Relying on English and American data,
McCosh (1976, 217) provides what appear to be traditional solutions (nos.
McCosh (1976, 217) provides what appear to be traditional solutions (nos.
Childens - Folklore
The riddler pretends
to adopt the identity of the person, place, or thing being described:'7
57. I have a tail. I have a body. I have a face. I am white and
black. What am I?
-a skunk. (Weiner 1970, 9)
This technique does not appear in the Austin material.
THE ACQUISITION OF RIDDLING COMPETENCE
The acquisition of riddling skills is essentially the acquisition of an artistic
competence. Children just entering elementary school have mastered the
basic linguistic resources of their native tongue. They have a rudimentary
grasp of the cognitive systems in their culture. And, through their sponta-
neous play, they have gained practice with the "performance persona"
(McDowell 1979, 187). In learning how to riddle, children learn to apply
these acquired and developing competencies to the specific purposes of riddle
interaction.
Although a number of developmental schemes are available (for ex-
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? ? ample, Weiner 1970, Sanches and Kirshenblatt-Gimblett 1976, Sutton-
Smith 1976b; Wolfenstein 1954), that proposed by McDowell (1979) and
elaborated by Bauman (1977b) best suits our purposes here. In contrast
to the others, this perspective treats riddle acquisition as a social interac-
tional process.
During the initial stage in the acquisition process (around five years),
youngsters learn the basics of riddle interaction. Through observing and
participating, they learn that the poser of a riddle gains the floor, that the
riddle contains both a question and an answer, that the respondent should
be given a chance to guess, and that the poser should know the answer to
his own question (Bauman 1977b, 26). Guided by these observations and
stimulated by the riddles they hear from others, these youngsters make up
their own routines (as discussed below); they also learn that the respondent's
correct answer reflects positively on the riddler. By learning to present such
"successful" routines, young children increase their understanding of the
relationship between riddling and ego-enhancement.
At the second stage (around six years), children tend to modify their
views as to what constitutes a "good" riddle. Now they come to believe that
a riddle is a puzzling question with an arbitrary answer (Bauman 1977b,
27; Sutton-Smith 1976b, 115). Noticing that riddlers always seem to be right,
regardless of the esoteric sequences they come up with, children at this stage
are apt to initiate sequences like the following:
58. riddler: What color is blood?
respondent: Red
riddler: Nope, it's blue and black. (Bauman 1977b, 27)
"Potent elicitations" (Bauman 1977b, 27) such as this don't receive much
peer group reinforcement. Since the relationship between the question and
its answer is grasped only by the riddler (if indeed that), coparticipants aren't
motivated to encourage similar routines. Faced with losing respondents,
young riddlers once again modify their understanding of riddles. Though they
still regard riddles as confusing, children come to assume that riddles must
nevertheless be entertaining. As a result, they turn to the subjects of sexual-
ity and scatology. If they weren't aware of it before, they soon realize that
"dirt" sells:
59. riddler: What do you call people?
respondent: I don't know, what?
riddler: Doo-doo people. (Bauman 1977b, 27)
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? ? Toward the end of the second stage, children's interest in traditional riddles
begins to surface. This burgeoning recognition, however, outstrips the young-
sters' understanding of riddles' speech play. The children can't yet grasp all
of the linguistic and sociolinguistic complexities in the riddles they try to
repeat. As a result, some of their attempts are flawed:
60. What did the mean frog say to the nice frog? -"I hope you
crick" (instead of "croak"). (Bauman 1977b, 28)
As children enter and proceed through the third stage (of around seven
years), their production errors decrease markedly. Youngsters come not only
to recognize the riddle as a traditional form, they are also beginning to ap-
preciate it as such. As this shift is realized, the children increase their efforts
to learn and to produce riddles as preset pieces, with a stable question and
a fixed answer. The display of competence becomes a matter of demonstrat-
ing one's knowledge of riddles within the peer group. '8
In the final stage (at around eight years), children routinely succeed in
the use of traditional riddles. In effect, they have gained mastery of peer-group
riddling. The literature (Wolfenstein 1954; McDowell 1979) suggests that
children maintain an interest in riddling until about the age of ten or twelve.
After that time, they put their performance energies into other genres, allow-
ing their interest in riddling to decline. Since most mainstream American so-
ciety tends to regard riddling as a children's activity and thus as one inappro-
priate for adults except under special circumstances (Roberts and Forman
1972, 182), we might say that youngsters between eight and twelve have prob-
ably acquired as much competence in riddling as they will ever have.
Functions of Children's Riddling
Outside of the fact that it allows its participants to engage in social interac-
tion, there is perhaps no single, universal function of riddling. At the least,
riddle functions result from an interplay among the participants' perception
of situational circumstances, their combined and individual goals, and their
relative commitment to group and community standards. Documenting
riddle functions depends on in-depth fieldwork and the analysis of riddles
in individual communities, groups, and situations.
Below, I review some of the possible riddle functions based on the
factor of social interaction.
Several researchers (for example, Roberts and Forman 1971; Sutton-
Smith 1976b; Bauman 1982) have observed that in many urban groups rid-
dling is a way of engaging in, representing, and commenting on the processes
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? ? of questioning and answering. '9 Children have an interest in playing out and
playing with interrogative formats. For example, riddling models the kind
of interrogation that is ubiquitous in educational settings (Bauman 1982,
184). As a result, children's riddling may in part be an adaptive mechanism,
allowing youngsters to come to terms with the participant structures of
schooling. This perspective has several points that support it. Adult-child
interrogation is characteristic not only of classroom interaction but also of
interaction in the home environment. Parents routinely query children about
the children's activities. It is not surprising, then, that children are attracted
to an activity that allows them to serve in the role of interrogator. That role
allows children some access to power. The children also become the focus
of attention. And, in supplying the riddle answer, they enjoy "being right. "
As an expressive model of interrogation, riddling also permits young-
sters to manipulate the resources of communication. As I've shown, riddles
are based on common solicitational strategies. As framing devices, these strat-
egies serve as tools by which people orient and indicate their perceptions of
the world. In riddling, such strategies facilitate the exchange of information,
for example, by advising respondents of some of the cognitive and commu-
nicative work they are to do. Descriptive questions require that respondents
notice details and generalize from them. Respondents to classification ques-
tions must indicate the categorization of experience. Comparison-contrast
questions require information about similarities or differences in domains
of experience. To be sure, riddles counterpoint these familiar strategies with
a variety of disruptive techniques. True riddles have their block elements;
joking riddles surprise with humor, and parodic forms startle with nonsense
or victimization. These techniques complicate communication, whether the
respondent's task is to solve the riddler's question or to relate its answer to
assumptions of everyday life . The tension, however, is not irresoluble. The
enigma of a true riddle can be solved, the humor of a joking riddle can be
appreciated, and (except for the most drastic of the victimization forms) the
absurdity of a parodic riddle can be dismissed as inconsequential to every-
day concerns.
In concluding, I should point out that children are not likely to be
self-consciously aware of the functions summarized above. For them, rid-
dling is primarily a form of folk entertainment, one that also attests to the
participants' competence in peer group and community traditions.
NOTES TO CHAPTER EIGHT
1. Catch routines, soliciting either a verbal or a physical response, are treated
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? ? in Roemer 1977. The interactional organization and developmental acquisition of
knock-knock routines are discussed in Bauman 1977b. For an extensive collection of
knock-knock routines, see McCosh 1976, 204-12.
2. The riddle proposition is the "question" unit of a riddle. It may take the
form of an interrogative (such as riddle no. 35) or a statement (such as riddle no. 7).
3. Riddle act invitations are not unique to American children. Schapera (1932,
217) reports the following concerning the riddle invitation, proposition, and answer
in children's riddling among the Bakxatla of South Africa:
The question is framed in the formula: mpolelle dil6 o mpolallo xore. . . ke eng?
(Tell me something, what is. . . ? ), the actual riddle appearing in the body of the for-
mula. The answer follows simply: ke. . . (it is so and so). E. g. , mpolalla dil, o mpolelle
xore ntlo e tsweu ee senang mojak6 ke eng? Ke lee. (Tell me something. Tell me what
is the white hut which has no door? It is an egg. ) In practice, the formula is often wholly
omitted once it has been used with the opening riddle, and the bare question is set; or
else the word, mpolelle (tell me), is placed before each of the remaining riddles.
We might also note that English-language true riddle (no. 8) incorporates a
riddle act invitation ("riddle me") as part of its own rhyming structure. For an early
description of a riddle act sequence in a traditional Native American culture, see Jett6
1913, 182-84.
4. Riddlers who taunt respondents who don't know the riddle answer have
also been reported among Finnish children. In the first Finnish riddle collection,
Aenigmata Fennica (1783), Christfrid Ganander wrote: "Lastly, one takes note that
the young folks, boys and girls, test each other still at present with riddles in our prov-
ince; it is shameful if the other cannot answer three riddles, and they then send [her]
to the yard of shame (hapiapiha), and even wee children know still today how to say
to each other, if the companion cannot answer three riddles: 'Go to Hyvola; may the
dogs of Hyvola bark. Daughter, go to see who is coming there? A poor ragged girl all
dressed in rags. A mouse is her horse, a ladle is her sleigh . . . '" (italics added), cited
in Maranda 1976, 127.
5. Nor to my knowledge has anyone yet attempted such a comprehensive treat-
ment, one integrating the various levels of the riddles' construction.
6. Although these are not the only rhetorical strategies upon which riddles
draw, for reasons of space they must bear the burden of illustration here. One impor-
tant strategy omitted from this chapter is that of instrumentality (for example, "Why
did the man throw the clock out the window? -To make time fly" [Weiner 1970, 23;
see also McDowell 1979, 64-65]). The use of instrumentality in riddles is particularly
complex because it is is used strategically in both the riddle and the puzzle genres.
7. In its strictest sense, the term "Wellerism" refers to a quotation proverb such
as "'Every man to his taste,' said the farmer when he kissed the cow. " In British and
American societies, the pattern of Wellerism proverbs is attributed to the literary fig-
ure, Sam Weller, who frequently used such sayings in Dickens's novel, Pickwick Pa-
pers (1836-37) (Taylor 1949, 1169-70). On Wellerisms recorded in the English lan-
guage, see Mieder and Kingsbury 1993. Some folklorists have adapted the term
Wellerism riddle to describe forms like nos. 15-17. For additional examples from
children's tradition, see Opie and Opie 1959, 81-83 and McCosh 1976, 212-14.
8. Children's ethnic riddles and jokes are examined in Knapp and Knapp 1976,
191-205; McCosh 1976, 112-22, 226-55; Bronner 1988, 122-23, 292-94, n. 19.
9. And, of course, a visual sketch can be rendered in somewhat different ways
depending on the perspective of the individual riddler. What matters is that the sketch
presented accords with the eventual verbal answer. Ewa Ostergren (1983) has offered
sixty-six drawings that accord with the visual riddle answer "a giraffe passing a win-
dow. " The sketches were produced by Swedish schoolchildren from three different
classes. Of Ostergren's collection, Bengt af Klintberg (personal communication) has
commented: "What is interesting in [Ostergren's] study is that she makes clear that
the children learn the idea of the riddle and then visualize it according to their own
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? ? experiences. [In] other words, the Parry and Lord theory seems to be useful for
children's pictorial riddling! " (italics in the original). My thanks to Professor Klintberg
for making this information and a copy of Ostergren's collection available to me. Other
published versions of the "giraffe passing the window" sketch can be found in
Klintberg 1980, 193 and Roemer 1982a, 183.
10. Klintberg (1980, 198) also reports that analogous forms are known in
Germany (as Drudel) as well as in England.
Relying on English and American data,
McCosh (1976, 217) provides what appear to be traditional solutions (nos. 646-49)
to visual riddle drawings. She neither identifies the statements as being part of such
pairings, however, nor does she provide the drawings.
11. For a South African (Bakxatla) version of riddle nos. 32-34, see footnote
no. 3.
12. Parodic forms often run in cycles. Some cycles popular since the early 1960s
have dealt with elephants, grapes, bananas, and dead babies. See McCosh 1976, 60-
65 for both English and American examples, and, for both texts and bibliography, see
Bronner 1988, 125-27, 295-96 n. 22 on elephant riddles, as well as n. 23 on dead
baby riddles. For studies of "sick humor" and the use of stereotypes in riddles and
jokes, see Dundes 1987.
13. Sequences like this have been called "pretended obscene riddles. " See
Hullum 1972-73 and Brown 1973.
14. Though children learn most of their riddles from other children and, to a
lesser extent, from adults, important popular-culture riddle resources include books,
magazines, television programs, and artifactual material such as bubble gum wrap-
pers and "Dixie" riddle cups.
15. McDowell (1979, 33-37, 59-66) uses "descriptive routine" as a catch term
for a variety of spontaneously generated routines. I restrict the term to routines based
on the technique of description only, or primarily such.
16. Between 1973 and 1976, the University of Texas Children's Folklore Project
collected and investigated a range of folkloric forms used by Anglo, Mexican Ameri-
can, and black five- through eight-year-olds in Austin, Texas. Work produced by project
members is reviewed in Bauman 1977b, 1982.
17. Description phrased in the first person is sometimes found in true riddles.
Such riddles were occasionally used by the older children in Weiner's sample:
The strongest man in the world can't hold me long,
yet I am lighter than a feather. What am I?
-breath. (collected from a nine-year-old, as reported in Weiner 1970,
25; see also Taylor 1951, 667)
Though Weiner does not discuss the possibility, it may be suggested that the
younger children borrowed this technique from hearing the older children tell "true"
riddles.
18. As their interest in traditional riddles increases, children's concern with
made-up routines declines. During riddle sessions, though, older children do occasion-
ally fall back on made-up routines when they exhaust their ready supply of traditional
riddles (McDowell 1979).
19. For a discussion of culturally based relationships between riddling (includ-
ing that of children) and values of dialogism and polyphony in Madagascar; see Haring
1985.
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? ? 9
TALES AND LEGENDS
Elizabeth Tucker
Children are natural storytellers, and collectors of folklore can get a great
deal of enjoyment from recording their tales and legends. On playgrounds,
at parties, and around campfires-especially on dark, spooky nights-the
stories children tell are amazing in their variety. They range from brief, hastily
mumbled renditions to impressively long tales with artistic sound effects:
clicks, thumps, screams, and carefully timed pauses. Some children take a
lot of pride in their storytelling abilities, while others give little thought to
the tales they are telling. But in every case, children's folktales and legends
teach us about the narrators' personalities, enthusiasms, and anxieties. They
reveal community standards and cultural trends, as well as cross-cultural
similarities; multinational studies of children's stories have revealed some
striking parallel texts. Classifying the stories' origins and migrations can be
an absorbing task, but delving into their deeper meanings is a process that
has interested psychologists, sociologists, and linguists as well as folklorists.
For the collector setting out to gather children's stories, a number of
options are available. Children can be interviewed singly or in groups, in
their classrooms during school hours or in the midst of their free play and
recreational activities. Each type of collecting yields a somewhat different
kind of story. All alone with an adult researcher, a boy may be careful to
give plenty of details but hesitant to broach taboo subjects; in the middle of
her Scout group, a girl may laugh, shout, and skip from one subject to an-
other as her peers' reactions change. Single-sex groups have different reper-
toires than mixed groups, and classroom gatherings tend to have different
atmospheres from get-togethers in less formal circumstances. In general, I
have found that the more natural the setting is, the better storytelling is likely
to be. Young people tend to relax in places they know well, and their sto-
ries flow better with minimal adult interference. Even though unregulated
gatherings get raucous at times, with children clamoring for turns to tell their
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? ? stories, the results are much more interesting than those from carefully timed
and disciplined sessions. Each collector must choose the type of collecting
situation that she or he wants, taking all of these variables into account.
Once the stories have been gathered and the process of analysis be-
gins, it is easy to start categorizing the tellers as representatives of their age,
sex, and socioeconomic groups. It can be useful to think about "the adoles-
cent boy," "the middle-class girl," or "the disadvantaged pre-schooler," but
such abstractions should not interfere with attention to individual narrators.
Each child has his or her own temperament, interests, moods, and idiosyn-
crasies; all of these individual factors are relevant to the process of
storytelling. Of course, it isn't always feasible to get to know every child
informant in depth-but the further the acquaintance goes, the more reward-
ing collecting is likely to be for both the storyteller and the researcher. Chil-
dren cease to be mere representatives of categories when they are present,
with all their quirks and challenges, over long periods of time. While their
stories may fall into developmental patterns that have already been estab-
lished, there are always surprises and deviations from the familiar trends.
In this chapter I will maintain a rough developmental sequence, be-
ginning with very young children's stories and ending with the legends told
by boys and girls on the brink of adolescence. Some clarification of the terms
"tale," "legend," and "story" is necessary at the outset. The tale, or folktale,
as it is more properly called, is a story with traditional content that has a
certain kind of plot structure. This structure is clearly recognizable, from the
"once upon a time" beginning to the "happily ever after" ending. While
folktale heroines such as Cinderella and Red Riding Hood may suffer many
misfortunes, we know that they will find happiness in the end. In the leg-
end, on the other hand, disastrous conclusions are quite common; heroines
and heroes have no guarantee of a happy ending. Often told as true stories,
legends may be long and elaborate or brief and unadorned. They may be
attributed to a definite place or person: "This happened in California," for
example. If we hear of a poodle exploding in a microwave oven in San Fran-
cisco, our sense of geographic authenticity is heightened.
Legends and tales make up many of the narratives told by children,
but not all; the rest can simply be called stories. "Story" is a general term
that indicates a verbal account with some sequential development; one event
follows another, and characters experience major or minor changes. Among
the youngest narrators, "story" is often the best term to use. All legends and
tales are stories, but not all stories lend themselves to classification by tra-
ditional folkloristic categories.
I will discuss story types that I have found to be typical of three age
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? ? groups-two to five, six to nine, and ten to twelve-with quite a lot of at-
tention to individual storytellers. I have thoroughly enjoyed gathering sto-
ries from children and supervising my students in their collecting projects;
it has been difficult to choose among so many entertaining texts. I hope this
sample will reflect some of the pleasure that comes from getting to know
young narrators and hearing their favorite tales.
VERY YOUNG CHILDREN: TWO TO FIVE
When we think of children telling stories, we are likely to picture kids who
are old enough to go to school, camp, and slumber parties-not tiny chil-
dren whose ability to speak is still on the shaky side. It can seem strange to
learn that two-, three-, four-, and five-year-olds are among the most candid
and enterprising of storytellers. Their tales tend to be quite short, for obvi-
ous reasons of skill and attention span, but some four- and five-year-olds'
stories go on at surprising length. Dreams, fantasies, and facts of everyday
life merge in young children's narratives to form fascinating combinations
that have their own inner logic. Folklorists have sometimes neglected this
age group in favor of older children who can participate more fully in the
"childhood underground" (Knapp and Knapp 1976), but psychologists have
seemed more interested in tales told by the very young than stories circu-
lated by groups of older children on the playground. Psychologists' collec-
tions from the 1950s up to the present have provided us with a valuable body
of material; more recently, folklorists' collections have also proliferated.
The first systematic collection of young children's stories to be pub-
lished was Evelyn Pitcher's and Ernst Prelinger's Children Tell Stories (1963).
Based upon texts collected from boys and girls between 1955 and 1958, this
study analyzes the psychodynamics of early childhood fantasy. The two au-
thors tabulate frequent occurrences of settings, themes, and characters in
order to show how fantasy tales differ by age and sex. All of their youngest
narrators are preoccupied with falling down and breaking things, while the
four- and five-year-olds are interested in a wider range of actions-very natu-
ral, when we consider how often two- and three-year-olds do fall down and
hurt themselves! While the boys' stories differ from the girls' in some note-
worthy ways (the boys', for example, having a wider spatial range and less
domestic emphasis), all of the stories contain an intriguing blend of charac-
ters. Folktale personages such as Red Riding Hood, the Three Bears, and
the generic "princess" intermingle with television figures like cowboys, In-
dians, space cadets, and pirates; even Bucky Beaver of the Ipana toothpaste
commercial and the "eensy weensy spider" of nursery school songfests are
part of this cast of characters. Of course parents, animals, and familiar ob-
'95
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? ? jects are important inclusions too, and such seasonal figures as Santa Claus
and the Halloween witch are given some prominence. All of this blending
shows how rich the young child's fantasy life is and how close the linkage
between fantasy and reality can be. While the differences between boys and
girls make up a major portion of Pitcher's and Prelinger's analysis, we should
keep their results in perspective; the role models and expectations for chil-
dren of both sexes have undergone some significant changes since the mid-
1950s.
A later study, Louise B. Ames's "Children's Stories" (1966), presents
New Haven nursery school children's tales in an analytical framework de-
rived from the Pitcher and Prelinger model. Ames differs in her approach,
however, by focusing on the kinds of stories told at different ages rather than
on the process of fantasy itself. Her results show a really remarkable preoc-
cupation with violence at all ages from two to five; moving up in age, the
form taken by violence changes from spanking to falling down and finally
killing or dying. There are some fascinating minor points, such as the fact
that only four-year-old girls tell stories about being thrown into the garbage
(1966, 342). Folktale characters such as Red Riding Hood become major
protagonists among the four- and five-year-olds, though there is still a lot
of shifting from folktale contents to reality-based events in that age range.
The best collection of young children's stories by a folklorist is Brian
Sutton-Smith's The Folkstories of Children (1981b). Sutton-Smith organizes
the narratives of two- to four-year-olds under the heading of "verse stories,"
as opposed to the "plot stories" of older children up to the age of ten. These
early verse narratives are rhythmic, repetitive, and often based upon a few
key words; they tend to stress beginnings and endings rather than midstory
development (1981b, 3-7). Among the stories chosen as examples, Sutton-
Smith points out significant stylistic features that show individual differences.
This is one of the important lessons of story analysis at the earliest age level:
that very young children do have their own narrative styles, and that their
stylistic proclivities come from both cognitive development and individual
artistry.
In Sutton-Smith's study the older children's stories are best suited for
structural analysis, the method used for identifying plot elements since the
publication of Vladimir Propp's Morphology of the Folktale (1958). Never-
theless, children in the younger age group tell some stories with enough plot
elements to make this kind of analysis worthwhile. Gilbert Botvin's scheme
for fantasy narrative analysis includes such sequential categories as threat,
deception, disequilibrium, alliance, defense, escape, rescue, and defeat
(Sutton-Smith 1981b, 3-5; Botvin 1976). The youngest children's stories
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? ? often stop at the disequilibrium stage, instead of moving on to a more posi-
tive and definitive resolution. Why this happens, and what we can learn from
this tendency to leave characters in disarray, are problems that remain to
be more fully explored.
What happens to the characters in young children's stories can be put
in perspective by using a system developed by Elli Kbngiis-Maranda and
Pierre Maranda (1970). This system has four levels of confrontation that
involve some sort of conflict between the central figure and the antagonist.
At level one the antagonist completely vanquishes the weaker character; at
level two the weaker one tries to respond, but fails; at level three there is a
successful response to the antagonist's threat; and at level four the original
threatening situation is so thoroughly changed that there is no further dan-
ger to worry about. Sutton-Smith applies this scheme to stories in his sample,
finding that five-year-olds tell stories at a much lower response level than
ten-year-olds, but noting that five-year-olds do occasionally tell stories at the
fourth level (1981b, 20-24). Analysis by this four-level system can be very
helpful in determining how the child narrator feels about himself: whether
he feels secure and powerful, or whether he feels overwhelmed by adverse
circumstances. Some of this response to threat seems linked to cognitive de-
velopment, but the individuals' feelings of security are certainly relevant.
Recent research has focused on young children's storytelling within
the framework of conversation. In her work with preschool children, Jean
Umiker-Sebeok notes that there is a substantial difference between the
intraconversational narratives children tell to adults and the narratives they
tell to other children. When an adult is listening, stories grow longer and
more complex (Umiker-Sebeok 1979, 106). This study and others indicate
that children's intraconversational narratives reach their fullest development
in familiar settings; unfamiliar surroundings or circumstances result in texts
that do not fairly represent children's capabilities as narrators.
Further insight into young children's storytelling patterns comes from
Judith Haut, who analyzes her son Bryan's stories between the ages of three
and four. Haut states that, like other children, her son uses stories to enter-
tain, influence conversations, and gain prestige. By narrating, Bryan is able
to go beyond the kind of conversation adults expect from him and shift roles
to gain the interest of his listeners (1922, 33-45). As collections and analy-
ses of young children's stories have proliferated (see Preece 1987 and Paley
1990), it has been possible to understand narratives within a complex web
of psychological and social motivations.
With all of these analytical alternatives, a look at a two-year-old's
story can become quite a time-consuming venture-but it is sufficient here
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? ? to give a brief analysis linked to knowledge of the child's personality. Here
is a short narrative from two-and-a-half-year-old Janet, the daughter of well-
educated parents in Binghamton, New York:
Daddy cuts floor.
Daddy gets boo-boo.
Daddy go to doctor.
Daddy get a band-aid. '
This story has the rhythmic, line-to-line structure characteristic of very young
children's stories; the key word "Daddy" forms the basis of its development.
While there are no definite indicators of time passing, such as the words
"then" or "later," it is clear that some events precede others. Janet's father
had just been repairing the bathroom floor and had gone to the doctor to
get a bandage; all of these occurrences are retained in their proper sequence
in the story.
Even from such a brief and factual narrative, we can see that Janet is
an observant, sensitive child. She is concerned about her father's welfare and
eager to understand what has happened to him; her story puts his frighten-
ing accident into a comprehensible framework. Just before telling her story,
Janet spent some time alone in her crib. The collector overheard her saying
to herself:
Daddy play hockey? Yes!
Mommy play hockey? No!
This is part of a monologue rather than a story, but it shows Janet's interest
in all that characterizes and differentiates her parents. Since the publication
of Ruth Weir's Language in the Crib (1962), bedtime monologues have been
recognized as an important source of knowledge.
While real-life events provide a lot of material for stories, dreams fur-
nish some of the most significant themes and plot elements. Young children
may identify their narratives as dreams or, more commonly, tell what hap-
pened without mentioning that a dream was the source. Sometimes the dream
may be about an experience the child has had recently; then the reason for
its importance may be clearer.
Looking closely at young children's stories is sometimes just one facet
of an evaluation and treatment process. Individual case studies by psycholo-
gists have drawn some important conclusions about children's self-expres-
sion, partly by analyzing narratives that emerge in a therapeutic setting.
to adopt the identity of the person, place, or thing being described:'7
57. I have a tail. I have a body. I have a face. I am white and
black. What am I?
-a skunk. (Weiner 1970, 9)
This technique does not appear in the Austin material.
THE ACQUISITION OF RIDDLING COMPETENCE
The acquisition of riddling skills is essentially the acquisition of an artistic
competence. Children just entering elementary school have mastered the
basic linguistic resources of their native tongue. They have a rudimentary
grasp of the cognitive systems in their culture. And, through their sponta-
neous play, they have gained practice with the "performance persona"
(McDowell 1979, 187). In learning how to riddle, children learn to apply
these acquired and developing competencies to the specific purposes of riddle
interaction.
Although a number of developmental schemes are available (for ex-
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? ? ample, Weiner 1970, Sanches and Kirshenblatt-Gimblett 1976, Sutton-
Smith 1976b; Wolfenstein 1954), that proposed by McDowell (1979) and
elaborated by Bauman (1977b) best suits our purposes here. In contrast
to the others, this perspective treats riddle acquisition as a social interac-
tional process.
During the initial stage in the acquisition process (around five years),
youngsters learn the basics of riddle interaction. Through observing and
participating, they learn that the poser of a riddle gains the floor, that the
riddle contains both a question and an answer, that the respondent should
be given a chance to guess, and that the poser should know the answer to
his own question (Bauman 1977b, 26). Guided by these observations and
stimulated by the riddles they hear from others, these youngsters make up
their own routines (as discussed below); they also learn that the respondent's
correct answer reflects positively on the riddler. By learning to present such
"successful" routines, young children increase their understanding of the
relationship between riddling and ego-enhancement.
At the second stage (around six years), children tend to modify their
views as to what constitutes a "good" riddle. Now they come to believe that
a riddle is a puzzling question with an arbitrary answer (Bauman 1977b,
27; Sutton-Smith 1976b, 115). Noticing that riddlers always seem to be right,
regardless of the esoteric sequences they come up with, children at this stage
are apt to initiate sequences like the following:
58. riddler: What color is blood?
respondent: Red
riddler: Nope, it's blue and black. (Bauman 1977b, 27)
"Potent elicitations" (Bauman 1977b, 27) such as this don't receive much
peer group reinforcement. Since the relationship between the question and
its answer is grasped only by the riddler (if indeed that), coparticipants aren't
motivated to encourage similar routines. Faced with losing respondents,
young riddlers once again modify their understanding of riddles. Though they
still regard riddles as confusing, children come to assume that riddles must
nevertheless be entertaining. As a result, they turn to the subjects of sexual-
ity and scatology. If they weren't aware of it before, they soon realize that
"dirt" sells:
59. riddler: What do you call people?
respondent: I don't know, what?
riddler: Doo-doo people. (Bauman 1977b, 27)
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? ? Toward the end of the second stage, children's interest in traditional riddles
begins to surface. This burgeoning recognition, however, outstrips the young-
sters' understanding of riddles' speech play. The children can't yet grasp all
of the linguistic and sociolinguistic complexities in the riddles they try to
repeat. As a result, some of their attempts are flawed:
60. What did the mean frog say to the nice frog? -"I hope you
crick" (instead of "croak"). (Bauman 1977b, 28)
As children enter and proceed through the third stage (of around seven
years), their production errors decrease markedly. Youngsters come not only
to recognize the riddle as a traditional form, they are also beginning to ap-
preciate it as such. As this shift is realized, the children increase their efforts
to learn and to produce riddles as preset pieces, with a stable question and
a fixed answer. The display of competence becomes a matter of demonstrat-
ing one's knowledge of riddles within the peer group. '8
In the final stage (at around eight years), children routinely succeed in
the use of traditional riddles. In effect, they have gained mastery of peer-group
riddling. The literature (Wolfenstein 1954; McDowell 1979) suggests that
children maintain an interest in riddling until about the age of ten or twelve.
After that time, they put their performance energies into other genres, allow-
ing their interest in riddling to decline. Since most mainstream American so-
ciety tends to regard riddling as a children's activity and thus as one inappro-
priate for adults except under special circumstances (Roberts and Forman
1972, 182), we might say that youngsters between eight and twelve have prob-
ably acquired as much competence in riddling as they will ever have.
Functions of Children's Riddling
Outside of the fact that it allows its participants to engage in social interac-
tion, there is perhaps no single, universal function of riddling. At the least,
riddle functions result from an interplay among the participants' perception
of situational circumstances, their combined and individual goals, and their
relative commitment to group and community standards. Documenting
riddle functions depends on in-depth fieldwork and the analysis of riddles
in individual communities, groups, and situations.
Below, I review some of the possible riddle functions based on the
factor of social interaction.
Several researchers (for example, Roberts and Forman 1971; Sutton-
Smith 1976b; Bauman 1982) have observed that in many urban groups rid-
dling is a way of engaging in, representing, and commenting on the processes
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? ? of questioning and answering. '9 Children have an interest in playing out and
playing with interrogative formats. For example, riddling models the kind
of interrogation that is ubiquitous in educational settings (Bauman 1982,
184). As a result, children's riddling may in part be an adaptive mechanism,
allowing youngsters to come to terms with the participant structures of
schooling. This perspective has several points that support it. Adult-child
interrogation is characteristic not only of classroom interaction but also of
interaction in the home environment. Parents routinely query children about
the children's activities. It is not surprising, then, that children are attracted
to an activity that allows them to serve in the role of interrogator. That role
allows children some access to power. The children also become the focus
of attention. And, in supplying the riddle answer, they enjoy "being right. "
As an expressive model of interrogation, riddling also permits young-
sters to manipulate the resources of communication. As I've shown, riddles
are based on common solicitational strategies. As framing devices, these strat-
egies serve as tools by which people orient and indicate their perceptions of
the world. In riddling, such strategies facilitate the exchange of information,
for example, by advising respondents of some of the cognitive and commu-
nicative work they are to do. Descriptive questions require that respondents
notice details and generalize from them. Respondents to classification ques-
tions must indicate the categorization of experience. Comparison-contrast
questions require information about similarities or differences in domains
of experience. To be sure, riddles counterpoint these familiar strategies with
a variety of disruptive techniques. True riddles have their block elements;
joking riddles surprise with humor, and parodic forms startle with nonsense
or victimization. These techniques complicate communication, whether the
respondent's task is to solve the riddler's question or to relate its answer to
assumptions of everyday life . The tension, however, is not irresoluble. The
enigma of a true riddle can be solved, the humor of a joking riddle can be
appreciated, and (except for the most drastic of the victimization forms) the
absurdity of a parodic riddle can be dismissed as inconsequential to every-
day concerns.
In concluding, I should point out that children are not likely to be
self-consciously aware of the functions summarized above. For them, rid-
dling is primarily a form of folk entertainment, one that also attests to the
participants' competence in peer group and community traditions.
NOTES TO CHAPTER EIGHT
1. Catch routines, soliciting either a verbal or a physical response, are treated
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? ? in Roemer 1977. The interactional organization and developmental acquisition of
knock-knock routines are discussed in Bauman 1977b. For an extensive collection of
knock-knock routines, see McCosh 1976, 204-12.
2. The riddle proposition is the "question" unit of a riddle. It may take the
form of an interrogative (such as riddle no. 35) or a statement (such as riddle no. 7).
3. Riddle act invitations are not unique to American children. Schapera (1932,
217) reports the following concerning the riddle invitation, proposition, and answer
in children's riddling among the Bakxatla of South Africa:
The question is framed in the formula: mpolelle dil6 o mpolallo xore. . . ke eng?
(Tell me something, what is. . . ? ), the actual riddle appearing in the body of the for-
mula. The answer follows simply: ke. . . (it is so and so). E. g. , mpolalla dil, o mpolelle
xore ntlo e tsweu ee senang mojak6 ke eng? Ke lee. (Tell me something. Tell me what
is the white hut which has no door? It is an egg. ) In practice, the formula is often wholly
omitted once it has been used with the opening riddle, and the bare question is set; or
else the word, mpolelle (tell me), is placed before each of the remaining riddles.
We might also note that English-language true riddle (no. 8) incorporates a
riddle act invitation ("riddle me") as part of its own rhyming structure. For an early
description of a riddle act sequence in a traditional Native American culture, see Jett6
1913, 182-84.
4. Riddlers who taunt respondents who don't know the riddle answer have
also been reported among Finnish children. In the first Finnish riddle collection,
Aenigmata Fennica (1783), Christfrid Ganander wrote: "Lastly, one takes note that
the young folks, boys and girls, test each other still at present with riddles in our prov-
ince; it is shameful if the other cannot answer three riddles, and they then send [her]
to the yard of shame (hapiapiha), and even wee children know still today how to say
to each other, if the companion cannot answer three riddles: 'Go to Hyvola; may the
dogs of Hyvola bark. Daughter, go to see who is coming there? A poor ragged girl all
dressed in rags. A mouse is her horse, a ladle is her sleigh . . . '" (italics added), cited
in Maranda 1976, 127.
5. Nor to my knowledge has anyone yet attempted such a comprehensive treat-
ment, one integrating the various levels of the riddles' construction.
6. Although these are not the only rhetorical strategies upon which riddles
draw, for reasons of space they must bear the burden of illustration here. One impor-
tant strategy omitted from this chapter is that of instrumentality (for example, "Why
did the man throw the clock out the window? -To make time fly" [Weiner 1970, 23;
see also McDowell 1979, 64-65]). The use of instrumentality in riddles is particularly
complex because it is is used strategically in both the riddle and the puzzle genres.
7. In its strictest sense, the term "Wellerism" refers to a quotation proverb such
as "'Every man to his taste,' said the farmer when he kissed the cow. " In British and
American societies, the pattern of Wellerism proverbs is attributed to the literary fig-
ure, Sam Weller, who frequently used such sayings in Dickens's novel, Pickwick Pa-
pers (1836-37) (Taylor 1949, 1169-70). On Wellerisms recorded in the English lan-
guage, see Mieder and Kingsbury 1993. Some folklorists have adapted the term
Wellerism riddle to describe forms like nos. 15-17. For additional examples from
children's tradition, see Opie and Opie 1959, 81-83 and McCosh 1976, 212-14.
8. Children's ethnic riddles and jokes are examined in Knapp and Knapp 1976,
191-205; McCosh 1976, 112-22, 226-55; Bronner 1988, 122-23, 292-94, n. 19.
9. And, of course, a visual sketch can be rendered in somewhat different ways
depending on the perspective of the individual riddler. What matters is that the sketch
presented accords with the eventual verbal answer. Ewa Ostergren (1983) has offered
sixty-six drawings that accord with the visual riddle answer "a giraffe passing a win-
dow. " The sketches were produced by Swedish schoolchildren from three different
classes. Of Ostergren's collection, Bengt af Klintberg (personal communication) has
commented: "What is interesting in [Ostergren's] study is that she makes clear that
the children learn the idea of the riddle and then visualize it according to their own
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? ? experiences. [In] other words, the Parry and Lord theory seems to be useful for
children's pictorial riddling! " (italics in the original). My thanks to Professor Klintberg
for making this information and a copy of Ostergren's collection available to me. Other
published versions of the "giraffe passing the window" sketch can be found in
Klintberg 1980, 193 and Roemer 1982a, 183.
10. Klintberg (1980, 198) also reports that analogous forms are known in
Germany (as Drudel) as well as in England.
Relying on English and American data,
McCosh (1976, 217) provides what appear to be traditional solutions (nos. 646-49)
to visual riddle drawings. She neither identifies the statements as being part of such
pairings, however, nor does she provide the drawings.
11. For a South African (Bakxatla) version of riddle nos. 32-34, see footnote
no. 3.
12. Parodic forms often run in cycles. Some cycles popular since the early 1960s
have dealt with elephants, grapes, bananas, and dead babies. See McCosh 1976, 60-
65 for both English and American examples, and, for both texts and bibliography, see
Bronner 1988, 125-27, 295-96 n. 22 on elephant riddles, as well as n. 23 on dead
baby riddles. For studies of "sick humor" and the use of stereotypes in riddles and
jokes, see Dundes 1987.
13. Sequences like this have been called "pretended obscene riddles. " See
Hullum 1972-73 and Brown 1973.
14. Though children learn most of their riddles from other children and, to a
lesser extent, from adults, important popular-culture riddle resources include books,
magazines, television programs, and artifactual material such as bubble gum wrap-
pers and "Dixie" riddle cups.
15. McDowell (1979, 33-37, 59-66) uses "descriptive routine" as a catch term
for a variety of spontaneously generated routines. I restrict the term to routines based
on the technique of description only, or primarily such.
16. Between 1973 and 1976, the University of Texas Children's Folklore Project
collected and investigated a range of folkloric forms used by Anglo, Mexican Ameri-
can, and black five- through eight-year-olds in Austin, Texas. Work produced by project
members is reviewed in Bauman 1977b, 1982.
17. Description phrased in the first person is sometimes found in true riddles.
Such riddles were occasionally used by the older children in Weiner's sample:
The strongest man in the world can't hold me long,
yet I am lighter than a feather. What am I?
-breath. (collected from a nine-year-old, as reported in Weiner 1970,
25; see also Taylor 1951, 667)
Though Weiner does not discuss the possibility, it may be suggested that the
younger children borrowed this technique from hearing the older children tell "true"
riddles.
18. As their interest in traditional riddles increases, children's concern with
made-up routines declines. During riddle sessions, though, older children do occasion-
ally fall back on made-up routines when they exhaust their ready supply of traditional
riddles (McDowell 1979).
19. For a discussion of culturally based relationships between riddling (includ-
ing that of children) and values of dialogism and polyphony in Madagascar; see Haring
1985.
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? ? 9
TALES AND LEGENDS
Elizabeth Tucker
Children are natural storytellers, and collectors of folklore can get a great
deal of enjoyment from recording their tales and legends. On playgrounds,
at parties, and around campfires-especially on dark, spooky nights-the
stories children tell are amazing in their variety. They range from brief, hastily
mumbled renditions to impressively long tales with artistic sound effects:
clicks, thumps, screams, and carefully timed pauses. Some children take a
lot of pride in their storytelling abilities, while others give little thought to
the tales they are telling. But in every case, children's folktales and legends
teach us about the narrators' personalities, enthusiasms, and anxieties. They
reveal community standards and cultural trends, as well as cross-cultural
similarities; multinational studies of children's stories have revealed some
striking parallel texts. Classifying the stories' origins and migrations can be
an absorbing task, but delving into their deeper meanings is a process that
has interested psychologists, sociologists, and linguists as well as folklorists.
For the collector setting out to gather children's stories, a number of
options are available. Children can be interviewed singly or in groups, in
their classrooms during school hours or in the midst of their free play and
recreational activities. Each type of collecting yields a somewhat different
kind of story. All alone with an adult researcher, a boy may be careful to
give plenty of details but hesitant to broach taboo subjects; in the middle of
her Scout group, a girl may laugh, shout, and skip from one subject to an-
other as her peers' reactions change. Single-sex groups have different reper-
toires than mixed groups, and classroom gatherings tend to have different
atmospheres from get-togethers in less formal circumstances. In general, I
have found that the more natural the setting is, the better storytelling is likely
to be. Young people tend to relax in places they know well, and their sto-
ries flow better with minimal adult interference. Even though unregulated
gatherings get raucous at times, with children clamoring for turns to tell their
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? ? stories, the results are much more interesting than those from carefully timed
and disciplined sessions. Each collector must choose the type of collecting
situation that she or he wants, taking all of these variables into account.
Once the stories have been gathered and the process of analysis be-
gins, it is easy to start categorizing the tellers as representatives of their age,
sex, and socioeconomic groups. It can be useful to think about "the adoles-
cent boy," "the middle-class girl," or "the disadvantaged pre-schooler," but
such abstractions should not interfere with attention to individual narrators.
Each child has his or her own temperament, interests, moods, and idiosyn-
crasies; all of these individual factors are relevant to the process of
storytelling. Of course, it isn't always feasible to get to know every child
informant in depth-but the further the acquaintance goes, the more reward-
ing collecting is likely to be for both the storyteller and the researcher. Chil-
dren cease to be mere representatives of categories when they are present,
with all their quirks and challenges, over long periods of time. While their
stories may fall into developmental patterns that have already been estab-
lished, there are always surprises and deviations from the familiar trends.
In this chapter I will maintain a rough developmental sequence, be-
ginning with very young children's stories and ending with the legends told
by boys and girls on the brink of adolescence. Some clarification of the terms
"tale," "legend," and "story" is necessary at the outset. The tale, or folktale,
as it is more properly called, is a story with traditional content that has a
certain kind of plot structure. This structure is clearly recognizable, from the
"once upon a time" beginning to the "happily ever after" ending. While
folktale heroines such as Cinderella and Red Riding Hood may suffer many
misfortunes, we know that they will find happiness in the end. In the leg-
end, on the other hand, disastrous conclusions are quite common; heroines
and heroes have no guarantee of a happy ending. Often told as true stories,
legends may be long and elaborate or brief and unadorned. They may be
attributed to a definite place or person: "This happened in California," for
example. If we hear of a poodle exploding in a microwave oven in San Fran-
cisco, our sense of geographic authenticity is heightened.
Legends and tales make up many of the narratives told by children,
but not all; the rest can simply be called stories. "Story" is a general term
that indicates a verbal account with some sequential development; one event
follows another, and characters experience major or minor changes. Among
the youngest narrators, "story" is often the best term to use. All legends and
tales are stories, but not all stories lend themselves to classification by tra-
ditional folkloristic categories.
I will discuss story types that I have found to be typical of three age
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? ? groups-two to five, six to nine, and ten to twelve-with quite a lot of at-
tention to individual storytellers. I have thoroughly enjoyed gathering sto-
ries from children and supervising my students in their collecting projects;
it has been difficult to choose among so many entertaining texts. I hope this
sample will reflect some of the pleasure that comes from getting to know
young narrators and hearing their favorite tales.
VERY YOUNG CHILDREN: TWO TO FIVE
When we think of children telling stories, we are likely to picture kids who
are old enough to go to school, camp, and slumber parties-not tiny chil-
dren whose ability to speak is still on the shaky side. It can seem strange to
learn that two-, three-, four-, and five-year-olds are among the most candid
and enterprising of storytellers. Their tales tend to be quite short, for obvi-
ous reasons of skill and attention span, but some four- and five-year-olds'
stories go on at surprising length. Dreams, fantasies, and facts of everyday
life merge in young children's narratives to form fascinating combinations
that have their own inner logic. Folklorists have sometimes neglected this
age group in favor of older children who can participate more fully in the
"childhood underground" (Knapp and Knapp 1976), but psychologists have
seemed more interested in tales told by the very young than stories circu-
lated by groups of older children on the playground. Psychologists' collec-
tions from the 1950s up to the present have provided us with a valuable body
of material; more recently, folklorists' collections have also proliferated.
The first systematic collection of young children's stories to be pub-
lished was Evelyn Pitcher's and Ernst Prelinger's Children Tell Stories (1963).
Based upon texts collected from boys and girls between 1955 and 1958, this
study analyzes the psychodynamics of early childhood fantasy. The two au-
thors tabulate frequent occurrences of settings, themes, and characters in
order to show how fantasy tales differ by age and sex. All of their youngest
narrators are preoccupied with falling down and breaking things, while the
four- and five-year-olds are interested in a wider range of actions-very natu-
ral, when we consider how often two- and three-year-olds do fall down and
hurt themselves! While the boys' stories differ from the girls' in some note-
worthy ways (the boys', for example, having a wider spatial range and less
domestic emphasis), all of the stories contain an intriguing blend of charac-
ters. Folktale personages such as Red Riding Hood, the Three Bears, and
the generic "princess" intermingle with television figures like cowboys, In-
dians, space cadets, and pirates; even Bucky Beaver of the Ipana toothpaste
commercial and the "eensy weensy spider" of nursery school songfests are
part of this cast of characters. Of course parents, animals, and familiar ob-
'95
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? ? jects are important inclusions too, and such seasonal figures as Santa Claus
and the Halloween witch are given some prominence. All of this blending
shows how rich the young child's fantasy life is and how close the linkage
between fantasy and reality can be. While the differences between boys and
girls make up a major portion of Pitcher's and Prelinger's analysis, we should
keep their results in perspective; the role models and expectations for chil-
dren of both sexes have undergone some significant changes since the mid-
1950s.
A later study, Louise B. Ames's "Children's Stories" (1966), presents
New Haven nursery school children's tales in an analytical framework de-
rived from the Pitcher and Prelinger model. Ames differs in her approach,
however, by focusing on the kinds of stories told at different ages rather than
on the process of fantasy itself. Her results show a really remarkable preoc-
cupation with violence at all ages from two to five; moving up in age, the
form taken by violence changes from spanking to falling down and finally
killing or dying. There are some fascinating minor points, such as the fact
that only four-year-old girls tell stories about being thrown into the garbage
(1966, 342). Folktale characters such as Red Riding Hood become major
protagonists among the four- and five-year-olds, though there is still a lot
of shifting from folktale contents to reality-based events in that age range.
The best collection of young children's stories by a folklorist is Brian
Sutton-Smith's The Folkstories of Children (1981b). Sutton-Smith organizes
the narratives of two- to four-year-olds under the heading of "verse stories,"
as opposed to the "plot stories" of older children up to the age of ten. These
early verse narratives are rhythmic, repetitive, and often based upon a few
key words; they tend to stress beginnings and endings rather than midstory
development (1981b, 3-7). Among the stories chosen as examples, Sutton-
Smith points out significant stylistic features that show individual differences.
This is one of the important lessons of story analysis at the earliest age level:
that very young children do have their own narrative styles, and that their
stylistic proclivities come from both cognitive development and individual
artistry.
In Sutton-Smith's study the older children's stories are best suited for
structural analysis, the method used for identifying plot elements since the
publication of Vladimir Propp's Morphology of the Folktale (1958). Never-
theless, children in the younger age group tell some stories with enough plot
elements to make this kind of analysis worthwhile. Gilbert Botvin's scheme
for fantasy narrative analysis includes such sequential categories as threat,
deception, disequilibrium, alliance, defense, escape, rescue, and defeat
(Sutton-Smith 1981b, 3-5; Botvin 1976). The youngest children's stories
196 TALES AND LEGENDS
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? ? often stop at the disequilibrium stage, instead of moving on to a more posi-
tive and definitive resolution. Why this happens, and what we can learn from
this tendency to leave characters in disarray, are problems that remain to
be more fully explored.
What happens to the characters in young children's stories can be put
in perspective by using a system developed by Elli Kbngiis-Maranda and
Pierre Maranda (1970). This system has four levels of confrontation that
involve some sort of conflict between the central figure and the antagonist.
At level one the antagonist completely vanquishes the weaker character; at
level two the weaker one tries to respond, but fails; at level three there is a
successful response to the antagonist's threat; and at level four the original
threatening situation is so thoroughly changed that there is no further dan-
ger to worry about. Sutton-Smith applies this scheme to stories in his sample,
finding that five-year-olds tell stories at a much lower response level than
ten-year-olds, but noting that five-year-olds do occasionally tell stories at the
fourth level (1981b, 20-24). Analysis by this four-level system can be very
helpful in determining how the child narrator feels about himself: whether
he feels secure and powerful, or whether he feels overwhelmed by adverse
circumstances. Some of this response to threat seems linked to cognitive de-
velopment, but the individuals' feelings of security are certainly relevant.
Recent research has focused on young children's storytelling within
the framework of conversation. In her work with preschool children, Jean
Umiker-Sebeok notes that there is a substantial difference between the
intraconversational narratives children tell to adults and the narratives they
tell to other children. When an adult is listening, stories grow longer and
more complex (Umiker-Sebeok 1979, 106). This study and others indicate
that children's intraconversational narratives reach their fullest development
in familiar settings; unfamiliar surroundings or circumstances result in texts
that do not fairly represent children's capabilities as narrators.
Further insight into young children's storytelling patterns comes from
Judith Haut, who analyzes her son Bryan's stories between the ages of three
and four. Haut states that, like other children, her son uses stories to enter-
tain, influence conversations, and gain prestige. By narrating, Bryan is able
to go beyond the kind of conversation adults expect from him and shift roles
to gain the interest of his listeners (1922, 33-45). As collections and analy-
ses of young children's stories have proliferated (see Preece 1987 and Paley
1990), it has been possible to understand narratives within a complex web
of psychological and social motivations.
With all of these analytical alternatives, a look at a two-year-old's
story can become quite a time-consuming venture-but it is sufficient here
197
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? ? to give a brief analysis linked to knowledge of the child's personality. Here
is a short narrative from two-and-a-half-year-old Janet, the daughter of well-
educated parents in Binghamton, New York:
Daddy cuts floor.
Daddy gets boo-boo.
Daddy go to doctor.
Daddy get a band-aid. '
This story has the rhythmic, line-to-line structure characteristic of very young
children's stories; the key word "Daddy" forms the basis of its development.
While there are no definite indicators of time passing, such as the words
"then" or "later," it is clear that some events precede others. Janet's father
had just been repairing the bathroom floor and had gone to the doctor to
get a bandage; all of these occurrences are retained in their proper sequence
in the story.
Even from such a brief and factual narrative, we can see that Janet is
an observant, sensitive child. She is concerned about her father's welfare and
eager to understand what has happened to him; her story puts his frighten-
ing accident into a comprehensible framework. Just before telling her story,
Janet spent some time alone in her crib. The collector overheard her saying
to herself:
Daddy play hockey? Yes!
Mommy play hockey? No!
This is part of a monologue rather than a story, but it shows Janet's interest
in all that characterizes and differentiates her parents. Since the publication
of Ruth Weir's Language in the Crib (1962), bedtime monologues have been
recognized as an important source of knowledge.
While real-life events provide a lot of material for stories, dreams fur-
nish some of the most significant themes and plot elements. Young children
may identify their narratives as dreams or, more commonly, tell what hap-
pened without mentioning that a dream was the source. Sometimes the dream
may be about an experience the child has had recently; then the reason for
its importance may be clearer.
Looking closely at young children's stories is sometimes just one facet
of an evaluation and treatment process. Individual case studies by psycholo-
gists have drawn some important conclusions about children's self-expres-
sion, partly by analyzing narratives that emerge in a therapeutic setting.
