No More Learning

Euripides declared in his Children of Hercules that he was taken pris-
oner by Iolaiis and afterwards was executed by order of Alcmena. But
most later authors reported that he was killed while in flight. Pausanias
repeated the older idea that the killer was Iolaiis. The Manual and
Diodorus asserted that he was Hyllus, and they noted that he brought
the severed head to Alcmena.
Following tradition, Ovid observed that Eurystheus transferred
his enmity to the children of Hercules and they felt obliged to leave
their home. But he said that Alcmena stayed in Trachin with Iole, who
soon was to bear Hyllus a child. Moschus had told how, during the
absence of Hercules at his labors, Alcmena and Megara were left discon-
solate and beguiled the time with talk about their loved hero. Ovid
imagined that, after the death of Hercules and the enforced departure
of his children, Alcmena and Iole were left disconsolate and beguiled the
time in a similar manner.
Alcmena, he said, expressed the hope that Iole might receive kind
treatment from the goddess of childbirth. She named Ilithyia, who
since the Iliad had been mentioned by the Greeks as presiding at such
occasions. In one passage the Iliad had spoken of more than one Ilithyia,
who might further the birth of a child, an idea repeated by the The-
ogony. But from the time of Pindar it became customary to mention
only a single goddess. The Romans identified her with their deity
Lucina, and later in the tale Ovid gave her this name also. Both the
Theogony and the Manual had described Ilithyia as daughter of Jupiter
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? GALANTHIS
and Juno. Ovid showed Alcmena adding that, for her, childbirth had
been exceedingly difficult.
Here Ovid introduced a little known Theban myth, which had been
recorded by Nicander. The Iliad had stated vaguely that Juno delayed
the birth of Hercules. Later Greek authors supposed that, when she
wanted to retard a process of this kind, she would interrupt the normal
action of Ilithyia. According to the Homeric Hymn to Delian Apollo,
Juno kept the goddess ignorant of Latona's condition and so caused
Latona nine days of torture. Nicander declared that in the case of
Alcmena, Juno went further. She persuaded Ilithyia maliciously to
impede the birth of Hercules, with the intention that prolonged suffer-
ing might cause Alcmena to die. Pindar had spoken of the Fates as
cooperating with Ilithyia to further childbirth. Nicander observed that
Juno persuaded them to cooperate in withholding it. As a result of their
combined efforts Alcmena was in torture seven days.
In many parts of the world primitive men have believed they could
aid a woman in travail by loosening various objects in the house. Ac-
cording to the Koita tribe of New Guinea, the husband ought to un-
fasten the cord round his hair and open all boxes and containers.
According to certain tribes of Nigeria, it is important to undo all knots
and open every lock in the house. Opposite conduct would impede the
birth of the child. It is reported that a certain jealous wife acted on
this principle, in order to spite her rival. Hiding a number of locks under
her dress, she visited the other woman's house and covertly fastened
them. Not content with that, she stole a waist belonging to the other
woman and tied it full of knots. Then she sat in front of the door with
her knees crossed and her fingers interlaced. Similar attempts to im-
pede childbirth are recorded in the folklore of many countries, from Italy
northwards to Scandinavia. Often men have thought it possible to get
relief by deceiving the malevolent woman and causing her to undo the
spell. In an English Ballad of Willie's Lady the hero's mother tied nine
knots in her hair, in order to prevent the birth of his child. But Willie
deceived her by fashioning a baby of wax and inviting her to the bap-
tismal service. Imagining that someone had frustrated her spell, the
mother undid her knots, and the child was born.
Nicander told a similar tale of Alcmena. Ilithyia and the Fates
visited her house and sat before the door of her bedroom holding their
fingers tightly interlaced. But a girlhood friend of Alcmena, Galin-
thias, daughter of Proetus, realized what they were doing and suddenly
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK NINE
announced that, by the will of Jove, Alcmena now had a son. In con-
sternation the goddesses released their fingers. The spell was broken,
and the child was born. The malevolent goddesses punished Galinthias by
transforming her into a weasel. Nicander noted that the animal still is
deceitful; and, following a mistaken scientific belief, he added that, be-
cause the mouth of Galinthias had made possible the birth of Hercules,
the weasel is condemned to bear young through her mouth. But Galin-
thias did not go without some reward. Hecate made her an attendant
of hers, and Hercules erected a shrine to her in his house and caused her
to be given the first offerings at Theban festivals in his honor.
Although Ovid took the outline of his tale from Nicander, he made
a number of changes. Ordinarily it was supposed that Alcmena bore
two sons, Hercules and Iphicles. Although the Iliad and Nicander did
not mention the fact, they said nothing to the contrary. But Ovid im-
plied clearly that Alcmena bore only one child. Following an observa-
tion of Moschus, he noted that she carried her son ten months, and he
added that her unborn child grew so heavy as to leave no doubt that his
father was Jupiter.
Ovid spoke of Alcmena as invoking both Lucina and the Nixi. The
latter were three male deities represented by kneeling statues in the
Forum at Rome. The images were said to have been imported from
Syria. Probably mistaking their true function, the Romans imagined
them as gods furthering childbirth. Ovid supposed that Ilythia alone
visited the house of Alcmena. He observed that she not only interlaced
her fingers but also crossed her knees and silently muttered charms to
prevent the delivery of the child. Afterwards in the tale of Myrrha
(Bk. 10) he spoke of her reciting charms to further childbirth. Ovid
noted that Alcmena cried out in her torture, reproaching Jupiter. This
made it plausible for Ilithyia to suspect that Jupiter allowed the birth
of Hercules.
Ovid called the deceitful woman Galanthis and gave a new account
of her. She was a girl of humble origin and an attendant of Alcmena,
active in her service and loved by her. Galanthis had distinctive reddish
yellow hair. While going in and out on errands for her mistress, she
observed the unknown female figure performing spells. Galanthis an-
nounced the birth of a child, but without mentioning Jupiter. The god-
dess not only opened her hands but sprang to her feet. Ovid added
plausibly that Galanthis laughed at her dismay and so provoked her
further.
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? GALANTHIS
According to the Iliad, Jupiter was so enraged at Ate's deceiving
him and giving dominion to Eurystheus that he seized her by the hair
and threw her down from the home of the gods. According to Ovid,
Ilythia was so enraged at Galanthis that she seized her by the hair and
threw her on the ground. Then, holding her down, she transformed her
into a weasel. Ovid repeated Nicander's idea that a weasel bears her
young through her mouth and added that Galanthis in her new form
retained her reddish yellow hair, her activity, and her love of dwelling
in the home. The less interesting details about her subsequent relation
to Hecate and Hercules, Ovid wisely omitted. Although he referred to
the malevolent goddess as Ilithyia or Lucina, he gave an impression
throughout that in reality she was Juno herself.
Ovid's idea that Galanthis, after becoming a weasel, retained her
love of dwelling in the home would have impressed his contemporaries as
remarkably true to life. Before the dawn of history European house-
holders had begun to suffer from the depredations of mice. They felt
the need of encouraging some other animal to frequent the house and
prey on these vermin. Sometimes the animal was a harmless variety of
snake. In warm weather the snake was a valuable ally, for it was not
especially afraid of human beings and it was able to pursue the mice in
almost all their hiding places. But in cold weather it became torpid and
allowed the mice to continue undisturbed.
A more useful animal was the weasel. With all the advantages of
the snake, it combined ability to hunt throughout the year. The weasel
became recognized as man's chief protector within the house. Plautus
mentioned it in this character, and other Roman poets followed his ex-
ample. The weasel was welcomed first in southern Europe, but, as the
practice of living in permanent dwellings became general, it was re-
ceived as a household animal all over the continent. The weasel had
certain disadvantages. It was somewhat malodorous and rather destruc-
tive to poultry. But it did not lose favor until the end of the medieval
period. For many centuries of readers, Ovid's description would have
continued to be true.
In Egypt the cat became a household animal before historical times.
From there it was brought to the Greek world as early as the year
1500 B. C. ; but it won favor very slowly, and it was regarded as a pet
for the amusement of the wealthy rather than a creature for practical
use. Callimachus, who lived in Egypt, appears to have been the first
Greek author to mention the cat as a protector of the household. He
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK NINE
spoke of Erysichthon as devouring his father's entire stock of animals,
even the cat which was the dread of all lesser beasts. And Callimachus
was mistaken in imagining that a cat would have been usual either in
the palace of Erysichthon or in a Greek mansion of his own day.
It was much later still before the cat was known to the Romans.
Ovid referred to it only as an Egyptian creature associated with Diana
(cf. Pierids, Bk. 5). The first Roman author to mention the cat as an
enemy of mice was the Elder Pliny. After his time the animal gradually
became a rival of the weasel, first in Italy and then in other parts of the
continent. With the close of the twelfth century A. D. the rat, migrat-
ing westwards from southern Asia, began to spread rapidly over Eu-
rope. Against this new enemy the weasel proved ineffectual. The cat
did far better and soon prevailed throughout the civilized world.
Ovid's account of the birth of Hercules was recalled more than once
in later times. Seneca followed Ovid in having first the death of Her-
cules and then Alcmena's account of his birth. Pliny, after alluding to
Ovid's tale, observed that spells of the kind used by Ilithyia were thought
to impede cure of the sick, councils, prayers, and other desirable activi-
ties. Milton declared in his Areopagitica that freedom from censorship
of books had been advantageous to England, and he added, no envious
Juno sat cross-legged over the nativity of any man's offspring. The
Scandinavian artist Bystrom made a painting of Juno and the infant
Hercules.
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? DRYOPE
Dryope
Seeing Alcmena grieved at the transformation of her servant
Galanthis, Iole spoke of her own still nearer cause of grief, the trans-
formation of her half sister Dryope. Iole referred to Dryope as a
daughter of Eurytus, the only child of his first wife. She proceeded to
recount the story as an eye witness.
Nicander had given Dryope a different parentage and had told
of her to the following effect. She was the only child of Dryops, king
of Oeta. While tending her father's flocks, she became friendly with the
tree nymphs and shared in their songs and dances. One day Apollo
saw her taking part in the dance. After waiting until the nymphs paused
for rest, he drew near in the form of a tortoise. Dryope sportively picked
up the creature and put it in her lap. Apollo changed immediately into
a serpent, and the nymphs fled in terror. Then, apparently resuming
his human form, he ravished Dryope. In time she bore a son called
Amphissos. Meanwhile Dryope concealed the fact that she had been
ravished, and she was happily married to a certain Andraemon. When
Amphissos grew up, he built a shrine to Apollo in the region, called
Dryopis, just south of Mt. Oeta. While his mother was visiting the
shrine, the nymphs carried her off. Although Nicander spoke of their
intentions as kindly, he left the motive obscure. To hide the abduction,
they caused a poplar tree and a spring to appear where Dryope last was
seen. Two girls told what the nymphs had done and were punished with
transformation into fir trees. Eventually Dryope herself became a
nymph.
Ovid reconstructed the tale radically. After describing Dryope as
a half-sister of Iole, he localized the events near Oechalia in Euboea. He
only mentioned the ravishment by Apollo and the happy marriage to
Andraemon, and he merely implied a friendship with the nymphs, by
observing that Dryope went out one day to prepare garlands for them.
He then proceeded to give a new and circumstantial account of her
transformation. In her arms she carried Amphissos, whom she still was
feeding with milk. Iole accompanied her. Ovid imagined that entirely
contrary to her intent Dryope herself offended the nymphs and suffered
metamorphosis into a tree.
In the search for garlands, Dryope and Iole visited a certain
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK NINE
attractive pond. Here their attention was caught by an unfamiliar tree
with purple flowers. Ovid noted that it was a lotus. Ancient authors
gave this name not only to certain exotic water plants but also to many
other kinds of vegetation -- eleven in all. At one extreme they included
the African jujube tree, whose fruit beguiled the lotus eaters of the
Odyssey, and at the other, the European species of yellow clover, which
in the Georgics was recommended as fodder for cattle. Ovid spoke of
the flowers which attracted Dryope as belonging to a water lotus but he
specified that he was referring to a tree and that later in the season it
would have had berries. Probably it was the lotus or nettle tree, which
bears a small, sweet fruit. This variety was native to Africa and had
been imported by the Romans into Italy.
To please the little Amphissos, Dryope gathered some of the flow-
ers. As Iole was about to follow her example, she observed that blood
dripped from the stems-of the newly gathered blossoms and that the torn
branches moved with a shiver of fright. Here Ovid recalled not only
Vergil's incident of bleeding shrubs on the tomb of Polydorus but also
his own description of the oak trembling and showing pallor before the
upraised axe of Erysichthon (Bk. 8).
Ovid mentioned the cause of this alarming event, as Iole learned it
afterwards from the country folk of the neighborhood.
The story
appears to have been told originally of the goddess Vesta and to have
been as follows. Priapus, departing late from a banquet, happened to
notice Vesta asleep in the grass under a maple tree. Approaching in a
stealthy manner, he was about to seize and ravish her, when an ass
brayed. The goddess awoke and escaped. Vergil noted in his Copa that
the ass still is a favorite with Vesta. Ovid recorded the tale in his Fasti.
The story was told also of a nymph called Lotis, and Ovid included
this version in another part of his Fasti. In telling it, he may have imi-
tated a few circumstances from his own account of Daphne (Bk. 1). At
first, he said, Priapus courted Lotis, and she contemned him. The god
then tried unsuccessfully to surprise her. Lotis in her alarm roused the
other nymphs, and they ridiculed the god, as he stood confused and
chagrined in the moonlight. For that reason, Ovid added, Priapus
welcomes the sacrifice of an ass. In the Fasti, Ovid ended the tale here.
But he imagined the terrified Lotis as fleeing to the edge of a pool and
winning safety by transformation into a lotus tree. To this event he
now alluded in the tale of Dryope.
Seeing blood ooze from the broken twigs of the lotus, Dryope
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? DRY OPE
offered prayers to the nymphs and wished to depart. But she had in-
curred their anger, and she herself was changing into a lotus tree. While
Ovid recorded the transformation, he took many circumstances from
his previous account of the Heliads (Bk. 2). Dryope's feet became
rooted in the ground; bark crept upwards to her waist; she would have
torn her hair but found only new, green leaves; Iole tried to check the
advancing bark; but it continued until only the face of Dryope remained
visible. Ovid added the further particulars that her child felt his
mother's breast stiffen and withhold its milk and the newly formed bark
seemed warm to the touch. He saw a chance to add much sentimental
detail. He imagined that the rest of Dryope's body was transformed
rapidly but that for a long time her face remained. He noted that An-
draemon and Eurytus arrived and clung in despair about the trunk and
roots and that Dryope complained at some length, protesting her inno-
cence and bidding them give her many chances to enjoy the presence of
her child.
Ovid's powerful and pathetic narrative attracted several authors
of England. Pope translated it. Landor treated the story in a Latin
idyll. Browning expressed his admiration of the gift of fancy enjoyed
by his hero Gerard de Lairesse, observing,
Could I gaze intent
On Dryope plucking the blossoms red,
As you, whereat her lote tree writhed and bled,
Yet lose no gain, no hard fast wide-awake
Having and holding of nature for the sake
Of nature only -- nymph and lote tree thus
Gained by the loss of fruit not fabulous.
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK NINE
IoLAUS
With the conversation between Alcmena and Iole, Ovid associated
a number of events in the later mythical history of Thebes. The first
of these was a marvellous transformation of Iolaiis, nephew of Hercules
and his former charioteer. Euripides had told the story in his tragedy
called the Children of Hercules. When Demophoon of Athens defeated
the army of Eurystheus, he said, Iolaiis took part in the battle but was
rather old and infirm. As the tide of conflict turned, Iolaiis observed
Eurystheus on the point of escaping by flight. He prayed that he might
regain his youth for a day, in order to capture him. The deities Her-
cules and Hebe appeared as two stars on his chariot, and he was rejuve-
nated. Ovid, not wishing to tell of the battle, imagined the transforma-
tion as continuing much longer than a day, so that Iolaiis was able to
visit Trachin and amaze Alcmena and Iole with his boyish appearance.
Ovid seems to have imagined the rejuvenation as lasting a number of
years, for already he had spoken of Iolaiis as participating long after-
wards in the Calydonian Boar Hunt (Bk. 8).
Following the implication of Euripides, Ovid stated that Iolaiis
was transformed by Hebe, goddess of youth. He decided to make this
occurrence the occasion for introducing other events in the mythical
history of Thebes. Ovid imagined that Hebe was reluctant to intervene
in behalf of Iolaiis, although he suggested no cause for such reluctance,
and that she was on the point of swearing before the assembled gods
that in the future she always would allow human beings to grow old
at the natural rate. From this, said Ovid, she was prevented by Themis,
a goddess often credited with oracular wisdom, as Ovid himself had
observed in his tales of the Deluge (Bk. 1) and Atlas (Bk. 4). Both
these tales had shown her veiling the message in oracular obscurity.
In a similar manner she now predicted events which were to happen
in the later mythical history of Thebes. For Ovid the device of an
obscure prediction made it possible to recall a few interesting cir-
cumstances and dismiss the rest of Theban tradition. For Ovid's con-
temporaries the subject probably was sufficiently well known to make
his allusions intelligible.
All the events predicted by Themis were related to the sons of
Oedipus. Tradition had spoken of these events as occurring about a
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? IOLAUS
generation before the period of the Trojan War and had noted that
some of them had occurred before the death of Thesaus. Otherwise they
had no clear relation to any of the stories which Ovid had been telling.
Ovid put the earliest of these events a few years after the deification of
Hercules. All of them were concerned more or less with the death of
the seer Amphiaraus. And, since Ovid had mentioned the seer as taking
part in the Calydonian Boar Hunt, he implied that all events predicted
by Themis occurred after that famous adventure. To put them at some
time after the death of Hercules and the Calydonian Boar Hunt was
in harmony with tradition. But it was inconsistent with Ovid's own
account of Cephalus. Ovid imagined the sons of Oedipus as flourishing
at a time which was much longer than a generation after their father
overcame the riddling sphynx.
Most of these later Theban events had been familiar to the Greeks
of prehistoric times. The Iliad had mentioned a number of them. A
certain King Adrastus, it said, lived for a while at Sicyon and after-
wards ruled over Mycenae. There a prince named Polynices visited him,
in order to obtain aid against Eteocles of Thebes. At the same time
Tydeus, a younger brother of Meleager, happened to be visiting Myce-
nae on a quest of his own. Both Adrastus and Tydeus agreed to help
Polynices and enlisted other heroes, one of whom was Capaneus. But
they disregarded the will of the gods and failed in their attempt. Later
the sons of a number of these heroes, piously relying on Jupiter, under-
took a second expedition and captured Thebes. The Iliad also alluded
to the idea that Adrastus had been saved after his defeat by the swift-
ness of his horse Arion. The Odyssey gave the following information
about another ally of Polynices, the seer and warrior Amphiaraus.
Although he was honored both by Jupiter and by Apollo, he died before
his time, for his wife Eriphyle took a bribe of gold and caused him to
perish at Thebes. He left two sons, of whom the elder was named
Alcmaeon.
The Thebaid told about the first expedition against Thebes. It
noted that Eteocles and Polynices were sons of Oedipus and that, after
his abdication, they treated him with disrespect and suffered from his
curse. Another early epic called Epigoni (Later Born), told about the
second expedition against Thebes. Both of these epics now are lost.
Aeschylus in a series of plays treated the whole subject of later
Theban history. Only one play survives, The Seven against Thebes. In
this work Aeschylus noted many further circumstances. Oedipus in his
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK NINE
imprecation had declared that his sons were to divide their inheritance
with the sword. They understood his words as predicting their violent
death. Eteocles exiled his brother. Polynices enlisted in his cause seven
other chieftains,* among them Amphiaraus. The seer tried to dissuade
his allies. Their cause, he said, was bad; and, if they should persist, he
himself must die and be interred in Theban soil. They defied his augur-
ies, and Capaneus behaved in a manner that was especially impious.
On the Theban side Eteocles, feeling that he was doomed, made no
effort to prevent the fatal encounter. Both Eteocles and Polynices fell
in battle. Capaneus, while mounting the wall, was blasted with lightning.
Amphiaraus died by a Theban spear. Only Adrastus escaped. In a sub-
sequent play called Eleusmnians, Aeschylus told how the people of
Thebes refused burial to their fallen enemies until Theseus led an army
against Thebes and was able to perform the funeral rites.
Pindar took great interest in Amphiaraus and mentioned addi-
tional circumstances. At first the seer had made war on Adrastus and
had exiled him to Sicyon. Later Amphiaraus became reconciled to
Adrastus, allowed him to resume authority at Mycenae, and married his
sister Eriphyle. Pindar gave a different account of the seer's death.
While attempting to escape after the defeat, Amphiaraus was pursued
so closely by a Theban named Periclymenus that he prayed to Jupiter
for deliverance. Jupiter cleft the earth with a thunderbolt, and it
swallowed up the seer with his chariot and horses. This afterwards be-
came the usual account. In the Old Testament the similar fate of
Korah and his fellow rebels against Moses was regarded as punishment
from heaven. But Pindar and his successors felt that by engulfing Am-
phiaraus, Jupiter had shown him special honor. Pindar noted that later
the seer spoke from beneath the ground and advised the Epigoni to
choose his son Alcmaeon as their leader. Sophocles declared in his
Electra that Amphiaraus, although still alive, was ruling in Hades.
Herodotus observed that he became a deity.
Both Sophocles and Euripides took great interest in the later
mythical history of Thebes. Sophocles wrote dramas about Eriphyle,
the Epigoni, and Alcmaeon -- all of which now are lost. In his Oedipus
at Colonus, he gave a different reason for the curse against Eteocles and
Polynices. The brothers offended Oedipus, he said, because they exiled
"Aeschylus and Sophocles gave their names as follows: Adrastus, Tydeus, Capa-
neus, Amphiaraus, Parthenopaeus, Hippomedon, and a certain Eteoclus. Euripides
in the Suppliants gave the same list, but in the Phoenissae omitted Eteoclus and
counted Polynices among the seven. The Manual gave both lists.
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? IOLAUS
him from Thebes. Euripides in his Phoenissae treated the expedition
of Polynices. At first, he said, Eteocles and Polynices tried to escape
the curse by agreeing to hold power alternately. During the first year
Eteocles was to rule and Polynices was to live in exile. But at the end
of the year Eteocles refused to exchange places with his brother. Ac-
cording to Euripides, the brothers survived the battle but immediately
afterwards killed each other in a duel. Euripides in the Suppliants
recounted the intervention of Theseus. He wrote also a drama about
Alcmaeon, which now is lost. During the fourth century B. C. the inter-
vention of Theseus was discussed again by the Athenian orators Lysias
and Isocrates. They described it as an early instance of Athens bravely
and generously protecting the weak from injustice and urged their con-
temporaries to continue this policy.
The Manual repeated briefly the whole Theban tradition. It added
the following details about Eriphyle. When Amphiaraiis became recon-
ciled to Adrastus, they agreed that she was to decide any future dispute
between them. Polynices learned this fact, and, when Amphiaraiis ad-
vised against the march on Thebes, he resolved to win the favor of
Eriphyle. In the lore of primitive peoples it sometimes had been imag-
ined that a certain valuable object acquired sinister properties and
brought disaster successively to each of many persons who got posses-
sion of it. Probably the most famous example is the Rhinegold of Ger-
manic tradition. According to the ancient Greeks, a similar fatal treas-
ure entered into the story of Amphiaraiis.
Polynices offered Eriphyle a golden necklace, which originally had
been a wedding present of his ancestress Harmonia. Although Am-
phiaraiis had warned his wife to receive no gift from the Theban prince,
Eriphyle accepted the bribe and required her husband to undertake the
fatal expedition. Realizing her treachery, Amphiaraiis told Alcmaeon
to avenge his death, as soon as he should become a man, first by killing
Eriphyle and then by making war on Thebes.
When the Epigoni were assembling their forces, one of them offered
Eriphyle the robe of Harmonia, and in return for this new bribe she
persuaded Alcmaeon to proceed first against Thebes. Alcmaeon, learning
of her treachery, was confirmed in his purpose. After defeating the
Thebans in the field, he entered their city unopposed. Then he returned
and killed his faithless mother.
As punishment for the crime, he went mad and wandered about,
pursued by the Fury of his mother's murder. At Psophis in Arcadia,
275
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK NINE
King Phegeus cured his madness and gave him his daughter in mar-
riage. But the crops failed, and an oracle warned Alcmaeon to obtain
purification of guilt from the river God Acheloiis. Alcmaeon did this and
also married the god's daughter Calirrhoe. A few years later she insisted
that Alcmaeon should try to get her the necklace and robe of Harmonia.
In this attempt he was killed by the sons of Phegeus. Calirrhoe then
prayed to Jupiter asking that her own infant sons might become full
grown in order to avenge their father. The prayer was granted. Her
sons killed the murderers, and also Phegeus and his queen, and pre-
sented the necklace to the temple of Apollo at Delphi, presumably dis-
pelling its fatal properties.
The story of Eriphyle and the fatal necklace attracted brief
notice from several Augustan poets. Propertius referred to it twice,
Horace alluded to it in his Odes, and Ovid mentioned it in his Amores. .
In the Metamorphoses, Ovid showed Themis alluding to many
events of later Theban history. She mentioned the expedition of Poly-
nices, the death of the brothers in a duel, the blasting of Capaneus, the
descent of Amphiaraiis into Hades, and the murder of Eriphyle. She
noted also that Alcmaeon was victorious in the expedition of the Epi-
goni, and that Callirhoe asked him for the fatal necklace. In the story of
Alcmaeon, Ovid may have followed some epic or tragedy which now is
lost. He declared that Alcmaeon never recovered from his madness and
that Phegeus himself killed him. And, probably because Ovid could not
introduce the famous tale of Orestes, he made the story of Alcmaeon re-
semble it. He stressed the fact that by killing his mother Alcmaeon be
came at once pious and impious, and he declared that he was pursued
both by the Furies and by his mother's ghost.