No More Learning

The Senate, in consideration of the gravity of the circumstances and in
the interest of the public safety, invested the consul with
extraordinary powers, declaring that it was necessary to exterminate
tyrants--a treacherous qualification always employed against the
defenders of the people, and, in order to make more sure of triumph,
they had recourse to foreign troops. The Consul Opimius, at the head of
a body of Cretan archers, easily put to the rout a tumultuous assembly.
Caius took flight, and, finding himself pursued, slew himself. Fulvius
underwent a similar fate. The head of the tribune was carried in
triumph. Three thousand men were thrown into prison and strangled. The
agrarian laws and the emancipation of Italy ceased, for some time, to
torment the Senate.

Such was the fate of the Gracchi, two men who had at heart to reform the
laws of their country, and who fell victims to selfish interests and
prejudices still too powerful. “They perished,” says Appian,[678]
“because they employed violence in the execution of an excellent
measure. ”[679] In fact, in a State where legal forms had been respected
for four hundred years, it was necessary either to observe them
faithfully, or to have an army at command.

Yet the work of the Gracchi did not die with them. Several of their laws
continued long to subsist. The agrarian law was executed in part,
inasmuch as, at a subsequent period, the nobles bought back the portions
of lands which had been taken from them,[680] and its effects were only
destroyed at the end of fifteen years. Implicated in the acts of
corruption imputed to Jugurtha, of which we shall soon have to speak,
the Consul Opimius had the same fate as Scipio Nasica, and a no less
miserable end. It is curious to see two men, each vanquisher of a
sedition, terminate their lives in a foreign land, exposed to the hatred
and contempt of their fellow-citizens. Yet the reason is natural: they
combated with arms ideas which arms could not destroy. When, in the
midst of general prosperity, dangerous Utopias spring up, without root
in the country, the slightest employment of force extinguishes them;
but, on the contrary, when society, deeply tormented by real and
imperious needs, requires reform, the success of the most violent
repression is but momentaneous: the ideas repressed appear again
incessantly, and, like the fabled hydra, for one head struck off a
hundred others grow up in its place.


[Sidenote: War of Jugurtha (637). ]

IV. An arrogant oligarchy had triumphed in Rome over the popular party:
will it have at least the energy to raise again the honour of the Roman
name abroad? Such will not be the case: events, of which Africa is on
the point of becoming the theatre, will show the baseness of these men
who sought to govern the world by repudiating the virtues of their
ancestors.

Jugurtha, natural son of Mastanabal, king of Numidia, by a concubine,
had distinguished himself in the Roman legions at the siege of Numantia.
Reckoning on the favour he enjoyed at Rome, he had resolved to seize the
inheritance of Micipsa, to the prejudice of the two legitimate children,
Hiempsal and Adherbal. The first was murdered by his orders, and, in
spite of this crime, Jugurtha had succeeded in corrupting the Roman
commissioners charged with the task of dividing the kingdom between him
and Adherbal, and in obtaining from them the larger part. But soon
master of the whole country by force of arms, he put Adherbal to death
also. The Senate sent against Jugurtha the consul Bestia Calpurnius,
who, soon bribed as the commissioners had been, concluded a disgraceful
peace. So many infamous deeds could not remain in the shade. The consul,
on his return, was attacked by C. Memmius, who, in forcing Jugurtha to
come to Rome to give an account of himself, seized the occasion of
reminding his hearers of the grievances of the people and of the
scandalous conduct of the nobles, in the following words:--

“After the assassination of Tiberius Gracchus, who, according to the
nobles, aspired to the kingly power, the Roman people saw itself exposed
to their vigorous persecutions. Similarly, after the murder of Caius
Gracchus and Marcus Fulvius, how many people of your order have they not
caused to be imprisoned? At either of these epochs it was not the law,
but their caprice alone, which put an end to the massacres. Moreover, I
acknowledge that _to restore to the people their rights, is to aspire to
the kingly power_; and we must regard as legitimate all vengeance
obtained by the blood of the citizens. . . . In these last years you
groaned in secret to see the public treasure wasted, the kings and free
people made the tributaries of a few nobles--of those who alone are in
possession of splendid dignities and great riches. Nevertheless, it is
too little for them to be able with impunity to commit such crimes; they
have finished by delivering to the enemies of the State your laws, the
dignity of your empire, and all that is sacred in the eyes of gods and
men. . . . But who are they, then, those who have invaded the Republic?
Villains covered with blood, devoured by a monstrous cupidity, the most
criminal, and at the same time the most arrogant, of men. For them, good
faith, honour, religion, and virtue, are, like vice, objects of traffic.
Some have put to death tribunes of the people; others have commenced
unjust proceedings against you; most of them have shed your blood; and
these excesses are their safeguard: the further they have gone in the
course of their crimes, the more they feel themselves in safety. . . . Ah!
could you count upon a sincere reconciliation with them? They seek to
rule over you, you seek to be free; it is their will to oppress you, you
resist oppression; lastly, they treat your allies as enemies, your
enemies as allies. ”[681]

He then reminded his audience of all Jugurtha’s crimes. The latter rose
to justify himself; but the tribune C. Bæbius, with whom he was in
league, ordered the king to keep silence. The Numidian was on the point
of gathering the fruit of such an accumulation of corruptions, when,
having caused a dangerous rival, Massiva, the grandson of Masinissa, to
be assassinated at Rome, he became the object of public reprobation, and
was compelled to return to Africa. War then re-commences; the consul
Albinus lets it drag on in length. Recalled to Rome to hold the comitia,
he entrusts the command to his brother, the proprætor Aulus, whose army,
soon seduced by Jugurtha, lets itself be surrounded, and is under the
necessity of making a dishonourable capitulation. The indignation at
Rome is at its height. On the proposal of a tribune, an inquiry is
opened against all the presumed accomplices in the misdeeds of
Jugurtha; they were punished, and, as often happens under such
circumstances, the vengeance of the people passed the limits of justice.
At last, after warm debates, an honourable man is chosen, Metellus,
belonging to the faction of the nobles, and he is charged with the war
in Africa. Public opinion, by forcing the Senate to punish corruption,
had triumphed over bad passions; and “it was the first time,” says
Sallust, “that the people put a bridle on the tyrannical pride of the
nobility. ”[682]


[Sidenote: Marius (647). ]

V. The Gracchi had made themselves, so to say, the civil champions of
the popular cause: Marius became its stern soldier. Born of an obscure
family, bred in camps, having arrived by his courage at high grades, he
had the roughness and the ambition of the class which feels itself
oppressed. A great captain, but a partisan in spirit, naturally inclined
to good and to justice, he became, towards the end of his life, through
love of power, cruel and inexorable. [683]

After having distinguished himself at the siege of Numantia, he was
elected tribune of the people, and displayed in that office a great
impartiality. [684] It was the first step of his fortune. Having become
the lieutenant of Metellus, in the war against Jugurtha he sought to
supplant his general; and, at a later period, succeeded in allying
himself to an illustrious family by marrying Julia, paternal aunt of the
great Cæsar. Guided by his instinct or intelligence, he had learnt that
beneath the official people there existed a people of proletaries and of
allies which demanded a consideration in the State.

Having reached the consulship through his high military reputation,
backed by intrigues, he was charged with the war of Numidia, and, before
his departure, expressed with energy, in an address to the people, the
rancours and principles of the democratic party of that time.

“You have charged me,” he said, “with the war against Jugurtha; the
nobility is irritated at your choice: but why do you not change your
decree, by going to seek for this expedition a man among that crowd of
nobles, of old lineage, who counts many ancestors, but not a single
campaign? . . . It is true that he would have to take among the people an
adviser who could teach him his business. With these proud patricians
compare Marius, a new man. What they have heard related by others, what
they have read of, I have seen in part, I have in part done. . . . They
reproach me with the obscurity of my birth and fortune; I reproach them
with their cowardice and personal infamy. Nature, our common mother, has
made all men equal, and the bravest is the most noble. . . . If they think
they are justified in despising me, let them also despise their
ancestors, ennobled like me by their personal merits. . . . And is it not
more worthy to be oneself the author of his name than to degrade that
which has been transmitted to you?

“I cannot, to justify your confidence, make a display of images, nor
boast of the triumphs or consulships of my ancestors; but I can produce,
if necessary, javelins, a standard, the trappings of war, twenty other
military gifts, besides the scars which furrow my breast. These are my
images, these my nobility, not left by inheritance, but won for myself
by great personal labours and perils. ”[685]

After this oration, in which is revealed the legitimate ardour of those
who, in all aristocratic countries, demand equality, Marius, contrary to
the ancient system, enrolled more proletaries than citizens. The
veterans also crowded under his standards. He conducted the war of
Africa with skill; but he was robbed of part of his glory by his
questor, P. Cornelius Sylla. This man, called soon afterwards to play so
great a part, sprung from an illustrious patrician family, ambitious,
ardent, full of boldness and confidence in himself, recoiled before no
obstacle. The successes, which cost so many efforts to Marius, seemed to
come of themselves to Sylla. Marius defeated the Numidian prince, but,
by an adventurous act of boldness, Sylla received his submission, and
ended the war. From that time began, between the proconsul and his young
questor, a rivalry which, in time, was changed into violent hatred. They
became, one, the champion of the democracy; the other, the hope of the
oligarchic faction. So the Senate extolled beyond measure Metellus and
Sylla, in order that the people should not consider Marius as the first
of the generals. [686] The gravity of events soon baffled this
manœuvre.

While Marius was concluding the war with Jugurtha, a great danger
threatened Italy. Since 641, an immense migration of barbarians had
moved through Illyria into Cisalpine Gaul, and had defeated, at Noreia
(in Carniola) the consul Papirius Carbo. They were the Cimbri, and all
their peculiarities, manners, language, habits of pillage, and
adventures, attested their relationship to the Gauls. [687] In their
passage through Rhætia into the country of the Helvetii, they dragged
with them different peoples, and during some years devastated Gaul;
returned in 645 to the neighbourhood of the Roman province, they
demanded of the Republic lands to settle in. The consular army sent to
meet them was defeated, and they invaded the province itself. The
Tigurini (647), a people of Helvetia, issuing from their mountains, slew
the consul L. Cassius, and made his army pass under the yoke. It was
only a prelude to greater disasters. A third invasion of the Cimbri,
followed by two new defeats in 649, on the banks of the Rhine, excites
the keenest apprehensions, and points to Marius as the only man capable
of saving Italy; the nobles, moreover, in presence of this great danger,
sought no longer to seize the power. [688] Marius was, contrary to the
law, named a second time consul, in 650, and charged with the war in
Gaul.

This great captain laboured during several years to restore military
discipline, practise his troops, and familiarise them with their new
enemies, whose aspect filled them with terror. Marius, considered
indispensable, was re-elected from year to year; from 650 to 654, he was
five times elected consul, and beat the Cimbri, united with the Ambrones
and Teutones, near Aquæ Sextiæ (_Aix_), re-passed into Italy, and
exterminated, near Vercellæ, the Cimbri who had escaped from the last
battle and those whom the Celtiberians had driven back from Spain. These
immense butcheries, these massacres of whole peoples, removed for some
time the barbarians from the frontiers of the Republic.

Consul for the sixth time (654), the saviour of Rome and Italy, by a
generous deference, would not triumph without his colleague
Catulus,[689] and did not hesitate to exceed his powers in granting to
two auxiliary cohorts of Cameria, who had distinguished themselves, the
rights of city. [690] But his glory was obscured by culpable intrigues.
Associated with the most turbulent chiefs of the democratic party, he
excited them to revolt, and sacrificed them as soon as he saw that they
could not succeed. When governments repulse the legitimate wishes of the
people and true ideas, then factious men seize on them as a powerful arm
to serve their passions and personal interests; the Senate having
rejected all the proposals of reform, those who sought to raise
disorders found in them a pretext and support in their perverse
projects. L. Appuleius Saturninus, one of Marius’s creatures, and
Glaucia, a fellow of loose manners, were guilty of incredible
violences. The first revived the agrarian laws of the Gracchi, and went
beyond them in proposing the partition of the lands taken from the
Cimbri; a measure which he sought to impose by terror and murder. In the
troubles which broke out at the election of the consuls for 655, the
urban tribes came to blows with the country tribes. In the midst of the
tumult, Saturninus, followed by a troop of desperadoes, made himself
master of the Capitol, and fortified himself in it. Charged, in his
quality of consul, with the repression of sedition, Marius first
favoured it by an intentional inaction; then, seeing all good citizens
run to arms, and the factious without support, even deserted by the
urban plebeians, he placed himself at the head of some troops, and
occupied the avenues to the Capitol. From the first moment of the
attack, the rebels threw down their arms and demanded quarter. Marius
left them to be massacred by the people, as though he had wished that
the secret of the sedition might die with them.

The question of Italian emancipation was not foreign to the revolt of
Saturninus. It is certain that the claims of the Italiotes, rejected
after the death of C. Gracchus, and then adjourned at the approach of
the Cimbri, who threatened all the peninsula with one common
catastrophe, were renewed with more earnestness than ever after the
defeat of the barbarians. The earnestness of the allies to come to the
succour of Italy, the courage which they had shown in the battle-fields
of Aquæ Sextiæ and Vercellæ, gave them new claims to become Romans. Yet,
if some prudent politicians believed that the time was arrived for
yielding to the wishes of the Italiotes, a numerous and powerful party
revolted at the idea of such a concession. The more the privileges of
the citizens became extended, the more the Roman pride resisted the
thought of having sharers in them. M. Livius Drusus (663), tribune of
the people, son of the Drusus already mentioned, having under his
command in Rome an immense body of clients, the acknowledged patron of
all the Italiote cities, dared to attempt this salutary reform, and had
nearly carried it by force of party. He was not ignorant that there was
already in existence a formidable confederacy of the peoples of the
south and east of Italy, and that more than once their chiefs had
meditated a general insurrection. Drusus, trusting in their projects,
had had the art to restrain them and to obtain from them the promise of
a blind obedience. The success of the tribune seemed certain. The people
were gained over by distributions of wheat and concessions of lands; the
Senate, intimidated, appeared to have become powerless, when, a few days
before the vote of the tribes, Drusus was assassinated. All Italy
accused the senators of this crime, and war became inevitable.

The obstinate refusal of the Romans to share with the Italiotes all
their political rights, had been long a cause of political agitation.
More than two hundred years before, the war of the Latins and the revolt
of the inhabitants of Campania, after the battle of Cannæ, had no other
motives. About the same time (536), Spurius Carvilius proposed to admit
into the Senate two senators taken from each people in Latium. “The
assembly,” says Livy,[691] “burst into a murmur of indignation, and
Manlius, raising his voice over the others, declared that there existed
still a descendant of that consul who once, in the Capitol, threatened
to kill with his own hand the first Latin he should see in the curia;” a
striking proof of this secular resistance of the Roman aristocracy to
everything which might threaten its supremacy. But, after this epoch,
the ideas of equality had assumed a power which it was impossible to
mistake.


[Sidenote: Wars of the Allies (663). ]

VI. This civil war, which was called the _War of Allies_,[692] showed
once more the impotence of material force against the legitimate
aspirations of peoples, and it covered the country with blood and ruins.
Three hundred thousand citizens, the choice of the nation, perished on
the field of battle. [693] Rome had the superiority, it is true, and yet
it was the cause of the vanquished which triumphed, since, after the
war, the only object of which was the assertion of the rights of
citizenship, these rights were granted to most of the peoples of Italy.
Sylla subsequently restricted them, and we may be convinced, by
examining the different censuses, that the entire emancipation was only
accomplished under Cæsar. [694]

The revolt burst out fortuitously before the day fixed. It was provoked
by the violence of a Roman magistrate, who was massacred by the
inhabitants of Asculum; but all was ready for an insurrection, which
was not long before it became general. The allies had a secret
government, chiefs appointed, and an army organised. At the head of the
peoples confederated against Rome were distinguished the Marsi and the
Samnites; the first excited rather by a feeling of national pride than
by the memory of injuries to be revenged; the second, on the contrary,
by the hatred which they had vowed against the Romans during long
struggles for their independence--struggles renewed on the invasion of
Hannibal. Both shared the honour of the supreme command. It appears,
moreover, that the system of government adopted by the confederation was
a copy of the Roman institutions. To substitute Italy for Rome, and to
replace the denomination of a single town by that of a great people, was
the avowed aim of the new league. A Senate was named, or rather a Diet,
in which each city had its representatives; they elected two consuls, Q.
Pompædius Silo, a Marsian, and C. Papius Mutilus, a Samnite. For their
capital, they chose Corfinium, the name of which was changed to that of
_Italia_, or _Vitelia_, which, in the Oscan language, spoken by a part
of the peoples of Southern Italy, had the same signification. [695]

The allies were wanting neither in skilful generals nor in brave and
experienced soldiers; in the two camps, the same arms, the same
discipline. The war, commenced at the end of the year 663, was pursued
on both sides with the utmost animosity. It extended through Central
Italy, from the north to the south, from Firmum (_Fermo_) to Grumentum,
in Lucania, and from east to west from Cannæ to the Liris. The battles
were sanguinary, and often indecisive, and, on both sides, the losses
were so considerable, that it soon became necessary to enrol the
freedmen, and even the slaves.

The allies obtained at first brilliant successes. Marius had the glory
of arresting their progress, although he had only troops demoralised by
reverses. Fortune, this time again, served Sylla better; conqueror
wherever he appeared, he sullied his exploits by horrible cruelties to
the Samnites, whom he seemed to have undertaken to destroy rather than
to subdue. The Senate displayed more humanity, or more policy, in
granting spontaneously the right of Roman city to all the allies who
remained faithful to the Republic, and in promising it to all those who
should lay down their arms. It treated in the same manner the Cisalpine
Gauls; as to their neighbours on the left bank of the Po, it conferred
upon them the right of Latium. This wise measure divided the
confederates;[696] the greater part submitted. The Samnites, almost
alone, continued to fight in their mountains with the fury of despair.
The emancipation of Italy was accompanied, nevertheless, with a
restrictive measure which was designed to preserve to the Romans the
preponderance in the comitia. To the thirty-five old tribes, eight new
ones were added, in which all the Italiotes were inscribed; and, as the
votes were reckoned by tribes, and not by head, it is evident that the
influence of the new citizens must have been nearly null. [697]

Etruria had taken no part in the Social War. The nobility was devoted to
Rome, and the people lived in a condition approximating to bondage. The
law Julia, which gave to the Italiotes the right of Roman city, and
which took its name from its author, the consul L. Julius Cæsar,
produced among the Etruscans a complete revolution. It was welcomed with
enthusiasm.

While Italy was in flames, Mithridates VI. , king of Pontus, determined
to take advantage of the weakness of the Republic to aggrandise himself.
In 664, he invaded Bithynia and Cappadocia, and expelled the kings,
allies of Rome. At the same time he entered into communication with the
Samnites, to whom he promised subsidies and soldiers. Such was the
hatred then inspired by the Romans in foreign countries, that an order
of Mithridates was sufficient to raise the province of Asia, where, in
one day, eighty thousand Romans were massacred. [698] At this time the
Social War was already approaching its end. With the exception of
Samnium, all Italy was subdued, and the Senate could turn its attention
to the distant provinces.


[Sidenote: Sylla (666). ]

VII. Sylla, appointed consul in recompense for his services, was charged
with the task of chastising Mithridates. While he was preparing for this
mission, the tribune of the people, P. Sulpicius, had formed a powerful
party. A remarkable man, though without scruples, he had the qualities
and the defects of most of those who played a part in these epochs of
dissension. [699] Escorted by six hundred Roman knights, whom he called
the Anti-Senate,[700] he sold publicly the right of citizen to freedmen
and foreigners, and received the price on tables raised in the middle of
the public place. [701] He caused a plebiscitum to be passed to put an
end to the subterfuge of the law Julia, which, by an illusory
re-partition, cheated the Italiotes of the very rights which it seemed
to accord to them; and instead of maintaining them in the eight new
tribes, he caused them to be inscribed in the thirty-five old ones. The
measure was not adopted without warm discussions; but Sulpicius was
supported by all the new citizens, together with the democratic faction
and Marius. A riot carried the vote and Sylla, threatened with death,
was obliged to take refuge in the house of Marius, and hastily quit
Rome. Master of the town, Sulpicius showed the influences he obeyed, by
causing to be given to the aged Marius the province of Asia, and the
command of the expedition against Mithridates. But Sylla had his army in
Campania, and was determined to support his own claims.
While the
faction of Marius, in the town, indulged in acts of violence against the
contrary faction, the soldiers of Sylla were irritated at seeing the
legions of his rival likely to snatch from them the rich booty which
Asia promised; and they swore to avenge their chief. Sylla placed
himself at their head, and marched from Nola upon Rome, with his
colleague, Pompeius Rufus, who had just joined him. The greater part of
the superior officers dared not follow him, so great was still the
prestige of the eternal city. [702] In vain deputations are addressed to
him; he marches onwards, and penetrates into the streets of Rome.
Assailed by the inhabitants, and attacked by Marius and Sulpicius, he
triumphs only by dint of boldness and energy. It was the first time that
a general, entering Rome as a conqueror, had seized the power by force
of arms.

Sylla restored order, prevented pillage, convoked the assembly of the
people, justified his conduct, and, wishing to secure for his party the
preponderance in the public deliberations, he recalled to force the old
custom of requiring the previous assent of the Senate before the
presentation of a law. The comitia by centuries were substituted for
the comitia by tribes, to which was left only the election of the
inferior magistrates. [703] Sylla caused Sulpicius to be put to death,
and abrogated his decrees; and he set a price on the head of Marius,
forgetting that he had himself, a short time before, found a refuge in
the house of his rival. He proscribed the chiefs of the democratic
faction, but most of them had fled before he entered Rome. Marius and
his son had reached Africa through a thousand dangers. This revolution
appears not to have been sanguinary, and, with the exception of
Sulpicius, the historians of the time mention no considerable person as
having been put to death. The terror inspired at first by Sylla lasted
no long time. Reprobation of his acts was shown both in the Senate and
among the people, who seized every opportunity to mark their discontent.
Sylla was to resume the command of the army of Asia, and that of the
army of Italy had fallen to Pompeius. The massacre of this latter by his
own soldiers made the future dictator feel how insecure was his power;
he sought to put a stop to the opposition to which he was exposed by
accepting as a candidate at the consular comitia L. Cornelius Cinna, a
known partisan of Marius, taking care, however, to exact from him a
solemn oath of fidelity. But Cinna, once elected, held none of his
engagements, and the other consul, Cn. Octavius, had neither the
authority nor the energy necessary to balance the influence of his
colleague.

Sylla, after presiding at the consular comitia, went in all haste to
Capua to take the command of his troops, whom he led into Greece against
the lieutenants of Mithridates. Cinna determined to execute the law of
Sulpicius, which assimilated the new citizens to the old ones;[704] he
demanded at the same time the return of the exiles, and made an appeal
to the slaves. Immediately the Senate, and even the tribunes of the
people, pronounced against him. He was declared deposed from the
consulate. “A merited disgrace,” says Paterculus, “but a dangerous
precedent. ”[705] Driven from Rome, he hurried to Nola to demand an
asylum of the Samnites, who were still in arms. Thence he went to sound
the temper of the Roman army employed to observe Samnium, and, once
assured of the dispositions of the soldiers in his favour, he penetrated
into their camp, demanding protection against his enemies. His speeches
and promises seduced the legions: they chose Cinna for their chief by
acclamation, and followed him without hesitating. Meanwhile two
lieutenants of Marius, Q. Sertorius and Cn. Papirius Carbo, both exiled
by Sylla, proceeded to levy troops in the north of Italy; and the aged
Marius landed in Etruria, where his presence was immediately followed by
an insurrection. The Etruscan peasants accused the Senate as the cause
of all their sufferings; and the enemy of the nobles and the rich
appeared to them as an avenger sent by the gods. In ranging themselves
under his banner, they believed that they were on the way with him to
the pillage of the eternal city.

War was on the point of re-commencing, and this time Romans and
Italiotes marched united against Rome. From the north, Marius,
Sertorius, and Carbo were advancing with considerable forces. Cinna,
master of Campania, was penetrating into Latium, while a Samnite army
invaded it on the other side. To these five armies the Senate could
oppose but one; that of Cn. Pompeius Strabo, an able general, but an
intriguing politician, who hoped to raise himself under favour of the
disorder. Quitting his cantonments in Apulia, he had arrived, by forced
marches, under the walls of Rome, seeking either to sell his services to
the Senate or to effect a conciliation with Marius. He soon saw that the
insurgents were strong enough to do without him. His soldiers, raised in
the Picenum and in the country of the Marsi, refused to fight for the
Senate against their old confederates, and would have abandoned their
general but for the courage and presence of mind of his son, a youth of
twenty years of age, the same who subsequently was the great Pompey. One
day the legionaries, snatching their ensigns, threatened to desert in
mass: young Pompey laid himself across the gateway of the camp, and
challenged them to pass over his body. [706] Death delivered Pompeius
Strabo from the shame of being present at an inevitable catastrophe.
According to some authors, he sank under the attacks of an epidemic
disease; according to others, he was struck by lightning in the very
midst of his camp. Deprived of its chief, his army passed over to the
enemy; the Senate was without defenders, and the populace rose against
it: Rome opened her gates to Cinna and Marius.

The conquerors were without pity in putting to death, often with
refinements in cruelty unknown to the Romans, the partisans of the
aristocratic faction who had fallen into their hands. During several
days, the slaves, whom Cinna had restored to liberty, gave themselves up
to every excess. Sertorius, the only one of the chiefs of the democratic
party who had some feelings of justice, made an example of these
wretches, and massacred nearly four thousand of them. [707]

Marius and Cinna had proclaimed, as they advanced upon Rome in arms,
that their aim was to assure to the Italiotes the entire enjoyment of
the rights of Roman city; they declared themselves both consuls for the
year 668. Their power was too considerable to be contested, for the new
citizens furnished them with a contingent of thirty legions, or about
150,000 men. [708] Marius died suddenly thirteen days after entering upon
office, and the democratic party lost in him the only man who still
preserved his prestige. A fact which arose out of his funeral, paints
the manners of the epoch, and the character of the revolution which had
just been effected. An extraordinary sacrifice was wanted for his tomb:
the pontiff Q. Mucius Scævola, one of the most respectable old men of
the nobility, was chosen as the victim. Conducted in pomp before the
funeral pile of the conqueror of the Cimbri, he was struck by the
sacrificer, who, with an inexperienced hand, plunged the knife into his
throat without killing him. Restored to life, Scævola was cited in
judgment, by a tribune of the people, for not having received the blow
_fairly_. [709]

While Rome and all Italy were plunged in this fearful anarchy, Sylla
drove out of Greece the generals of Mithridates VI. , and gained two
great battles at Chæronea (668) and Orchomenus (669). He was still in
Bœotia, when Valerius Flaccus, sent by Cinna to replace him, landed
in Greece, penetrated into Thessaly, and thence passed into Asia. Sylla
followed him thither immediately, in haste to conclude with the King of
Pontus an arrangement which would enable him to lead his army back into
Italy. Circumstances were favourable. Mithridates had need to repair his
losses, and he found himself in presence of a new enemy, the lieutenant
of Valerius Flaccus, the fierce Flavius Fimbria, who, having by the
murder of his general become head of the army of Asia, had seized upon
Pergamus. Mithridates subscribed to the conditions imposed by Sylla; he
restored all the provinces of which he had taken possession, and gave
plate and money. Sylla then advanced into Lydia against Fimbria; but the
latter, at the approach of the victor of Chæronea, could not restrain
his soldiers. His whole army disbanded and passed over to Sylla.
Threatened by his rival, the murderer of Flaccus was driven to slay
himself. Nothing now stood in the way of Sylla’s projects on Italy, and
he prepared to make his enemies at Rome pay dearly for their temporary
triumph. At the moment of setting sail, he wrote to the Senate to
announce the conclusion of the war in Asia, and his own speedy return.
Three years, he said, had been sufficient to enable him to re-unite with
the Roman empire Greece, Macedonia, Ionia, and Asia, and to shut up
Mithridates within the limits of his old possessions; he was the first
Roman who received an embassy from the King of the Parthians. [710] He
complained of the violence exercised against his friends and his wife,
who had fled with a crowd of fugitives to seek an asylum in his
camp. [711] He added, without vain threats, his intention to restore
order by force of arms; but he promised not to repeal the great measure
of the emancipation of Italy, and ended by declaring that the good
citizens, new as well as old, had nothing to fear from him.

This letter, which the Senate ventured to receive, redoubled the fury of
the men who had succeeded Marius. Blood flowed again. Cinna, who caused
himself to be re-elected consul for the fourth time, and Cn. Papirius
Carbo, his colleague, collecting in haste numerous troops, but ill
disciplined, prepared to do their best to make head against the storm
which was approaching. Persuaded that Sylla would proceed along the
Adriatic to invade Italy from the north, Cinna had collected at Ancona a
considerable army, with the design of surprising him in the midst of his
march, and attacking him either in Epirus or Illyria. But his soldiers,
Italiotes in great part, encouraged by the promises of Sylla, and,
moreover, full of contempt for their own general, said openly that they
would not pass the sea. Cinna attempted to make an example of some of
the mutineers. A revolt broke out, and he was massacred. To avoid a
similar lot, Carbo, who came to take the command, hastened to promise
the rebels that they should not quit Italy.

Sylla landed at Brundusium, in 671, at the head of an army of forty
thousand men, composed of five legions, six thousand cavalry, and
contingents from Peloponnesus and Macedonia. The fleet numbered sixteen
hundred vessels. [712] He followed the Appian Way, and reached Campania
after a single battle, fought not far from Canusium. [713] He brought the
gold of Mithridates and the plunder of the temples of Greece, means of
seduction still more dangerous than his ability on the field of battle.
Hardly arrived in Italy, he rallied round him the proscripts and all
those who detested the inapt and cruel government of the successors of
Marius. The remains of the great families decimated by them repaired to
his camp as to a safe place of refuge. M. Licinius Crassus became one of
his ablest lieutenants, and it was then that Cn. Pompeius, the son of
Strabo, a general at twenty-three years of age, raised an army in the
Picenum, beat three bodies of the enemies, and came to offer to Sylla
his sword, already redoubtable.

It was the beginning of the year 672 when Sylla entered Latium; he
completely defeated, near Signia, the legions of the younger Marius,
whose name had raised him to the consulship. This battle rendered Sylla
master of Rome; but to the north, in Cisalpine Gaul and Etruria, Carbo,
in spite of frequent defeats, disputed the ground with obstinacy against
Pompey and Sylla’s other lieutenants. In the south, the Samnites had
raised all their forces, and were preparing to succour Præneste,
besieged by Sylla in person, and defended by young Marius. Pontius
Telesinus, the general of the Samnites, finding it out of his power to
raise the siege, conceived then the audacious and almost desperate idea
of carrying his whole army to Rome, taking it by surprise, and sacking
it. “Let us burn the wolves’ den,”[714] he said to his soldiers: “so
long as it exists, there will be no liberty in Italy. ”

By a rapid night-march, Telesinus deceived the vigilance of his
adversary; but, exhausted with fatigue, on arriving at the foot of the
ramparts of Rome, the Samnites were unable to give the assault, and
Sylla had time to arrive with the choicest of his legions.

A sanguinary battle took place at the very gates of the town, on the day
of the calends of November, 672, and it continued far into the night.
The left wing of the Romans was beaten and took to flight, in spite of
the efforts of Sylla to rally it; Telesinus perished in the fight, and
Crassus, who commanded the right wing, gained a complete victory. At
daylight, the Samnites who had escaped the slaughter laid down their
arms and demanded quarter. [715]

More than a year still passed away before the complete pacification of
Italy, and it was only obtained by employing the most violent and
sanguinary measures. Sylla made this terrible declaration, that he would
not pardon one of his enemies. At Præneste, all the senators who were
the partisans of Marius had their throats cut, and the inhabitants were
put to the sword. Those of Norba, surprised through treason, rather than
surrender, buried themselves under the ruins of their city.

Sylla had scrupled at nothing in his way to power; the corruption of the
armies,[716] the pillage of towns, the massacre of the inhabitants, and
the extermination of his enemies; nor did he show any more scruples in
maintaining himself in it. He inaugurated his return to the Senate by
the slaughter, near the Temple of Bellona, of three thousand Samnites
who had surrendered prisoners. [717] A considerable number of the
inhabitants of Italy were deprived of the right of city which had been
granted them after the war of the allies;[718] he invented a new
punishment, that of proscription,[719] and, in Rome alone, he banished
four thousand seven hundred citizens, among whom were ninety senators,
fifteen consulars, and two thousand seven hundred knights. [720] His fury
fell heaviest upon the Samnites, whose spirit of independence he feared,
and he almost entirely annihilated that nation. [721] Although his
triumph had been a reaction against the popular party, he treated as
prisoners of war the children of the noblest and most respectable
families, and, by a monstrous innovation, even the women suffered the
same lot. [722] Lists of proscription, placarded on the Forum with the
names of the intended victims, threw terror into families; to laugh or
cry on looking at these was a crime. [723] M. Pletorius was slaughtered
for having fainted at the sight of the punishment inflicted on the
prætor, M. Marius;[724] to denounce the hiding-place of the proscripts,
or put them to death, formed a title to recompenses paid from the public
treasury, amounting in some cases to twelve thousand drachmas (about
11,640 francs [£460]) a head;[725] to assist them, to have had friendly
or any other relations with the enemies of Sylla, was enough to subject
the offender to capital punishment. From one end of Italy to the other,
all those who had served under the orders of Marius, Carbo, or Norbanus,
were massacred or banished, and their goods sold by auction. They were
to be struck even in their posterity: the children and grandchildren of
the proscripts were deprived of the right of inheritance and of being
candidates for public offices. [726] All these acts of pitiless vengeance
had been authorised by a law called _Valeria_, promulgated in 672, and
which, in appointing Sylla dictator, conferred upon him unlimited
powers. Yet, though Sylla kept the supreme power, he permitted the
election of the consuls every year, an example which was subsequently
followed by the emperors.

Calm re-established in Rome, a new constitution was promulgated, which
restored the aristocracy to its ascendency. The dictator fell into the
delusion of believing that a system founded by violence, upon selfish
interests, could survive him. It is easier to change laws than to arrest
the course of ideas.

The legislation of the Gracchi was abolished. The senators, by the law
_judiciaria_, acquired again the exclusive privilege of the judicatory
functions. The colony of Capua, a popular creation, was destroyed and
restored to the domain. Sylla assumed to himself one of the first
privileges of the censorship, which he had suppressed--the nomination
of the members of the Senate. He introduced into that assembly,
decimated during the civil wars, three hundred knights. By the law on
the priesthood, he removed from the votes of the people and restored to
the college the choice of the pontiffs and of the sovereign pontiff. He
limited the power of the tribunes, leaving them only the right of
protection (_auxilium_),[727] and forbidding their access to the
superior magistracies. [728] He flattered himself that he had thus
removed the ambitious from a career henceforward profitless.

He admitted into Rome ten thousand new citizens (called
_Cornelians_),[729] taken from among the slaves whose masters had been
proscribed. Similar enfranchisements took place in the rest of Italy. He
had almost exterminated two nations, the Etruscans and the Samnites; he
re-peopled their deserted countries by distributing the estates of his
adversaries among a considerable number of his soldiers, whom some
authors raise to the prodigious number of forty-seven legions,[730] and
created for his veterans twenty-three military colonies on the territory
taken from the rebel towns. [731]

All these arbitrary measures were dictated by the spirit of reaction;
but those which follow were inspired by the desire to re-establish order
and the hierarchy.

The rules formerly adopted for the succession of the magistracies were
restored. [732] No person could offer himself for the consulship without
having previously held the office of prætor; or for the prætorship
before he had held that of questor. Thirty years were fixed as the age
necessary for the questorship, forty for the prætorship, and forty-three
for the consulship. The law required an interval of two years between
the exercise of two different magistracies, and often between the same
magistracy, a rule so severely maintained, that, for having braved it in
merely soliciting for the consulship,[733] Lucretius Ofella, one of
Sylla’s most devoted partisans, was put to death. The dictator withdrew
from the freedmen the right of voting, from the knights the places of
honour in the spectacles; he put a stop to the adjudications entrusted
to the farmers-general and the distributions of wheat, and suppressed
the corporations, which threatened a real danger to public tranquillity.
Lastly, to put limits to extravagance, the sumptuary laws were
promulgated. [734]

By the law _de provinciis ordinandis_, he sought to regulate the
provinces and ameliorate their administration. The two consuls and the
eight prætors were retained at Rome during their year of office by the
administration of civil affairs. They took afterwards, in quality of
proconsuls or proprætors, the command of one of the ten provinces, which
they exercised during a year; after which a new curiate law became
necessary to renew the _imperium_; they preserved it until their return
to Rome. Thirty days were allowed to them for quitting the province
after the arrival of their successors. [735] The number of prætors,
questors, pontiffs, and augurs was augmented. [736] Every year twenty
questors were to be named, which would ensure the recruitment of the
Senate, since this office gave entrance to it. Sylla multiplied the
commissions of justice. He took measures for putting a stop to the
murders which desolated Italy (_lex de sicariis_), and to protect the
citizens against outrages (_lex de injuriis_). The _lex magistratis_
completed, so to say, the preceding. [737] In the number of _crimes of
high treason_, punished capitally, are the excesses of magistrates
charged with the administration of the provinces; quitting their
government without leave of the Senate; conducting an army beyond the
limits of his province; undertaking a war unauthorised; treating with
foreign chiefs: such were the principal acts denounced as crimes against
the Republic. There was not one of them of which Sylla himself had not
been guilty.

Sylla abdicated in 675, the only extraordinary act which remained for
him to accomplish. He who had carried mourning into so many families
returned into his own house alone, through a respectful and submissive
crowd. Such was the ascendency of his old power, supported, moreover,
by the ten thousand Cornelians present in Rome and devoted to his
person,[738] that, though he had resumed his position of simple citizen,
he was still allowed to act as absolute master, and even on the eve of
his death, which occurred in 676, he made himself the executioner of
pitiless justice, in daring to cause to be slaughtered before his eyes
the prætor Granius, guilty of exaction. [739]

Unexampled magnificence was displayed at his funeral; his body was
carried to the Campus Martius, where previously none but the kings had
been inhumed. [740] He left Italy tamed, but not subdued; the great
nobles in power, but without moral authority; his partisans enriched,
but trembling for their riches; the numerous victims of tyranny held
down, but growling under the oppression; lastly, Rome taught that
henceforth she is without protection against the boldness of any
fortunate soldier. [741]


[Sidenote: Effects of Sylla’s Dictatorship. ]

VII. The history of the last fifty years, and especially the
dictatorship of Sylla, show beyond doubt that Italy demanded a master.
Everywhere institutions gave way before the power of an individual,
sustained not only by his own partisans, but also by the irresolute
multitude, which, fatigued by the action and reaction of so many
opposite parties, aspired to order and repose. If the conduct of Sylla
had been moderated, what is called the Empire would probably have
commenced with him; but his power was so cruel and so partial, that
after his death, the abuses of liberty were forgotten in the memory of
abuses of tyranny. The more the democratic spirit had expanded, the more
the ancient institutions lost their prestige. In fact, as democracy,
trusting and passionate, believes always that its interests are better
represented by an individual than by a political body, it was
incessantly disposed to deliver its future to the man who raised himself
above others by his own merit. The Gracchi, Marius, and Sylla, had in
turn disposed at will of the destinies of the Republic, and trampled
under foot with impunity ancient institutions and ancient customs; but
their reign was ephemeral,[742] for they only represented factions.
Instead of embracing collectively the hopes and interests of all the
peninsula of Italy, they favoured exclusively particular classes of
society. Some sought before all to secure the prosperity of the
proletaries of Rome, or the emancipation of the Italiotes, or the
preponderance of the knights; others, the privileges of the aristocracy.
They failed.

To establish a durable order of things there wanted a man who, raising
himself above vulgar passions, should unite in himself the essential
qualities and just ideas of each of his predecessors, avoiding their
faults as well as their errors. To the greatness of soul and love of the
people of certain tribunes, it was needful to join the military genius
of great generals and the strong sentiments of the Dictator in favour of
order and the hierarchy.

The man capable of so lofty a mission already existed; but perhaps, in
spite of his name, he might have still remained long unknown, if the
penetrating eye of Sylla had not discovered him in the midst of the
crowd, and, by persecution, pointed him out to public attention. That
man was Cæsar.




BOOK II.

HISTORY OF JULIUS CÆSAR.




CHAPTER I.

(654-684. )


[Sidenote: First Years of Cæsar. ]

I. About the time when Marius, by his victories over the Cimbri and
Teutones, saved Italy from a formidable invasion, was born at Rome the
man who would one day, by again subduing the Gauls and Germans, retard
for several centuries the irruption of the barbarians, give the
knowledge of their rights to oppressed peoples, assure continuance to
Roman civilisation, and bequeath his name to the future chiefs of
nations, as a consecrated emblem of power.

Caius Julius Cæsar was born at Rome on the 4th of the ides of Quintilis
(July 12), 654,[743] and the month Quintilis, called _Julius_ [July] in
honour of him, has borne for 1,900 years the name of the great man. He
was the son of C. Julius Cæsar,[744] prætor, who died suddenly at Pisa
about 670,[745] and of Aurelia, descended from an illustrious plebeian
family.

By ancestry and alliances, Cæsar inherited that double prestige which is
derived from ancient origin and recent renown.

On one side, he claimed to be descended from Anchises and Venus;[746] on
the other, he was the nephew of the famous Marius who had married his
aunt Julia. When the widow of this great captain died in 686, Cæsar
pronounced her funeral oration, and thus traced out his own
genealogy:--“My aunt Julia, on the maternal side, is of the issue of
kings; on the paternal side, she descends from the immortal gods: for
her mother was a Marcia,[747] and the family Marcius Rex are the
descendants of Ancus Marcius. The Julia family, to which I belong,
descends from Venus herself. Thus our house unites to the sacred
character of kings, who are the most powerful among men, the venerated
holiness of the gods, who hold kings themselves under their
subjection. ”[748]

This proud glorification of his race attests the value which was set at
Rome upon antiquity of origin; but Cæsar, sprung from that aristocracy
which had produced so many illustrious men, and impatient to follow in
their footsteps, showed, from early youth, that nobility obliges,
instead of imitating those whose conduct would make one believe that
nobility dispenses.

Aurelia, a woman of lofty character and severe morals,[749] helped above
all in the development of his great abilities, by a wise and enlightened
education, and prepared him to make himself worthy of the part which
destiny had reserved for him. [750] This first education, given by a
tender and virtuous mother, has ever as much influence over our future
as the most precious natural qualities. Cæsar reaped the fruits of it.
He also received lessons from M. Antonius Gnipho, the Gaul, a
philosopher and master of eloquence, of a rare mind, of vast learning,
and well versed in Greek and Latin letters, which he had cultivated at
Alexandria. [751]

Greece was always the country of the arts and sciences, and the language
of Demosthenes was familiar to every lettered Roman. [752] Thus Greek and
Latin might be called the two languages of Italy, as they were, at a
later period, by the Emperor Claudius. [753] Cæsar spoke both with the
same facility; and, when falling beneath the dagger of Brutus, he
pronounced in Greek the last words that issued from his lips. [754]

Though eager for pleasure, he neglected nothing, says Suetonius, by
which to acquire those talents which lead to the highest honours. Now,
according to Roman habits, the first offices were attainable only by the
union of the most diverse merits. The patrician youth, still worthy of
their ancestors, were not idle: they sought religious appointments, to
give them power over consciences; administrative employments, to
influence material interests; discussions and public discourses, to
captivate minds by their eloquence; finally, military labours, to strike
imaginations by the brilliancy of their glory. Emulous of distinction in
all, Cæsar did not confine himself to the study of letters; he early
composed works, among which are cited “The Praises of Hercules,” a
tragedy of “Œdipus,” “A Collection of Choice Phrases,”[755] a book on
“Divination. ”[756] It seems that these works were written in a style so
pure and correct, that they gained for him the reputation of an eminent
writer, _gravis auctor linguæ Latinæ_. [757] He was less happy in the art
of poetry, if we may believe Tacitus. [758] However, there remain to us
some verses addressed to the memory of Terence, which are not wanting in
elegance. [759]

Education, then, had made Cæsar a distinguished man before he was a
great man. He united to goodness of heart a high intelligence, to an
invincible courage,[760] an enthralling eloquence,[761] a wonderful
memory,[762] an unbounded generosity; finally, he possessed one very
rare quality--calmness under anger. [763] “His affability,” says
Plutarch, “his politeness, his gracious address--qualities which he had
to a degree beyond his age--gained him the affection of the
people. ”[764]

Two anecdotes of later date must come in here.