This philanthropic
apparatus
has fostered federal policies that include deregulating business and cutting social services.
The Public Work of Rhetoric_nodrm
4% average of the 1990s is considerably lower [than the average between 1850 and 1914 of 3.
9%], little different from the growth rates .
.
.
in the much- maligned 1970s and well below the 1960s.
"40
For Richard Sennett, new capitalism masks the older social capitalism of the twentieth century, once engendered through education and special skills, with a "specter of uselessness" as a reduction in the need for labor in global mar- kets and a revision of the "moral prestige of work itself. "41 There is a grotesque contradiction between the civic progressivism of third-way, new-economic policies and such sobering and sometimes apocalyptic projections that are today being matched by economic reality. 42 For the rhetorical critic and citi- zen, what is truly grotesque is the imaginative distance that lies between new economic progressivism and the human costs borne by the planet and the "people" in unbridled, transnational capitalism and the erasure of precisely those stark contrasts in everyday life that could lead residents and critics to challenge the status quo. Chantal Mouffe insists that a disingenuously "radi- cal" centrism underlying the third-way political agenda promotes harmony through dialogue while it is "unable to grasp the systematic connections
Rhetorical Engagement in the Cultural Economies of Cities 83
existing between global market forces and the variety of problems--from exclusion to environmental risks--that it pretends to tackle. "43 Her charge is to reactivate political struggle to highlight the discursive and material terrain between the oxymoron of transnational progressivism found in third-way politics and the abject dissolution of pubic life in a global age. Civic and politi- cal forms of engagement in policy spheres (for example, service versus voting) are blurring, largely because more than twenty years of conservative political influence has led to federal and state governments "devolving" and outsourc- ing their powers and responsibilities to private and nonprofit sectors of soci- ety. 44 ServiceNation's goal of enlisting and organizing 100 million Americans to serve their communities may be a powerful corrective for the erasure of public life in a global democracy--or precisely the kind of systemic devolution for which neoliberal economic policies thirst.
To frame rhetorical engagement in economic terms, we must return to the city, because it opens our analysis and participation up to the discursive and material elements of the economic predicaments of our communities. The economies of the city precede and thus predetermine the success and sustain- ability of our engagements, reminding us that our communities are in con- stant dialectic with the global economy. If knowledge and information are the new currencies of the global economy, they are being remade each day in our neighborhood schools, offices, streets, and playgrounds as well as our mosques, synagogues, and churches--all of which are shaped by policy spheres. There is a uniquely powerful position for rhetorical agency as it sorts through the economic myth and reality of civic engagement in the polis. A cultural econ- omy is a critical antidote for the utopian excesses of the new economy, because it features the arts, creativity, social action, built space, and local culture, and by implication it includes rhetoric as a civic, urban, and deliberative art. There are multiple economies that must be disentangled to disinter the cultural economy of a city or region: the new economy, which is presumed to replace the orthodoxy of fading economy regimes and which is deeply tied to politi- cal interests; the cultural economy, which is an emerging analytical tool to dis- rupt both old and new economic models; and then the creative economy,45 which has attributes of both old, new, and cultural economies--offering a topoi to invent new policies for neighborhoods caught in the middle of eco- nomic decline, euphemistic policy, and the local need for civic and economic renewal.
As Paul du Gay and Michael Pryke summarize, culture and the economy have invaded each other's intellectual and policy terrain to the point that efforts to determine an actual economy for a people in an organization, city, or region will invariably lead us to critically determine not the economy so much as the "assemblage" of cultural agents, artifacts, policies, institutions, and beliefs that arguably constitute a visible, working economic system. 46 They point out that culture industries (film, art, media) are among the most
84 John M. Ackerman
profitable and adaptive, partly because they are fully equipped to participate in the information streams of a digital world. Du Gay and Pryke note that more static service and production-oriented industries have learned to brand their organizational ethos--their culture--leading them to higher efficiencies and profitability. A cultural economy is fundamentally rhetorical because it is fundamentally "contingent. " To capitalize on contingency, they advise us to reject all binaries of the culture and the economy, as we embrace both the attributes of a cultural analysis (for example, discursive systems, ideology) and the attributes of orthodox economies (for example, marketing, sales, accounting) for their persuasive power. The efficacy of a cultural economy, much akin to rhetoric, is determined by its relevance to the circumstance from which it was derived: "while one can profess a cultural or discursive view of economics and continue to make strong economic assertions, one cannot necessarily do economics in a way that follows from one's convictions con- cerning its cultural constitution. "47 I end this essay with a brief example of my collaborative efforts to divine the cultural economy of a city, under the mantel of civic engagement, which requires a rejection of cultural binaries to produce the best rhetorical effect.
The Cultural Economy of Kent/State
The orthodox economics of Kent, Ohio, are unavoidable to most residents and visitors, because the city does not exhibit the vibrancy of a generic col- lege town. It does not look or feel right in comparison with other university cities and in comparison with neighboring municipalities in what is becom- ing the exurban network of Cleveland and Akron. Too many storefronts are boarded up, too many businesses have changed hands, and the commercial district does not hum with the street life of a university community. The city is also silent about its past. Visitors remark on the difficulty of finding the commemorative site of the May 4, 1970, shooting on campus, and the down- town district offers little to no public record of the events that led to the city's iconic status in the public imagination. 48 In conversations with students, neighbors, and colleagues, I found a coincidence in the city's tragic past and the artifice of its economic plight, a coincidence and geography that led me to question the detachment of civic engagement as a university-sponsored learning event from the economic solvency of the city. Recent forecasts of the educational and economic futures of public research universities all claim that universities cannot ignore their urban and regional hosts, because growth de- pends on regional coexistence. 49 The publicized economic health of this city bears little witness to a cultural economy that would embrace a tragic past, as an embodied geography that one can experience in Kent by looking north- west to the city's central business district and then southeast to the grassy hill where National Guard troops shot dead four students and wounded nine others.
Rhetorical Engagement in the Cultural Economies of Cities 85
In orthodox economic terms, the city's economic future by 2005 was not bright. 50 The consumer price index had increased at a rate of 3. 3 percent, while the city's average increase in income tax receipts was 1. 5 percent. The 2005 Financial Report for Kent decries the loss of the "buying power" of the city and its residents. Adjusted and actual revenues were drifting farther and farther apart, due in part to the nation's "jobless economic recovery. " Kent is a postindustrial city, and like many others in Ohio, it has struggled to adapt to the new competitive environments of a global economy. In a town with few economic engines, Kent State University, and the innovation and entre- preneurialism located there, appeared to many to be the best financial solution if new investors could not be found. Private-sector income tax contributions dropped significantly from 1989 to 2005, while the university's share grew from 31 percent to 35 percent, by far the largest contributor. Manufacturing's contributions were cut in half.
The city's economic past was also troubled. The price of oil quadrupled in the early 1970s, and real wages, fueling economic expansion, were usurped by inflation after World War II and the consumer price index. 51 Kent, once a thriving river town, from World War II forward, had to adjust to the demise of the railroad and the invention of a highway system that helped some com- munities but hindered Kent with no easy passage to Akron or Cleveland. Local businesses faced more and more competition, while corporations ex- tended their influence through commodity pricing. Local economies in small towns sometimes turn on a few cataclysmic events, and so it was for Kent. The Commerce Building burned down in 1972, displacing numerous busi- nesses in the downtown district. Davey Tree Service, now a national corpora- tion and one of the most lucrative businesses in the community, along with the U. S. Postal Service, moved away from the downtown district. Haymaker Parkway, conceived in the early 1970s, cut a new pathway through the down- town and between the city and the university. Even the university's decision to become a full-service campus offering financial services, food, recreation, learning, and medical aid further isolated the university community from the city. Alcohol was always an incentive to go downtown, and that, too, dimin- ished when the drinking age was raised to twenty-one. To gauge the impact of these times, I turned to the Kent State University Archives and the Portage County Planning Commission. Using 1970 as my benchmark, it took seven- teen years for the number of students and twenty years for the city's popula- tion to return to the 1970 levels. In Portage County, Kent ranks highest in individual poverty and is one of the highest in poverty among the elderly and families with children. The median income in Kent was nearly $15,000 below the county median of $44,000, which was well below the state and national averages.
If a cultural economy has the capacity to subvert orthodox and new economies by authorizing a prognosis based on the economic attributes of
86 John M. Ackerman
local culture, then the rhetorical analysis of those attributes must be critically multimodal. We must look beyond the symbolic to determine the material attributes of a cultural economy because symbolicity naturalizes an affinity between the aesthetic object and its representation. Walter Benjamin, much earlier in the twentieth century, foresaw this problem, whenever the cultural economy of the city is confused with an aesthetic object that renders symbolic its lived appreciation or critique. 52 Recent studies of the symbolic economies of cities still suffer from the interpretive habit that subsumes culture under the domain of symbolic representation. A symbolic economy may include a wide range of abstract and concrete properties from information and culture to the "spaces in which they are created and consumed," but John Allen insists that we go further to break apart all logics that assign either symbol or space to a specific sphere, for example, as "food, fashion, music, or tourism. "53 The critic must search for novel "registers" that result from productive "entangle- ments" of aesthetic, material, representational, and discursive elements in a site's cultural economy. Yet critical entanglements do not give license to post- modern confusion. To the contrary, critical entanglements search for a mean- ingful dissonance in the cultural milieu that defeats the bias of textuality over materiality or the bias of the aesthetic over the quotidian.
The cultural economy of Kent resides most poignantly in the legacy of the public tragedy of May 4, 1970. Cultural memory as an economic attribute dif- ferentiates across individual, social, collective, and public memories. 54 As I have written elsewhere, this differentiation allows for vibrant forms of civic reflec- tion, dialogue, and planning if a stage is provided by the city. People not only remember the events of May 4 differently, but their ability to recall those times depends upon the way they revisit the terrain of commemoration. It matters deeply that residents of Kent and employees of the university experience the city differently according to their exposure to the geography of the protests in the streets of the downtown district in 1970 and the eventual location of the May 4 memorial, some twenty years later, on the university campus. Stu- dents and newcomers to Kent rely on different degrees of collective and pub- lic memory, the memory troves that transcend direct experience and social (community) awareness. Local residents draw upon individual and social memory and at times resent the ideologies sustained by collective and public memory, the memory troves that bind Kent State to a collective conscious- ness (if you were alive in 1970) and the public imagination. The city is a latent interlocutor in this dissonant, mostly silent, deliberation. There are no com- memorative sites or events in the downtown district. The geography and kairos of commemoration are overwhelmed by a tragic cataclysm that has been re- stricted to a few days on the Kent Campus in early May and to an inconspic- uous memorial site on campus.
My contention that memory is material and that memory reinscribes a dis- sonant cultural geography in the economy of the city rests on the assumption
Rhetorical Engagement in the Cultural Economies of Cities 87
that memory and place are intertwined, an assumption fully explored by Edward Casey and many others. 55 "What is contained in place is well on its way to being well remembered," with the reverse equally true that what is con- tained in memory is well on its way to emplacement. 56 Not only do people recall differently the events of May 4, they assign praise and blame differently according to their ideological bias and geographical wherewithal. This bias-- for example, many living residents still blame the students for the actions of the National Guard--corresponds with different explanations of the economic plight of the city. Some recall the broken windows downtown and assign eco- nomic decline to political unrest, and others do not, explaining the economic predicament through economic orthodoxy. Everyone, therefore, reads the arti- fice of the city differently.
Memory reinscribes the city, and the artifice of the city reinscribes mem- ory. Working from that premise, a juxtaposition of orthodox and cultural economies in Kent would suggest that we study the territorial boundaries and proximities of different social institutions. The space between the city of Kent's downtown business district and the west and north sides of the uni- versity is bisected by the Main Street Bridge and Haymaker Parkway, a con- struction project conceived long before the May 4 shootings but completed just shortly thereafter. The bridge and parkway comprise the epicenter of the cultural economy of Kent for several reasons. Haymaker Parkway in its cur- rent form inscribes the territorial boundaries of both the city and the univer- sity. Haymaker was designed to bring new economic life to the downtown business district, but in my analysis the coincidence of the parkway with the shootings and unrest in 1970, and with what one resident called a "violation of the 50-year commitment to the university as a cultural anchor," meant that the city built a wall in the form of a boulevard. In doing so, it slowed the reconciliation of dissonant points of view on a public tragedy by ensuring that the artifice of the city, owned by all residents and employees, was broken in two.
The legacy of the city's efforts to reimagine and build a positive economic future is cataloged in cycles of urban planning. Figure 1 compresses the mate- rial history of the city and its need to cross the Cuyahoga River to promote commerce. The image displayed on the following page illustrates the city's fixation from 1970 to the present on Haymaker and the downtown business district and the desire to correct what it has wrought. Excerpts from planning documents show how the city's artifice inscribed over time has left an indeli- ble geography of the city and university's epicenter. The full history of eco- nomic development, the artifice of the city, and an interweaving of public tragedy goes well beyond this essay, but this illustration shows how ordinary urban landscapes, as Deloris Hayden states in the quotation that opens this essay, reveal much more than mere cycles of urban renewal. They exhume a city's cultural economy from its artifice to remind us that culture can never be
? City plans and artifacts. From Kent State University Archives and from Ruller, "Kent 360," http://www. kent360. com
Rhetorical Engagement in the Cultural Economies of Cities 89
explained through orthodox economic accounts alone or by virtue of a city's monumental structures or public record. The city planners of Kent sought the expertise and involvement of the university, and the 1993 and 2004 plan- ning cycles present Haymaker as an urban corridor that must be beautified, rezoned, bisected, tempered by traffic-calming devices, crossed on foot and by bicycle--anything but let the 1970 manifestation stand. One idea was to lower the parkway to decrease the noise and to improve visibility so that the cam- pus and the community would see each other more clearly. The zone that Haymaker created is one of the more economically blighted in the city. Hay- maker severed two key arteries in the city, Erie Street and College Avenue, and in doing so invented "college park," consisting of high-density student rental properties further buffering the downtown business district from the customer base of the university and its professional schools.
Each community in which civic engagement occurs can be represented through frames of orthodox, new, and cultural economies. Kent's history is iconic, but all communities inscribe their cultural economies through the design and redevelopment of the urban artifice; the design of cities has never been the sole province of architects. 57 The practical aim of a cultural economy is to recapture the interworkings of public life across discursive, embodied, and material terrain. Kent through the prisms of orthodox and new economies appears to be doubly impoverished: its orthodox economic indicators report depressions in tax and income revenue, and there are few resources in the city, beyond the walls of the university, that are poised to reinvent a vibrant public life fueled in the new economy by digital technology, innovation, a new learning class, and global economic expansion. Kent's cultural economy, however, suggests a different resource for its economic future. Tragedy is by its rhetorical nature epideictic, and the interrelationship between memory, artifact, policy, and discourse in my analysis can assist in plotting a differ- ent deliberative future. The city through its cultural economy can become a mezzo-structural commemorative event, the place where reconciliation and entrepreneurialism coexist if steps can be taken to disrupt the institutional memories and urban artifice that calcify the past. It may sound simple, even crass, to suggest the May 4, 1970, must be reconceived as an economic cata- lyst, as a brand redistributed to the downtown business district, but those pro- posals are beginning to surface in discussions of the city's future.
Rhetorical Engagement in the Cultural Economy
Thus far in this essay I have gestured to an affinity between civic and rhet- orical engagement, if the economic plight of a region can opportunistically embrace its cultural past. I suggest that it is unwise to deny the economic pre- tense for civic engagement, either as an extension of university planning or as a political policy. As I have tried to describe in the preceding section, the
90 John M. Ackerman
inadequacies of both orthodox and new economic prisms can be confronted by determining what can arguably function as the cultural economy of a city. Civic engagement as practice and policy cannot escape its economic circum- stance, and thus our rhetorical engagements will, by necessity, return us to the city to learn how the past calcifies and how our futures can be renewed.
Gerard Hauser concludes his studies of the vernacular with this caution: "Before we can rehabilitate public life, we first must understand the way actu- ally occurring discourses shape it. "58 As I have argued here, we should add actually occurring cultural economies and a transposing of figure and ground-- in Hannah Arendt's words, "the transformation of the intangible into the tan- gibility of things. "59 The cultural economy of Kent differs from other cities in degree but not in kind. It consists of a constellation of public memory, urban artifact, public and institutional policy, design discourse, and human geogra- phy. In keeping with the critical impulse in cultural economy theory, our first step is to reject those "technologic" limits that remove rhetorical practice from matters of economic policy. We then gather the once disparate, now contin- gent pieces of public life that reassemble culture from orthodoxy to supplant the disquieting inequities that unchecked globalization fosters. We must dis- ambiguate orthodox and new economies, and cultural economies, from what I now refer to as "creative" economies that have enough material and discur- sive metal to alter the policy spheres of local communities. 60
To translate a cultural economic analysis into a creative economic argu- ment, we in rhetoric must forestall the aesthetic and ideological preference for cultural analysis and critique, and embrace, when the occasion allows, new kinds of sponsorship. Said differently, our critical entrance into the cul- tural economies of cities (and universities) may well yield the best "register" for public policy deliberation when we look for atypical partners for rhetori- cal collaboration. As essays in this collection illustrate, sponsorship is multi- variate in public life open to residents, students, the arts community, and the university. Rhetorical engagement can also emerge through partnerships in economic redevelopment.
The illustration on page 88 presents four images that coincide with cycles of urban planning in Kent, culminating with a 2008 architectural drawing that portrays the economic future of the city. My foray into Kent's economic future occurred between 2004 and 2008, and in 2005 Right Dimensions, a California developer, proposed to the city a $40 million mixed-used "lifestyle" development lodged in the triangle of urban decay bordered by Haymaker Parkway. This project eventually failed, according to the developers, because neither the city nor the university stepped forward to anchor the develop- ment. From the city's point of view, the developers did not attract an anchor retail client to strengthen their financial due diligence. 61 The lessons learned from the Right Dimensions proposal are many with regard to city planning
Rhetorical Engagement in the Cultural Economies of Cities 91
and economic speculation, but the lesson relevant to my analysis is that there are clients in urban communities who are open to rhetorical analyses of cul- tural economies and who fully comprehend the relationships among ortho- dox, new, cultural, and creative economies as the coin of the realm for public policy.
Outside developers, city officials, local business owners, and residents of the city and the university learned that we have more in common than the conventional boundaries of economic policy, civic engagement, and rhetori- cal theory would suggest. I proposed, as did the developers, that downtown development was an opportunity to coalesce many of the attributes of the cul- tural economy of Kent into an economic future and a site for reconciliation of a tragic past. The location of what is now referred to as the Kent Down- town Development Project reconnects the city and the university by bicycle, by foot, by history, and by artistic and deliberative tradition--all toward eco- nomic renewal. Though the Right Dimensions development plans eventually failed for lack of financial stakeholders, the economic futures represented by those plans remain and are carried forward in the more recent city drawings. The illustration compresses the design history of Kent, with focal attention on Haymaker, to convey that the artifice of the city is an archive for both epi- deictic and deliberative discourse. With the cultural economy in mind, regional economic planning commingles orthodox and new economic futures to pro- duce a creative economic solution heterotopias, where place and event coin- cide, that embraces tragedy and social division as elements for renewal. The city conducted its own Cool Cities Survey of Kent in 2007 and determined that "lifestyle" was one of the most desired attributes of a livable city, along with biking, outdoor gathering spots, safety, and economic growth. 62 The city has now embarked on a new planning exercise, this time triangulating in a more forceful and economically feasible way the cultural and economic heri- tage of the city, the university's interests, and those of a new developer, Fair- mount Properties. 63
The rhetorical engagement that I have pursued in my research and through my residency in Kent, and that I briefly summarize here, exploits the eco- nomic preconditions of civic engagement. The power of place, as Deloris Hay- den reminds, is in the shared time, shared territory, and shared resources that can coalesce for a better future. When university residents venture forth into local communities and in the name of civic engagement, we are wise to open our methods and dispositions to the economies of practice and culture out- side of the academic milieu. What I argue for, and have tried to illustrate through my public work, is that culture as an economy operates as both com- modity and critique, leading the rhetorician to surprising partnerships and objects of analysis. Our rhetorical engagements must thirst for such oppor- tunities.
92 John M. Ackerman Notes
1. Hayden, Power of Place, 9.
2. This comment is inspired by the absences in Bennett, Grossberg, and Morris, New Keywords.
3. For example, see Kohrs Campbell, "Promiscuous and Protean"; Crowley, Toward a Civil Discourse.
4. WordNet, "A Lexical Database for the English Language," is a corpus-linguistic project at Princeton University that determines denotation through the contiguous usage of words.
5. Hariman, Political Style, 3-4.
6. Arendt, Human Condition.
7. Boyte, "Different Kind," 12.
8. Boyer, "Scholarship of Engagement," 21.
9. Association of American Universities, "Campus Community. "
10. Information retrieved from the Campus Compact Web site
11. American Association of State Colleges and Universities, "American Democracy
Project. "
12. Association of American Colleges and Universities, "Civic Engagement. "
13. Higher Learning Commission, "Institutional Accreditation. "
14. National Center for Public Policy and Higher Education, "Links. "
15. University of Colorado, "CU-Boulder's Vision for 2030. "
16. Chaput, Inside the Teaching Machine, 143.
17. Ibid. , 129.
18. Columbia University, "ServiceNation. " The presidential forum coincided with
Time's September 22, 2008, Second Annual Service Issue, A Sense of Community. 19. Be the Change, "Be the Change. "
20. ServiceNation, "Executive Summary. " 21. Progressive Policy Institute, "About. "
22. Progressive Policy Institute, "About the Third Way. "
23. Democratic Leadership Council, "Third Way. "
24. Mouffe, Democratic Paradox, 113.
25. Since the 1970s the conservative movement has built an enduring and a well-
coordinated philanthropic apparatus to forward its interests and that of private enter- prise.
This philanthropic apparatus has fostered federal policies that include deregulating business and cutting social services. Liberal philanthropic organizations have scrambled to address the humanitarian needs that these cuts have created.
26. For example, the Heritage Foundation or the American Enterprise Institute. 27. Bennett and Entman, "Democracy," 4.
28. Hauser, Vernacular Voices.
29. Bennet and Entman, "Democracy," 5.
30. Examples are plentiful: Americans for Tax Reform has influenced the Federal Com- munications Commission (FCC); MoveOn. org has influenced digital political network- ing and arguably domestic and foreign policy; and DividedWeFail. org connects the AARP with business interests to support bipartisanship.
31. See Fischer and Forester, Argumentative Turn, 3-4.
32. Simons, Rhetorical Turn.
33. The positionality of such a "middling" rhetorical stance was outline by Lucaites
and Condit, "Epilogue. "
Rhetorical Engagement in the Cultural Economies of Cities 93
34. Greene, "Orator Communist," 86.
35. Boyte, "Against the Current. "
36. Boyte, "Different Kind," 16.
37. At the University of Utah in the early 1990s, I developed a multisection course
titled "Professional Writing: Business," which featured a consultancy model of instruc- tion. As a variant of service learning, groups of students found their own client, estab- lished a working relationship with the client, built an assessment model of the client's writing and communication, and decided whether to stop with the assessment or to propose new services. Flower and Ackerman, Writers at Work.
38. During the Clinton presidency, the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) was introduced, welfare disintegrated, and the FCC gave public air space to the telecom- munication industries.
39. Henwood, After the New Economy. Tables to support this point can be found on pages 4 and 146, with analysis of actual economic growth and equity throughout the book. See also Gee, Hull, and Lankshear, New Work Order.
40. Henwood, After the New Economy, 4-5.
41. Sennett, Cultural.
42. Captured by Appadurai, Fear; Attali, Millennium. 43. Mouffe, Democratic Paradox, 110-11.
44. Zukin et al. , New Engagement? , 53.
45. With my focus on local policy spheres, I am particularly interested in how a "cre- ative economy" is used in regional planning, for example, by Christopherson, Creative Economy Strategies; Douglass and Wassall, Creative Economy; and Markusen and Johnson, "Artist's Centers. "
46. Du Gay and Pryke, "Cultural Economy. "
47. Ibid. , 6.
48. See Hariman and Lucaites, "Dissent and Emotional Management. "
49. See, for example, Freeland, "Universities and Cities. " A broader discussion can be
found in Brint, Future; Hoeger and Christiaanse, Campus and the City.
50. Office of the City Manger of Kent, Ohio, "2005 Financial Report. " This report was made available to all residents of Kent through the City of Kent Web site and other
venues.
51. Newman, Declining Fortunes.
52. See the discussion of Benjamin in Boyer, City.
53. Allen, "Symbolic Economies. " Allen cites Zukin, Culture of Cities, 826.
54. Casey, "Public Memory. "
55. Casey, Fate of Place.
56. Casey, Remembering, 214.
57. See Alexander, "Fifteen Properties," in his The Phenomenon of Life, Book 1 of The
Nature of Order; Rossi, Architecture.
58. Hauser, Vernacular Voices, 273.
59. Arendt, Human Condition, 95.
60. When the term "creative economy" enters into city and redevelopment planning,
the writings of Richard Florida often surface. See Florida et al. , "University," and com- pare with Shorthose, "New Cultural Economy. "
61. The narrative of the Right Dimensions proposal and its demise can be found in Ruller, "Kent 360," the city manager's blog.
62. Cool Cities Survey Results, "Voice of the Next Generation. " 63. Ruller, "Kent 360. "
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------. Remembering: A Phenomenological Study. Bloomington, Ind. : Indiana University Press, 2000.
Chaput, Kathy. Inside the Teaching Machine: Rhetoric and the Globalization of the U. S. Pub- lic Research University. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 2008.
For Richard Sennett, new capitalism masks the older social capitalism of the twentieth century, once engendered through education and special skills, with a "specter of uselessness" as a reduction in the need for labor in global mar- kets and a revision of the "moral prestige of work itself. "41 There is a grotesque contradiction between the civic progressivism of third-way, new-economic policies and such sobering and sometimes apocalyptic projections that are today being matched by economic reality. 42 For the rhetorical critic and citi- zen, what is truly grotesque is the imaginative distance that lies between new economic progressivism and the human costs borne by the planet and the "people" in unbridled, transnational capitalism and the erasure of precisely those stark contrasts in everyday life that could lead residents and critics to challenge the status quo. Chantal Mouffe insists that a disingenuously "radi- cal" centrism underlying the third-way political agenda promotes harmony through dialogue while it is "unable to grasp the systematic connections
Rhetorical Engagement in the Cultural Economies of Cities 83
existing between global market forces and the variety of problems--from exclusion to environmental risks--that it pretends to tackle. "43 Her charge is to reactivate political struggle to highlight the discursive and material terrain between the oxymoron of transnational progressivism found in third-way politics and the abject dissolution of pubic life in a global age. Civic and politi- cal forms of engagement in policy spheres (for example, service versus voting) are blurring, largely because more than twenty years of conservative political influence has led to federal and state governments "devolving" and outsourc- ing their powers and responsibilities to private and nonprofit sectors of soci- ety. 44 ServiceNation's goal of enlisting and organizing 100 million Americans to serve their communities may be a powerful corrective for the erasure of public life in a global democracy--or precisely the kind of systemic devolution for which neoliberal economic policies thirst.
To frame rhetorical engagement in economic terms, we must return to the city, because it opens our analysis and participation up to the discursive and material elements of the economic predicaments of our communities. The economies of the city precede and thus predetermine the success and sustain- ability of our engagements, reminding us that our communities are in con- stant dialectic with the global economy. If knowledge and information are the new currencies of the global economy, they are being remade each day in our neighborhood schools, offices, streets, and playgrounds as well as our mosques, synagogues, and churches--all of which are shaped by policy spheres. There is a uniquely powerful position for rhetorical agency as it sorts through the economic myth and reality of civic engagement in the polis. A cultural econ- omy is a critical antidote for the utopian excesses of the new economy, because it features the arts, creativity, social action, built space, and local culture, and by implication it includes rhetoric as a civic, urban, and deliberative art. There are multiple economies that must be disentangled to disinter the cultural economy of a city or region: the new economy, which is presumed to replace the orthodoxy of fading economy regimes and which is deeply tied to politi- cal interests; the cultural economy, which is an emerging analytical tool to dis- rupt both old and new economic models; and then the creative economy,45 which has attributes of both old, new, and cultural economies--offering a topoi to invent new policies for neighborhoods caught in the middle of eco- nomic decline, euphemistic policy, and the local need for civic and economic renewal.
As Paul du Gay and Michael Pryke summarize, culture and the economy have invaded each other's intellectual and policy terrain to the point that efforts to determine an actual economy for a people in an organization, city, or region will invariably lead us to critically determine not the economy so much as the "assemblage" of cultural agents, artifacts, policies, institutions, and beliefs that arguably constitute a visible, working economic system. 46 They point out that culture industries (film, art, media) are among the most
84 John M. Ackerman
profitable and adaptive, partly because they are fully equipped to participate in the information streams of a digital world. Du Gay and Pryke note that more static service and production-oriented industries have learned to brand their organizational ethos--their culture--leading them to higher efficiencies and profitability. A cultural economy is fundamentally rhetorical because it is fundamentally "contingent. " To capitalize on contingency, they advise us to reject all binaries of the culture and the economy, as we embrace both the attributes of a cultural analysis (for example, discursive systems, ideology) and the attributes of orthodox economies (for example, marketing, sales, accounting) for their persuasive power. The efficacy of a cultural economy, much akin to rhetoric, is determined by its relevance to the circumstance from which it was derived: "while one can profess a cultural or discursive view of economics and continue to make strong economic assertions, one cannot necessarily do economics in a way that follows from one's convictions con- cerning its cultural constitution. "47 I end this essay with a brief example of my collaborative efforts to divine the cultural economy of a city, under the mantel of civic engagement, which requires a rejection of cultural binaries to produce the best rhetorical effect.
The Cultural Economy of Kent/State
The orthodox economics of Kent, Ohio, are unavoidable to most residents and visitors, because the city does not exhibit the vibrancy of a generic col- lege town. It does not look or feel right in comparison with other university cities and in comparison with neighboring municipalities in what is becom- ing the exurban network of Cleveland and Akron. Too many storefronts are boarded up, too many businesses have changed hands, and the commercial district does not hum with the street life of a university community. The city is also silent about its past. Visitors remark on the difficulty of finding the commemorative site of the May 4, 1970, shooting on campus, and the down- town district offers little to no public record of the events that led to the city's iconic status in the public imagination. 48 In conversations with students, neighbors, and colleagues, I found a coincidence in the city's tragic past and the artifice of its economic plight, a coincidence and geography that led me to question the detachment of civic engagement as a university-sponsored learning event from the economic solvency of the city. Recent forecasts of the educational and economic futures of public research universities all claim that universities cannot ignore their urban and regional hosts, because growth de- pends on regional coexistence. 49 The publicized economic health of this city bears little witness to a cultural economy that would embrace a tragic past, as an embodied geography that one can experience in Kent by looking north- west to the city's central business district and then southeast to the grassy hill where National Guard troops shot dead four students and wounded nine others.
Rhetorical Engagement in the Cultural Economies of Cities 85
In orthodox economic terms, the city's economic future by 2005 was not bright. 50 The consumer price index had increased at a rate of 3. 3 percent, while the city's average increase in income tax receipts was 1. 5 percent. The 2005 Financial Report for Kent decries the loss of the "buying power" of the city and its residents. Adjusted and actual revenues were drifting farther and farther apart, due in part to the nation's "jobless economic recovery. " Kent is a postindustrial city, and like many others in Ohio, it has struggled to adapt to the new competitive environments of a global economy. In a town with few economic engines, Kent State University, and the innovation and entre- preneurialism located there, appeared to many to be the best financial solution if new investors could not be found. Private-sector income tax contributions dropped significantly from 1989 to 2005, while the university's share grew from 31 percent to 35 percent, by far the largest contributor. Manufacturing's contributions were cut in half.
The city's economic past was also troubled. The price of oil quadrupled in the early 1970s, and real wages, fueling economic expansion, were usurped by inflation after World War II and the consumer price index. 51 Kent, once a thriving river town, from World War II forward, had to adjust to the demise of the railroad and the invention of a highway system that helped some com- munities but hindered Kent with no easy passage to Akron or Cleveland. Local businesses faced more and more competition, while corporations ex- tended their influence through commodity pricing. Local economies in small towns sometimes turn on a few cataclysmic events, and so it was for Kent. The Commerce Building burned down in 1972, displacing numerous busi- nesses in the downtown district. Davey Tree Service, now a national corpora- tion and one of the most lucrative businesses in the community, along with the U. S. Postal Service, moved away from the downtown district. Haymaker Parkway, conceived in the early 1970s, cut a new pathway through the down- town and between the city and the university. Even the university's decision to become a full-service campus offering financial services, food, recreation, learning, and medical aid further isolated the university community from the city. Alcohol was always an incentive to go downtown, and that, too, dimin- ished when the drinking age was raised to twenty-one. To gauge the impact of these times, I turned to the Kent State University Archives and the Portage County Planning Commission. Using 1970 as my benchmark, it took seven- teen years for the number of students and twenty years for the city's popula- tion to return to the 1970 levels. In Portage County, Kent ranks highest in individual poverty and is one of the highest in poverty among the elderly and families with children. The median income in Kent was nearly $15,000 below the county median of $44,000, which was well below the state and national averages.
If a cultural economy has the capacity to subvert orthodox and new economies by authorizing a prognosis based on the economic attributes of
86 John M. Ackerman
local culture, then the rhetorical analysis of those attributes must be critically multimodal. We must look beyond the symbolic to determine the material attributes of a cultural economy because symbolicity naturalizes an affinity between the aesthetic object and its representation. Walter Benjamin, much earlier in the twentieth century, foresaw this problem, whenever the cultural economy of the city is confused with an aesthetic object that renders symbolic its lived appreciation or critique. 52 Recent studies of the symbolic economies of cities still suffer from the interpretive habit that subsumes culture under the domain of symbolic representation. A symbolic economy may include a wide range of abstract and concrete properties from information and culture to the "spaces in which they are created and consumed," but John Allen insists that we go further to break apart all logics that assign either symbol or space to a specific sphere, for example, as "food, fashion, music, or tourism. "53 The critic must search for novel "registers" that result from productive "entangle- ments" of aesthetic, material, representational, and discursive elements in a site's cultural economy. Yet critical entanglements do not give license to post- modern confusion. To the contrary, critical entanglements search for a mean- ingful dissonance in the cultural milieu that defeats the bias of textuality over materiality or the bias of the aesthetic over the quotidian.
The cultural economy of Kent resides most poignantly in the legacy of the public tragedy of May 4, 1970. Cultural memory as an economic attribute dif- ferentiates across individual, social, collective, and public memories. 54 As I have written elsewhere, this differentiation allows for vibrant forms of civic reflec- tion, dialogue, and planning if a stage is provided by the city. People not only remember the events of May 4 differently, but their ability to recall those times depends upon the way they revisit the terrain of commemoration. It matters deeply that residents of Kent and employees of the university experience the city differently according to their exposure to the geography of the protests in the streets of the downtown district in 1970 and the eventual location of the May 4 memorial, some twenty years later, on the university campus. Stu- dents and newcomers to Kent rely on different degrees of collective and pub- lic memory, the memory troves that transcend direct experience and social (community) awareness. Local residents draw upon individual and social memory and at times resent the ideologies sustained by collective and public memory, the memory troves that bind Kent State to a collective conscious- ness (if you were alive in 1970) and the public imagination. The city is a latent interlocutor in this dissonant, mostly silent, deliberation. There are no com- memorative sites or events in the downtown district. The geography and kairos of commemoration are overwhelmed by a tragic cataclysm that has been re- stricted to a few days on the Kent Campus in early May and to an inconspic- uous memorial site on campus.
My contention that memory is material and that memory reinscribes a dis- sonant cultural geography in the economy of the city rests on the assumption
Rhetorical Engagement in the Cultural Economies of Cities 87
that memory and place are intertwined, an assumption fully explored by Edward Casey and many others. 55 "What is contained in place is well on its way to being well remembered," with the reverse equally true that what is con- tained in memory is well on its way to emplacement. 56 Not only do people recall differently the events of May 4, they assign praise and blame differently according to their ideological bias and geographical wherewithal. This bias-- for example, many living residents still blame the students for the actions of the National Guard--corresponds with different explanations of the economic plight of the city. Some recall the broken windows downtown and assign eco- nomic decline to political unrest, and others do not, explaining the economic predicament through economic orthodoxy. Everyone, therefore, reads the arti- fice of the city differently.
Memory reinscribes the city, and the artifice of the city reinscribes mem- ory. Working from that premise, a juxtaposition of orthodox and cultural economies in Kent would suggest that we study the territorial boundaries and proximities of different social institutions. The space between the city of Kent's downtown business district and the west and north sides of the uni- versity is bisected by the Main Street Bridge and Haymaker Parkway, a con- struction project conceived long before the May 4 shootings but completed just shortly thereafter. The bridge and parkway comprise the epicenter of the cultural economy of Kent for several reasons. Haymaker Parkway in its cur- rent form inscribes the territorial boundaries of both the city and the univer- sity. Haymaker was designed to bring new economic life to the downtown business district, but in my analysis the coincidence of the parkway with the shootings and unrest in 1970, and with what one resident called a "violation of the 50-year commitment to the university as a cultural anchor," meant that the city built a wall in the form of a boulevard. In doing so, it slowed the reconciliation of dissonant points of view on a public tragedy by ensuring that the artifice of the city, owned by all residents and employees, was broken in two.
The legacy of the city's efforts to reimagine and build a positive economic future is cataloged in cycles of urban planning. Figure 1 compresses the mate- rial history of the city and its need to cross the Cuyahoga River to promote commerce. The image displayed on the following page illustrates the city's fixation from 1970 to the present on Haymaker and the downtown business district and the desire to correct what it has wrought. Excerpts from planning documents show how the city's artifice inscribed over time has left an indeli- ble geography of the city and university's epicenter. The full history of eco- nomic development, the artifice of the city, and an interweaving of public tragedy goes well beyond this essay, but this illustration shows how ordinary urban landscapes, as Deloris Hayden states in the quotation that opens this essay, reveal much more than mere cycles of urban renewal. They exhume a city's cultural economy from its artifice to remind us that culture can never be
? City plans and artifacts. From Kent State University Archives and from Ruller, "Kent 360," http://www. kent360. com
Rhetorical Engagement in the Cultural Economies of Cities 89
explained through orthodox economic accounts alone or by virtue of a city's monumental structures or public record. The city planners of Kent sought the expertise and involvement of the university, and the 1993 and 2004 plan- ning cycles present Haymaker as an urban corridor that must be beautified, rezoned, bisected, tempered by traffic-calming devices, crossed on foot and by bicycle--anything but let the 1970 manifestation stand. One idea was to lower the parkway to decrease the noise and to improve visibility so that the cam- pus and the community would see each other more clearly. The zone that Haymaker created is one of the more economically blighted in the city. Hay- maker severed two key arteries in the city, Erie Street and College Avenue, and in doing so invented "college park," consisting of high-density student rental properties further buffering the downtown business district from the customer base of the university and its professional schools.
Each community in which civic engagement occurs can be represented through frames of orthodox, new, and cultural economies. Kent's history is iconic, but all communities inscribe their cultural economies through the design and redevelopment of the urban artifice; the design of cities has never been the sole province of architects. 57 The practical aim of a cultural economy is to recapture the interworkings of public life across discursive, embodied, and material terrain. Kent through the prisms of orthodox and new economies appears to be doubly impoverished: its orthodox economic indicators report depressions in tax and income revenue, and there are few resources in the city, beyond the walls of the university, that are poised to reinvent a vibrant public life fueled in the new economy by digital technology, innovation, a new learning class, and global economic expansion. Kent's cultural economy, however, suggests a different resource for its economic future. Tragedy is by its rhetorical nature epideictic, and the interrelationship between memory, artifact, policy, and discourse in my analysis can assist in plotting a differ- ent deliberative future. The city through its cultural economy can become a mezzo-structural commemorative event, the place where reconciliation and entrepreneurialism coexist if steps can be taken to disrupt the institutional memories and urban artifice that calcify the past. It may sound simple, even crass, to suggest the May 4, 1970, must be reconceived as an economic cata- lyst, as a brand redistributed to the downtown business district, but those pro- posals are beginning to surface in discussions of the city's future.
Rhetorical Engagement in the Cultural Economy
Thus far in this essay I have gestured to an affinity between civic and rhet- orical engagement, if the economic plight of a region can opportunistically embrace its cultural past. I suggest that it is unwise to deny the economic pre- tense for civic engagement, either as an extension of university planning or as a political policy. As I have tried to describe in the preceding section, the
90 John M. Ackerman
inadequacies of both orthodox and new economic prisms can be confronted by determining what can arguably function as the cultural economy of a city. Civic engagement as practice and policy cannot escape its economic circum- stance, and thus our rhetorical engagements will, by necessity, return us to the city to learn how the past calcifies and how our futures can be renewed.
Gerard Hauser concludes his studies of the vernacular with this caution: "Before we can rehabilitate public life, we first must understand the way actu- ally occurring discourses shape it. "58 As I have argued here, we should add actually occurring cultural economies and a transposing of figure and ground-- in Hannah Arendt's words, "the transformation of the intangible into the tan- gibility of things. "59 The cultural economy of Kent differs from other cities in degree but not in kind. It consists of a constellation of public memory, urban artifact, public and institutional policy, design discourse, and human geogra- phy. In keeping with the critical impulse in cultural economy theory, our first step is to reject those "technologic" limits that remove rhetorical practice from matters of economic policy. We then gather the once disparate, now contin- gent pieces of public life that reassemble culture from orthodoxy to supplant the disquieting inequities that unchecked globalization fosters. We must dis- ambiguate orthodox and new economies, and cultural economies, from what I now refer to as "creative" economies that have enough material and discur- sive metal to alter the policy spheres of local communities. 60
To translate a cultural economic analysis into a creative economic argu- ment, we in rhetoric must forestall the aesthetic and ideological preference for cultural analysis and critique, and embrace, when the occasion allows, new kinds of sponsorship. Said differently, our critical entrance into the cul- tural economies of cities (and universities) may well yield the best "register" for public policy deliberation when we look for atypical partners for rhetori- cal collaboration. As essays in this collection illustrate, sponsorship is multi- variate in public life open to residents, students, the arts community, and the university. Rhetorical engagement can also emerge through partnerships in economic redevelopment.
The illustration on page 88 presents four images that coincide with cycles of urban planning in Kent, culminating with a 2008 architectural drawing that portrays the economic future of the city. My foray into Kent's economic future occurred between 2004 and 2008, and in 2005 Right Dimensions, a California developer, proposed to the city a $40 million mixed-used "lifestyle" development lodged in the triangle of urban decay bordered by Haymaker Parkway. This project eventually failed, according to the developers, because neither the city nor the university stepped forward to anchor the develop- ment. From the city's point of view, the developers did not attract an anchor retail client to strengthen their financial due diligence. 61 The lessons learned from the Right Dimensions proposal are many with regard to city planning
Rhetorical Engagement in the Cultural Economies of Cities 91
and economic speculation, but the lesson relevant to my analysis is that there are clients in urban communities who are open to rhetorical analyses of cul- tural economies and who fully comprehend the relationships among ortho- dox, new, cultural, and creative economies as the coin of the realm for public policy.
Outside developers, city officials, local business owners, and residents of the city and the university learned that we have more in common than the conventional boundaries of economic policy, civic engagement, and rhetori- cal theory would suggest. I proposed, as did the developers, that downtown development was an opportunity to coalesce many of the attributes of the cul- tural economy of Kent into an economic future and a site for reconciliation of a tragic past. The location of what is now referred to as the Kent Down- town Development Project reconnects the city and the university by bicycle, by foot, by history, and by artistic and deliberative tradition--all toward eco- nomic renewal. Though the Right Dimensions development plans eventually failed for lack of financial stakeholders, the economic futures represented by those plans remain and are carried forward in the more recent city drawings. The illustration compresses the design history of Kent, with focal attention on Haymaker, to convey that the artifice of the city is an archive for both epi- deictic and deliberative discourse. With the cultural economy in mind, regional economic planning commingles orthodox and new economic futures to pro- duce a creative economic solution heterotopias, where place and event coin- cide, that embraces tragedy and social division as elements for renewal. The city conducted its own Cool Cities Survey of Kent in 2007 and determined that "lifestyle" was one of the most desired attributes of a livable city, along with biking, outdoor gathering spots, safety, and economic growth. 62 The city has now embarked on a new planning exercise, this time triangulating in a more forceful and economically feasible way the cultural and economic heri- tage of the city, the university's interests, and those of a new developer, Fair- mount Properties. 63
The rhetorical engagement that I have pursued in my research and through my residency in Kent, and that I briefly summarize here, exploits the eco- nomic preconditions of civic engagement. The power of place, as Deloris Hay- den reminds, is in the shared time, shared territory, and shared resources that can coalesce for a better future. When university residents venture forth into local communities and in the name of civic engagement, we are wise to open our methods and dispositions to the economies of practice and culture out- side of the academic milieu. What I argue for, and have tried to illustrate through my public work, is that culture as an economy operates as both com- modity and critique, leading the rhetorician to surprising partnerships and objects of analysis. Our rhetorical engagements must thirst for such oppor- tunities.
92 John M. Ackerman Notes
1. Hayden, Power of Place, 9.
2. This comment is inspired by the absences in Bennett, Grossberg, and Morris, New Keywords.
3. For example, see Kohrs Campbell, "Promiscuous and Protean"; Crowley, Toward a Civil Discourse.
4. WordNet, "A Lexical Database for the English Language," is a corpus-linguistic project at Princeton University that determines denotation through the contiguous usage of words.
5. Hariman, Political Style, 3-4.
6. Arendt, Human Condition.
7. Boyte, "Different Kind," 12.
8. Boyer, "Scholarship of Engagement," 21.
9. Association of American Universities, "Campus Community. "
10. Information retrieved from the Campus Compact Web site
11. American Association of State Colleges and Universities, "American Democracy
Project. "
12. Association of American Colleges and Universities, "Civic Engagement. "
13. Higher Learning Commission, "Institutional Accreditation. "
14. National Center for Public Policy and Higher Education, "Links. "
15. University of Colorado, "CU-Boulder's Vision for 2030. "
16. Chaput, Inside the Teaching Machine, 143.
17. Ibid. , 129.
18. Columbia University, "ServiceNation. " The presidential forum coincided with
Time's September 22, 2008, Second Annual Service Issue, A Sense of Community. 19. Be the Change, "Be the Change. "
20. ServiceNation, "Executive Summary. " 21. Progressive Policy Institute, "About. "
22. Progressive Policy Institute, "About the Third Way. "
23. Democratic Leadership Council, "Third Way. "
24. Mouffe, Democratic Paradox, 113.
25. Since the 1970s the conservative movement has built an enduring and a well-
coordinated philanthropic apparatus to forward its interests and that of private enter- prise.
This philanthropic apparatus has fostered federal policies that include deregulating business and cutting social services. Liberal philanthropic organizations have scrambled to address the humanitarian needs that these cuts have created.
26. For example, the Heritage Foundation or the American Enterprise Institute. 27. Bennett and Entman, "Democracy," 4.
28. Hauser, Vernacular Voices.
29. Bennet and Entman, "Democracy," 5.
30. Examples are plentiful: Americans for Tax Reform has influenced the Federal Com- munications Commission (FCC); MoveOn. org has influenced digital political network- ing and arguably domestic and foreign policy; and DividedWeFail. org connects the AARP with business interests to support bipartisanship.
31. See Fischer and Forester, Argumentative Turn, 3-4.
32. Simons, Rhetorical Turn.
33. The positionality of such a "middling" rhetorical stance was outline by Lucaites
and Condit, "Epilogue. "
Rhetorical Engagement in the Cultural Economies of Cities 93
34. Greene, "Orator Communist," 86.
35. Boyte, "Against the Current. "
36. Boyte, "Different Kind," 16.
37. At the University of Utah in the early 1990s, I developed a multisection course
titled "Professional Writing: Business," which featured a consultancy model of instruc- tion. As a variant of service learning, groups of students found their own client, estab- lished a working relationship with the client, built an assessment model of the client's writing and communication, and decided whether to stop with the assessment or to propose new services. Flower and Ackerman, Writers at Work.
38. During the Clinton presidency, the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) was introduced, welfare disintegrated, and the FCC gave public air space to the telecom- munication industries.
39. Henwood, After the New Economy. Tables to support this point can be found on pages 4 and 146, with analysis of actual economic growth and equity throughout the book. See also Gee, Hull, and Lankshear, New Work Order.
40. Henwood, After the New Economy, 4-5.
41. Sennett, Cultural.
42. Captured by Appadurai, Fear; Attali, Millennium. 43. Mouffe, Democratic Paradox, 110-11.
44. Zukin et al. , New Engagement? , 53.
45. With my focus on local policy spheres, I am particularly interested in how a "cre- ative economy" is used in regional planning, for example, by Christopherson, Creative Economy Strategies; Douglass and Wassall, Creative Economy; and Markusen and Johnson, "Artist's Centers. "
46. Du Gay and Pryke, "Cultural Economy. "
47. Ibid. , 6.
48. See Hariman and Lucaites, "Dissent and Emotional Management. "
49. See, for example, Freeland, "Universities and Cities. " A broader discussion can be
found in Brint, Future; Hoeger and Christiaanse, Campus and the City.
50. Office of the City Manger of Kent, Ohio, "2005 Financial Report. " This report was made available to all residents of Kent through the City of Kent Web site and other
venues.
51. Newman, Declining Fortunes.
52. See the discussion of Benjamin in Boyer, City.
53. Allen, "Symbolic Economies. " Allen cites Zukin, Culture of Cities, 826.
54. Casey, "Public Memory. "
55. Casey, Fate of Place.
56. Casey, Remembering, 214.
57. See Alexander, "Fifteen Properties," in his The Phenomenon of Life, Book 1 of The
Nature of Order; Rossi, Architecture.
58. Hauser, Vernacular Voices, 273.
59. Arendt, Human Condition, 95.
60. When the term "creative economy" enters into city and redevelopment planning,
the writings of Richard Florida often surface. See Florida et al. , "University," and com- pare with Shorthose, "New Cultural Economy. "
61. The narrative of the Right Dimensions proposal and its demise can be found in Ruller, "Kent 360," the city manager's blog.
62. Cool Cities Survey Results, "Voice of the Next Generation. " 63. Ruller, "Kent 360. "
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