the Trojans, and Mysians, were of the
name race, and also allied to the Lydians, as appears
from the genealogy given by Herodotus (1,171). Tho
Greeks themselves attribute the Pelasgic population
of Asia Minor to colonies sent from Greece or from
the islands; but their accounts of colonies before the
Homeric age, being founded on no contemporary au-
thority, must generally be regarded as historical hy-
potheses, chiefly grounded upon similarity of names,
which may often be more rationally explained from
Bther causes. It is, however, by no means probable
that the Lydians were wholly a Pelasgic people. The
phenomena of the history of Asia Minor are most
easily solved by the supposition that a nation of Syr-
ian origin was mingled in its two principal districts,
Lydia and Phrygia, with another nearly allied to the
Greeks. The Mosaic genealogy of nations (Gen. , 10,
22) assigns a Semitic origin to the Lydians; while it
refers most of the tribes of Asia Minor, along with the
Greeks, to the stock of Japheth. The mythology of
Lydia, the basis, as usual, of its dynasties of kings,
betrays its Syrian as well as Grecian affinities. Their
doitics "Arrr/f or "Attc (the same as noTaf, Hes. ),
and Ma, father and mother, have probably given their
name to the Atyadcs and the Maeonians; and their
worship is clearly the same with that of the Syrian
foddess, who was variously denominated Atargatis,
(erceto, Semiramis, Rhea, Juno, and Venus. The
chief seat of her worship at Hierapolis, was the resort
of the people of Asia Minor; and Ascalon, in Phoe-
nicia, appears to have been considered as a colony of
the Lydians (Steph. Byz. , >>. v) for no other reason
than that the traditions of the great goddess were in
a peculiar manner connected with this place. In the
list of the kings of Troy, whose names are generally
of Grecian etymology, the Oriental name of Assara-
? ? cus points to a mixture of Oriental mythology; and
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? HETRCRIA
HETRURIA.
ut. on to ili<< maritime town Tarquinii, and the hero
Tarchon, both probably only variations of the name
Tyrrheni. Here it was that the much-dreaded Pelas-
gians of Lydia landed and settled, bringing with them
the arts they had acquired at home or on their way.
For the first time the barbarous land saw men covered
with brass array themselves for battle to the sound of
the trumpet; here first tl. ey heard the loud sound of
the Lydt -Phrygian flute accompaiying the sacrifice,
and perhaps witnessed for the first time the rapid
course of the fifty-oared ship. As the legend, in its
propagation from mouth to mouth, swells beyond all
bounds, the whole glory of the Tuscan name, even
that which did not properly belong to the colonists,
attached itself to the name of Tarchon, the disciple
of Tages, as the author of a new and better era in the
history of Etruria. The neighbouring Urabrians and
Latins named the nation, which from this time began
to increase and diffuse itself, not from the primitive
inhabitants, but from these new settlers. For since,
in the Eugubine tables, Trusce occurs along with
Tuseom and Tuseer, it is impossible not to conclude,
that from the root TUR have been formed Trusicus,
Truscus, Tuscan; as from the root OP, Opscus and
Onus; so that Tvfifmvoi or Tvponvoi, and Tusci,
are only the Asiatic and Italic forms of one and tbo
same name. " (Etrusker, vol. 1, p. 100. ) The time
of such a colonization can, of course, only be fixed by
approximation. Miiller supposes it to have coincided
with the Ionic migration, and to have been occasioned
by it. The Umbrians were powerful in the land of
which the new colonists took possession, and long
wars must have been carried on with them before
they were dispossessed of the three hundred towns
which Pliny (3, 19) says they once held in the coun-
try afterward called Etruria. To the south the Etru-
rians extended themselves to the banks of the Tiber,
and even beyond it into Lalium, as the name of Tus-
colum proves. According to their own traditions, the
Bine Tarchon who founded the twelve cities of Etru-
ria led a colony across the Apennines and founded
twelve other cities. Of such a tradition, the historian
cat receive no more than the fact, that Etruria, in the
valley of the Po, was colonized from the southern
Etruria. Bologna, anciently Felsina, which stands
where the Apennines descend into the fertile plains
which border the Po, was probably the first of these
colonies, as it is called by Pliny (3, 20), "princeps
quondam Etruria -? " the names of most of the others
are uncertain. A stone, with an Etruscan inscription,
baa been found (Lanzi, vol. 2, p.
