234 Luther and the German Nation
doctrine had assumed a form in Rome which,
on its arrival in our midst, never entirely recom-
mended itself to us.
doctrine had assumed a form in Rome which,
on its arrival in our midst, never entirely recom-
mended itself to us.
Treitschke - 1915 - Germany, France, Russia, and Islam
net/2027/loc.
ark:/13960/t14m9qp6g Public Domain in the United States / http://www.
hathitrust.
org/access_use#pd-us
? In Memory of the Great War 221
lack of consideration, the sub-Germanic peoples
of the Danube Empire verified the old rule of
historical ingratitude towards the Germans who
had brought them civilization. Forcibly the
conviction was impressed upon us that at home, at
any rate, where we are masters, we must defend
every inch-breadth of German civilization against
foreign Powers. Moreover, it was natural that
after our victory a truce should be proclaimed
between the German parties, but our party
struggles assumed rougher and coarser shapes
from year to year.
In the natural course of things, after the victory,
a truce was proclaimed between the German
political parties. But our party strifes have
become from year to year rougher and coarser.
They concern themselves less with political ideas
than with economic interests; they stir up the
flame of hatred between class and class, and
threaten the peace of society.
This coarsening of politics has its deepest source
in a serious alteration which has taken place in
our whole national life. Much that we considered
characteristic of a decaying old world is the out-
come of every over-cultivated city-civilization,
and is being repeated to-day before our eyes. A
democratized society does not care, as enthusi-
asts suppose, for the aristocracy of talent, but
for the power of gold or of the mob, or both to-
gether. In the new generation there is disappear-
ing terribly fast, what Goethe called the final aim
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? 222 In Memory of the Great War
of all moral education -- reverence: reverence for
God; reverence for the barriers which nature has
placed between the two sexes, and the limits
which the structure of human society has imposed
upon desire; reverence for the Fatherland which, as
an ideal, is said to be yielding its place to the
dream of a sensual and cosmopolitan plutocracy.
The wider culture spreads the more shallow it
becomes; the thoughtfulness of the ancient world
is despised ; only that which serves the aims of the
immediate future seems still important. Where
everyone gives his opinion about everything,
according to the newspaper and the encyclopaedia,
there original mental power becomes rare, and with
it the fine courage of ignorance, which marks an
independent mind. Science, which, once descend-
ing too deep, sought to fathom the inscrutable,
loses itself in expansion, and only isolated pines of
original thought tower above the low undergrowth
of collections of memoranda. The satiated taste,
which no longer understands the true, goes after
realism, and prizes the wax figure more than
the work of art. In the tedium of an empty
existence the affected naturalness of betting and
athletic sports gains an undeserved importance,
and when we see how immoderately the heroes of
the circus and the performers of the playground
are over-prized, we are unpleasantly reminded of
the enormous costly mosaic picture of the twenty-
eight prize-fighters in the Baths of Caracalla.
These are all serious signs of the time. But
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? In Memory of the Great War 223
no one stands so high that he can only accuse his
people. We Germans, especially, have often
sinned against ourselves through extravagant love
of fault-finding. And no one can say that he
really knows his own people. In the spring of
1870 even the most sanguine did not suppose that
our young men would strike as they did. So we,
also, will hope that to-day, deep in the hearts of
our people, there are at work rejuvenating powers
which we know not of. And how much that does
not pass away has, in spite of all, remained to us
from the great war. The Empire stands upright,
stronger than we ever expected ; every German dis-
cerns its mighty influence in the ordinary occur-
rences of every day, in the current exchange of the
market-place. None of us could live without the
Empire, and how strongly the thought of it glows
in our hearts is shown by the grateful affection
which seeks to console the first Imperial Chancellor
for the bitter experiences of his old age. In my
youth it was often said, *'If the Germans become
German, they will found the kingdom on earth
which will bring peace to the world. " We are
not so inoffensive any longer. For a long time
past we have known that the sword must maintain
what the sword won, and to the end of history,
the virile saying will hold good, gta gta ^la'C^ziai,
"Force is overcome by force. " And yet there is
a deep significance in that old verse about the
Germans. Not only was the war for Prussia's
existence -- the Seven Years' War, -- the first Euro-
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? 224 In Memory of the Great War
pean war, not only did our State combine both the
old State-systems of the East and the West into a
European community of States, but being at last
strengthened as a central State, during a quarter
of a century of dangerous diplomatic friction, it
has offered peace to the Continent not by means of
the panacea of the pacificists -- disarming -- but by
the exact opposite -- universal arming. Germany's
example compelled armies to become nations,
nations to become armies, and consequently war
to be a dangerous experiment ; and since no French-
man has yet asserted that France can recover her
old booty by force of arms, we may perhaps hope
for some more years of peace. Meanwhile, our
western frontier territory coalesces slowly, but
unceasingly, with the old Fatherland, and the time
will come when German culture, which has changed
its place of abode so often, will again recover
complete predominance in its old home. Finally,
after so many painful disappointments, we have
lately succeeded in a work, as only a great and
united people can succeed. It was, indeed, a well-
omened day when the canal between the North
Sea and the Baltic was opened, and the Ger-
mans on the Suabian Sea sent their brotherly
greeting to the distant coast.
Such hours of happy success you must hold fast
in memory, my dear comrades, when your heads
grow dizzy with the frenzy of party-spirit. Our
festival to-day has especial significance for you.
It is the privilege and happiness of youth to look
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? In Memory of the Great War 225
up, to trust the future in good spirits, not to de-
spise the deeds of their fathers, nor to become sub-
merged in the controversies of the day. You have
not, Hke we of the older generation, helped to con-
quer your Fatherland for yourselves with weapons,
or the surgeon's knife, or the weak pen; you
have not, like we, seen dear friends of your youth
perish in body and soul, because they despaired
too soon of Germany. To you comes the simple
summons, Spartam nactus es, hanc exorna. Yes,
you have obtained it, without any merit on your
part, this imited Fatherland, which for the good of
mankind mounted ever higher, from Fehrbellin to
Leuthen, from Belle- Alliance to Sedan. It can pro-
vide scope for every virile force, and the best is
hardly good enough for it. If the call of the
war-lord should ever summon you under the ban-
ners of the eagle, you will not wish to be weaker
in courage and faithfulness, in the fear of God
and devotion, than the old Berlin students, whose
honoured names we preserve in marble in our
University hall. Whether Germany demands from
you the toils of peace, or the deeds of war,
cherish ever the vow which once the poet, looking
down on the corpse-strewn fields around Metz,
made in all our names :
Think not that the blood you shed,
Flowed in vain, O honoured dead,
Or shall ever be forgot !
And now, gentlemen, as we do in all national
15
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? 226 In Memory of the Great War
festivals of our University, let us remember,
reverentially, with loyal fidelity, the ruler who
guards our Empire with his sceptre. God bless his
Majesty, our Emperor and King. God grant him
to exercise a wise, righteous, and firm rule, and
grant us all strength to guard and to increase
the precious inheritance of those glorious times.
Come, good Germans, everywhere! Join with me
in the cry, " Long live Emperor and Empire! "
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? LUTHER AND THE GERMAN NATION
(A Lecture given at Darmstadt on November 7,
1883)
Ladies and Gentlemen,
There are many among you who stood, not
many weeks ago, on the heights of the Niederwald,
when our venerable Emperor presided at the unveil-
ing of the statue representing Germania girt with
her sword; and you there had the privilege of
uniting with your compatriots from far and near
in a feeling of joy and thankfulness. For centuries
we Germans have been denied the luxury of join-
ing together in that happy and unenvious contem-
plation of our past which is the true life-blood of a
healthy people. The very victories which brought
about the unity of our Empire were the outcome
of the first great united act performed by the whole
nation since immemorial times. Glorious indeed
is the history of our nation, which has so often
given to this part of our globe the foremost figure
of the century, and has, in warfare, so often spoken
words of awakening or of reconciliation. Nearly
all our great men were, however, so inextricably
involved in the whirl of bewildering contrasts
227
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? 228 Luther and the German Nation
which disorganized our inner life that even to this
day they remain an enigma to great masses of the
people, and are looked upon merely as the pioneers
of a family, a party, or a creed -- ^not simply as
German heroes.
It was during the eighteenth century that the
last and greatest representative of the old-fash-
ioned unlimited monarchy held sway among us,
and now that we are able to judge of the extent of
his labours, the more enlightened among us have
begun to feel that he was fighting for Germany
when he waged war against Austria and the Holy
Roman Empire. But in spite of this King
Frederick, like his ancestor the Great Elector, will
ever remain the favourite of his Prussians, while
to the general mass of the Southern Germans he
will continue to be something of a stranger. A
century earlier we secured the religious peace of
Europe after a horrible war, but victory was pur-
chased at a fearful price, i. e. , the laying waste
of our ancient culture ; and almost the only lumin-
ous figure in all that sombre period, the hero
Gustavus Adolphus, was a foreigner. Moreover,
even his admirers must admit that his victorious
career terminated -- very favourably to us -- just
at the moment when his power began to be prejudi-
cial to our country.
The same limitations are to be observed even
in the commemorative festival which our Pro-
testant nation is thankfully celebrating this week.
It is not, unhappily, a festival in which all Ger-
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? Luther and the German Nation 229
mans will take part. Millions of our compatriots
are holding aloof in silence, or even in open dis-
approval. They are neither able nor willing
to imderstand that the Reformer of our Church
was the pioneer of the whole German nation on the
road to a freer civilization, and that in the State
and in Society, in our homes and in our centres
of learning, his spirit still breathes life into us.
Everyone who takes it upon himself to speak of
Luther must confess what is his own attitude
towards the great moral problems of the present
day. And the accusations of those who are un-
able to comprehend his greatness are as passion-
ate in tone to-day as if the Reformer still walked
in our midst.
Even during his life-time Martin Luther incurred
the penalty which awaits all great men, and
especially all great fighters: he was misunderstood.
During the early years of his public activity --
years so full of promise -- ^he was greeted by the
nation with a tempestuous joy such as has not been
seen again in Germany imtil our own time. In the
days when he first belled the cat, when, forced
forward by a lively conscience and the driving
power of untrammelled thought, he turned from
the paths of ancient orthodoxy to those of open
heresy; when he threw the Papal Bull into the
fire and gave that ringing call to the "Christian
nobility of the German nation," in which he
invited his Germans to reform the Church and the
State, root and branch; then it was that he stood
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? 230 Luther and the German Nation
revealed before the Emperor and the Empire
as the leader of the nation, a man as heroic in
aspect as the patron saint of his people, the warrior
Michael. Then it was that men sought to express
their joy in the words of the folk-song :
He showed himself at Worms,
All ready for the fray;
He silenced all his enemies,
And none could overcome him.
Then, also, it seemed as if the elemental forces
at work in a nation stirred to its depths -- the re-
ligious zeal of pious minds, the scientific curiosity
of the rising generation, the national hatred
of a knightly nobility for the foreign prelates,
the discontent of an oppressed peasantry -- were
about to unite in a mighty torrent impetuous
enough to sweep all Roman organizations and
influences out of our State and our Church. The
royal dignity of Germany was, however, still in
close bondage to the world-embracing policy of the
Holy Roman Empire. It can hardly have been
an accident that the crown was at that moment-
ous period worn by a stranger who could not
discern the beating of our heart, and whose only
answer to the acclamations with which the Germans
hailed the courageous frankness of their country-
man was a disdainful smile and the words, "Such
a man shall never make me a heretic. "
As soon as it became evident that the Emperor
had refused to listen to the voice of the nation, the
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? Luther and the German Nation 231
Reformer found ranged against him not only the
political strength of the Spanish World-Empire,
but also the immense moral force embodied in the
firm loyalty of our nation to the Emperor. Class-
hatred -- that mortal sin which has played so large
a part in our history -- now again made its appear-
ance. The nobility frittered away their hot-
blooded energy in the carrying on of aimless and
most unhappy feuds. The peasants interpreted
the gospel doctrine of Hberty in a material sense,
and plunged into a furious social war. Luther,
however, believed that his holy treasure had been
insulted, and poured all the vials of his wrath
upon the fools who sought to settle the problem
of the gospel with hammer and tongs. When
this horrible rising had been horribly punished by
a cruel nobility, the man who had been so lately
glorified by his compatriots found himself cursed
by the common people. In the meantime Eras-
mus, the first scholar of the century, had separated
himself from the Wittenberg party; Luther's
teacher, the mystic Staupitz, and the clever hu-
manists, Crotus Rubianus and Eobanus Hessus,
recoiled from him in terror. Their defection
made it clear that the new teaching would at
first have but a partial influence over the most
highly educated sections of the nation ; and as this
new doctrine freed the strong obstinacy as well
as the power of independent thought which char-
acterize the German character, its adherents
began to fritter away their strength in a highly
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? 232 Luther and the German Nation
dangerous manner. Undisciplined fanaticism and
quarrels about dogma broke their unity.
Luther, thus harassed and forsaken on all sides,
sought refuge among the German Princes. If his
last years were rich in great results, they were even
richer in painful disillusionments. He had begun
hoping that he might give new energies to Church
life in Christendom, or at least in his own nation.
Now he was forced to content himself with the
knowledge that small evangelical Churches had
gradually come into being in the territories of
the greater among the German temporal princes;
and he who watches, even superficially, the dawn
of day in history may consider it a merciful dis-
pensation of Providence that the Reformer, whom
over- work had quickly aged, should have died just
before the dissensions and aimless weaknesses of
the leaders in the Schmalkaldian War led to the
subjection of German Protestants to a foreign
rule. The glory of departed heroes is usually
exaggerated in the popular imagination; Luther,
on the contrary, appeared to his contemporaries a
lesser man than he really was. In those weary
decades of political inactivity and theological dis-
putes which followed upon the golden period of the
German Reformation, a little sect proceeded to
recreate Luther after its own image, as if he also
had been nothing but a zealous preacher of Bible
truths and a respectable father of a family, and as
if his aim had merely been to found a separate
Church called by the name of a sinful mortal. It
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? Luther and the German Nation 233
is only the historical science of our own day which
has succeeded in plucking up heart to comprehend
Luther in his entirety, Luther the epitome of his
century, in whose soul nearly all the new ideas of
the time were mightily re-echoed. We are far
enough removed from him in time to be able to
gauge the indirect consequences of his destructive
and constructive labours, to observe all the seeds
of a new culture which he sowed in German
soil with all the unconsciousness of genius, and to
realize with thankfulness how faithfully he kept
the promise thus made by him: " I was bom for my
Germans, and them will I serve. "
The joy of life has from the beginning possessed
the German soul; but side by side with this there
has always existed a meditative seriousness
which is painfully conscious of the transitory
nature of all earthly things. Undaunted courage
has always been accompanied in our national
character by a deep longing for deliverance from
the curse of sin. Of all the nations of Western
Europe, the ancient Germans alone had some
premonition, even in their heathen days, of the
future disappearance of this sinful race and of a
new world of purity and light which is to come.
To such a people the glad tidings from Jerusalem
were peculiarly acceptable, and the marvellous
buildings of our old cathedrals sufficiently testify
to the piety and the earnestness with which the
Germans received the new faith. It should,
nevertheless, be observed that the Christian
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?
234 Luther and the German Nation
doctrine had assumed a form in Rome which,
on its arrival in our midst, never entirely recom-
mended itself to us. All ages, peoples, and coun-
tries seemed to be united in the great community
of saints which bound the Church militant here
below to the Church expectant of the poor souls
in Purgatory and the Church triumphant of the
saints in Heaven. From the treasury of good
works laid up by the saints the Church dealt forth
remission of sins to the faithful, through the
medium of a ruling priesthood, whose members
were empowered by the spiritual gifts of ordina-
tion to change bread and wine into the Body
and Blood of the Saviour. Outside the Church
was no salvation; she embraced and hallowed
the life of every Christian from the cradle to the
bier, from baptism to extreme unction. The con-
ception was indeed a great and wonderful one.
The wisdom and piety of many holy persons
and a rare talent for ruling men had built up the
wonderful structure throughout many centuries.
Each stone stood firmly cemented to its fellow,
and the inevitable and logical sequence of one
dogma upon another gave the Christian no choice
between submission and heresy. But the close
logic of the Romans had never quite satisfied the
German mind; the living conscience of our people
could never find peace in means of grace supplied
by the Church and in prescribed good works alone.
As early as the fourteenth century the German
territories rang with the Kyrie eleisons of the sect
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? Luther and the German Nation 235
of Flagellants, and ever louder and more despair-
ing -- almost as heartrending as in the earliest days
of Christian history -- grew the cry of the sinful
creature pleading for reconciliation with its Creator.
Further, the bellicose and practical mind of the
Germans was bewildered by the teaching of the
old Church. This beautiful world offered so
many laurel wreaths of honour, and so many
elevated pleasures to men of energy, and yet
all these were to be of no account in comparison
with the higher sanctity of dedicated men, of
priests and monks who had renounced everything
that binds men to one another by human ties, and
who despised not only the infinite happiness, but
also the sacred duties of married life. Walther
von der Vogelweide, the greatest of our mediaeval
poets, pondered sadly over this dark riddle, com-
plaining that "One and the same heart can never,
alas! receive God's grace in form of riches and in
form of honour. "
And this priestly hierarchy, which kept itself
so immeasurably above the obedient multitude,
which so greatly scorned all worldly activities, had
long been the prey of a shameless worldliness which
caused secular persons to regard its members as a
race of hypocrites. The clergy owned the wealth-
iest third of Germany, always formed a majority
and carried all motions in the Reichstag, and
exerted a political influence which was looked upon
by the Germans as a kind of foreign rule. This
latter idea was due to the knowledge that the
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? 236 Luther and the German Nation
Church was ruled by the Pope and his Italian
prelates; and all the wealth of intellect, wit, and
culture which hobnobbed together in the ante-
rooms of the Vatican, all the masterpieces of the
chisel and the brush which the sun of Papal favour
brought into being, could not console our nation
for the fact that the mistress of Christendom
was the most profligate city of the earth. It was
in vain that the Germans had sought, at the
councils of the fifteenth century, to reform the
abuses in the Church. When Luther appeared
the nation was in a dangerous state of ferment,
the prey of conflicting emotions. On the one hand
were the pious persons, consumed by scruples, and
taking painful stock of their sins and their good
works, and contemplating the popular pictures
of the Dance of Death with holy terror; on the
other stood the sensuous lovers of life, full of
energy and high spirits, rejoicing in crude jests
and delighted to mock at the caricature of a
world turned upside down. But to whichever class
they belonged, all Germans united in hating the
foreign yoke.
The actual setting free of Germany was the
direct outcome of an internal conflict waged in
an honest German conscience. Luther drew from
his very humility suflicient strength to endow him
with the utmost boldness. In his youth a passion-
ate anxiety respecting the salvation of himself
and his brothers had driven him to leave father
and mother, in order to storm heaven from his
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? Luther and the German Nation 237
cell by means of all the torments of monkish pen-
ances. Nothing, however, could drown the cry of
his soul, " My sin, my sin, my sin, " and at last the
truth of the saying of the apostle about justi-
fication by faith was revealed to him in all its light-
giving splendour. He now began to realize what
was meant by the iisTavota of Paul, by the con-
version of the inner man. Humbly confessing
the insufficiency of human merit, he resigned him-
self in faith to the mercies of the living God,
and he dared to live according to this his new
creed. The entire divergence between Roman and
German feeling stands revealed to us when we com-
pare these interior battles of Luther's with the
spiritual conflicts later experienced by Ignatius
Loyola, the champion of the old Church after its
revival. The Spaniard puts an end to his suffer-
ings by resolving never again to touch the wound
of his soul ; the German finds peace only when his
mind is convinced of the truth of his beliefs and all
doubts have been banished by the irrefutable testi-
mony of personal experience.
Quite unconscious of the incalculable effect
which his action will have on others, Luther now
sets out on his campaign against the ugly abuses
prevalent in a worldly Church, and then God leads
him on as if he were an old blind horse. Every
decisive thought that enters his mind further con-
vinces him that God does not desire compulsory
service, and that no one can sit in judgment over
the human conscience but God alone. Hardly
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? 238 Luther and the German Nation
three years after the beginning of the quarrel
about indulgences he breaks loose from the re-
stricted morality of the Middle Ages in that mighty
hymn of Gospel liberty, the book concerning the
freedom of the Christian soul. He there proclaims
that the Christian is subject to no one in matters
of faith, and that for that very reason he is the
servant of all, pledged in loving service to the
least of his brethren. Good works can never
make a man holy, but a good man must by his
very nature perform good works. His conception
of what moral life should be is at the same time
broader and stricter than that of his predecessors.
It has a direct affinity with the war waged by
Jesus against the rigid legal conventionality of the
Pharisees, and is based on the axiom that the centre
of gravity in the moral world is the conscience of
man. This discovery at once leads to a realiza-
tion of the priesthood of the laity, and the idea of
a free Church which is content to let the outward
forms of church life be carried away with all
things human on the stream of time. Such a con-
ception makes it possible to contrast the words,
"On this rock will I build My Church" -- words
most grossly misunderstood -- with these other
words of which the meaning has vital application,
"Where two or three are gathered together in My
name, there am I in the midst of them. "
Luther's action certainly amounted to a revolu-
tion, and as religious belief has its roots in the
inmost recesses of the heart of the nation, its
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? Luther and the German Nation 239
effects on existing institutions were more far-
reaching than any poHtical upheaval has been
in modem history. It is certainly not a sign of
evangelical courage when many well-meaning
Protestants seek to deny or conceal this fact. So
incredibly bold a course could only have been
adopted by a man filled with all the native energy
and unquenchable fire of German defiance. The
whole of the old order in the moral world which had
been held sacred during a thousand years, the long
chain of venerable traditions which had held the
life of Christendom together, were shattered at a
blow. Indeed, we can even sympathize with the
Alsatian Mumer, the opponent of the Reformer,
who cried out at the sight of this colossal ruin :
All books are lies,
The saints have deceived us,
Our teachers all are blind.
The greatness of the historical heroes lies in the
fact that they unite in themselves mental and
moral powers which seem to the common herd in-
compatible. Nothing could be more remarkable
than the courage of this simple man, who de-
scribed himself as a goose among swans, but yet
dared to enter the lists against the mightiest of
the political and moral powers of his time. No-
thing, moreover, could exceed his native modera-
tion. Never was he more bold than when he
lovingly warned the Wittenberg iconoclasts not to
let their "liberty be a cloak of offence. " With
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? 240 Luther and the German Nation
childlike confidence he builds upon the founda-
tion of God's Word alone. And his belief did
not deceive him, for when once the wild upheavals
occasioned by the Peasants' War and by the risings
of the Anabaptists had been mastered, the victory
of the Reformation in Germany was gained by
peaceful methods with the willing co-operation of
the people. In spite of all the uglier aspects of this
great movement, it was nevertheless character-
ized by that simple honesty and energy which
especially reveal themselves at moments of great
stress in our German history. The Reformation
presented our people with a form of Christian
belief which satisfied their craving for truth, and
was in harmony with the untamable independence
of the German character, just as the Roman
Church satisfies the logical aptitude and the
craving for beauty of the Latin races, and the
Orthodox Church satisfies the semi- Oriental sub-
missiveness of the Greco-Slavonic world. Luther's
word had infinite influence over a circle far wider
than that composed of his co-religionists. He was
justified when he cried out to the German bishops,
" You have procured a condemnation of my gospel,
but you have secretly accepted many of its
tenets. " We are right to look upon him as a
benefactor of the old Church as well; for that
Church also was forced by him to gather her moral
strength together, and she did not remain inwardly
untouched by the heartfelt and soulful accepta-
tion of the faith which Luther gave back to
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? Luther and the German Nation 241
Christendom. A doctrine of indulgences as ma-
terial as that preached by Tetzel would now be
untenable on German soil, and it is certain that
to-day the thoughtful German Catholic stands
nearer to the German Protestant in his entire
conception of life than he stands to his Spanish
co-religionist.
In all the mighty transformations of our spiritual
life which have taken place since, the fundamental
idea of the Reformation, the free surrender of the
soul to God, has remained the immutable moral
ideal of the German. In the sphere of worldly
affairs it shows itself in the severe utterance of
Kant, who declared that nothing in the world
must be looked upon as good except a good inten-
tion. The same note is heard in the gentle song
of the angels who bear the soul of Faust to heaven :
"We can set free all those who never cease to
strive. " We have to thank the Reformation for
the vital and paternal relationship of the creeds
on which German civilization rests to-day; for
that broad tolerance which springs neither from
fear nor from indifference, but from a realization
that the world being as it is, the light of Divine
revelation is visible to human eyes only when broken
into many rays. No sixteenth century person --
not Luther himself -- could have understood what
we to-day call tolerance; still this long suffering
became possible only under the influence of Pro-
testant belief, which strikes at the roots of the
arrogant false belief in a Church which alone
16
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? 242 Luther and the German Nation
holds the keys of heaven. We have to thank the
Reformation for enabHng the German to think
both piously and independently, for permitting
not one of our great thinkers, however bold his
flight, from falling into the blasphemous mockery
of a Voltaire, and for causing the mortal sin of
hypocrisy to be almost unknown amongst us.
Herein lies the greatness of Protestantism; it
will not suffer a contradiction to exist between
thinking and willing, between religion and moral
life. It will not be gainsaid in its demand that
what a man beHeves that he shall openly confess
and openly follow. In Luther's day the Italians
greatly excelled our nation in art and science. In
the fourteenth century they were already able
to point to Petrarch, the first modem man, a
person who had elected to stand upon his own feet
and to pull the bandage from his eyes. And at the
time of the dispute in Germany on the subject of
indulgences, Machiavelli was writing two books
concerning the State in which he repudiated the
traditional beliefs of the Middle Ages far more
recklessly than Luther ever did. The Latins,
however, lacked the strength to take their own
ideas quite seriously ; they succeeded in dividing
their conscience, so that they were able to obey
a Church which they ridiculed. The Germans
dared to shape their lives in accordance with truths
which they had lately learnt to believe ; and since
the historical world is a world of the will, and
thought, not action, shapes the destinies of nations,
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? Luther and the German Nation 243
it may be said that the history of modem human-
ity begins, not with Petrarch or the artists of the
fifteenth century, but with Martin Luther. Europe
was in no way slow to reahze this fact. Only a
hundred and forty years after Luther's death the
German historian, Cellarius, asserted that towards
the close of the fifteenth century the Middle Ages
were closed and relegated to the background as a
period now passed away. The idea and the name
of the Middle Ages have since become indigenous
in most countries, and will so remain, although our
present-day vanity seeks in vain to point to the
French Revolution as the beginning of modem
history.
Like all true Germans, Luther always cherished
a deep sense of historical piety, and he delighted to
regard the great changes which he had brought
about in the Church as being merely a restoration
of the conditions which prevailed in Christendom
during the earliest periods of its existence. He
knew, however, that he had endowed the political
life of nations with an entirely new idea. He used
to say of the men of his youth that "No one either
taught or learnt, and that therefore no one knew
aught concerning temporal authority, whence
it was, what was its office or its work, or how it
might serve God. " The State had certainly never
received its due since the difficult question as to the
whereabouts of the boundary line between spiritual
and temporal power had arisen to vex the mind of
Christendom. The heathen world had been con-
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? 244 Luther and the German Nation
fronted with no such problem. During the first few
centuries of its career, the Church had had no deal-
ings with the State, because the latter was heathen ;
and when it obtained the upper hand in the Roman
Empire there gradually grew up the political system
of an ecclesiastical world-empire -- a system which
had a very close connection both with the organiza-
tion and with the dogma of the Church. According
to it, the whole life of Christendom appears as a
firmly compacted whole. Statecraft and political
economy, science and art, all human callings receive
the moral law governing their existence from the
hands of the Church. The Church is God's State,
but the earthly State is the kingdom of the flesh,
existing for no moral purpose, and only justified by
God when it places its strong arm at the service
of the judge of the world of States, namely, the
Pope. No vigorous mediaeval State had com-
pletely recognized these very arbitrary claims of
the Papacy. The ecclesiastical doctrine of a
world-empire had begun to lose its prestige among
scholars in the days of Dante, of Marsilius of
Padua, and of the courageous Ghibelline authors
who crowded round the Emperor Ludwig the
Bavarian. It could not be entirely overcome
until the bull was taken by the horns, and the
domination of the clergy brought to an end in
the Church itself.
Luther first smashed to atoms the dictum behind
which the Romanists entrench themselves: he
denied that "spiritual power is higher than tern-
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? Luther and the German Nation 245
poral power," and taught that the State is itself
ordained of God, and that it is justified in fulfilling
and indeed pledged to fulfil, the moral purposes of
its existence independently of the Church. The
State was thus declared to be of age ; and as it had
really attained its majority, and as the temporal
power everywhere received firm support from the
growing self-realization of the nations, this political
emancipation had almost a mightier and a more
far-reaching influence than the reformation of the
Church. All rulers, without exception, whether
Catholic or Protestant, repudiated the poHtical
suzerainty of the crowned priest. An obedience
such as that previously demanded of the temporal
powers by the Pope was no more thought of, and
before the close of Luther's century, Bodinus origi-
nated the idea of the sovereignty of the State with a
real display of scientific acumen. The theory was
an entirely new one, and, once discovered, it
became, and still continues to be, the common
property of all civilized men. In vain did the
Jesuits continue to dream of the world-empire of
the Church; the States of Europe, none the less,
formed themselves by degrees into a new and
free association, and built up for themselves a
universal code of national law, which was more
just than the former judgments of the Popes, and
had its roots in the common interests and the
sense of justice of the nations. Step by step
the modem State forced back the Church on her
spiritual territory. It deprived her of the admin-
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? 246 Luther and the German Nation
istration of justice, of the management of educa-
tion, and of the care of the poor, and proved by
the results that it is more competent to fulfil these
political duties than its predecessor had been.
Nothing reveals the innate healthiness of the
political ideas of the Reformation more completely
than the undeniable fact that the political develop-
ment of the Protestant States was throughout
effected with less effort and in a more peaceful
manner than that of the Catholic States.
The emancipation of the State from the tyranny
of ecclesiastical control nowhere brought with it so
rich and abiding a blessing as in Germany, for
nowhere had the old Church been more closely
interwoven with the State than in the Holy Roman
Empire and in the many ecclesiastical princedoms
supported by the imperial power. No one can
deny that the Reformation furthered the break-up
of the old Empire which had been threatening for so
long, and fanned, by means of religious hatred, the
flame of a political antagonism already in existence.
But he who can heal wounds is thereby entitled
to give them. From the well of Protestantism
alone could this sickly kingdom draw the waters
of youth. It was only when our State again
became true like its Church, when it rejected the
claims of the Holy Roman Empire, now proved ill-
founded, when it placed its episcopal lands under
worldly jurisdiction, that it again became able to
move with the times.
Luther never drew these last conclusions him-
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? Luther and the German Nation 247
self.
? In Memory of the Great War 221
lack of consideration, the sub-Germanic peoples
of the Danube Empire verified the old rule of
historical ingratitude towards the Germans who
had brought them civilization. Forcibly the
conviction was impressed upon us that at home, at
any rate, where we are masters, we must defend
every inch-breadth of German civilization against
foreign Powers. Moreover, it was natural that
after our victory a truce should be proclaimed
between the German parties, but our party
struggles assumed rougher and coarser shapes
from year to year.
In the natural course of things, after the victory,
a truce was proclaimed between the German
political parties. But our party strifes have
become from year to year rougher and coarser.
They concern themselves less with political ideas
than with economic interests; they stir up the
flame of hatred between class and class, and
threaten the peace of society.
This coarsening of politics has its deepest source
in a serious alteration which has taken place in
our whole national life. Much that we considered
characteristic of a decaying old world is the out-
come of every over-cultivated city-civilization,
and is being repeated to-day before our eyes. A
democratized society does not care, as enthusi-
asts suppose, for the aristocracy of talent, but
for the power of gold or of the mob, or both to-
gether. In the new generation there is disappear-
ing terribly fast, what Goethe called the final aim
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? 222 In Memory of the Great War
of all moral education -- reverence: reverence for
God; reverence for the barriers which nature has
placed between the two sexes, and the limits
which the structure of human society has imposed
upon desire; reverence for the Fatherland which, as
an ideal, is said to be yielding its place to the
dream of a sensual and cosmopolitan plutocracy.
The wider culture spreads the more shallow it
becomes; the thoughtfulness of the ancient world
is despised ; only that which serves the aims of the
immediate future seems still important. Where
everyone gives his opinion about everything,
according to the newspaper and the encyclopaedia,
there original mental power becomes rare, and with
it the fine courage of ignorance, which marks an
independent mind. Science, which, once descend-
ing too deep, sought to fathom the inscrutable,
loses itself in expansion, and only isolated pines of
original thought tower above the low undergrowth
of collections of memoranda. The satiated taste,
which no longer understands the true, goes after
realism, and prizes the wax figure more than
the work of art. In the tedium of an empty
existence the affected naturalness of betting and
athletic sports gains an undeserved importance,
and when we see how immoderately the heroes of
the circus and the performers of the playground
are over-prized, we are unpleasantly reminded of
the enormous costly mosaic picture of the twenty-
eight prize-fighters in the Baths of Caracalla.
These are all serious signs of the time. But
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? In Memory of the Great War 223
no one stands so high that he can only accuse his
people. We Germans, especially, have often
sinned against ourselves through extravagant love
of fault-finding. And no one can say that he
really knows his own people. In the spring of
1870 even the most sanguine did not suppose that
our young men would strike as they did. So we,
also, will hope that to-day, deep in the hearts of
our people, there are at work rejuvenating powers
which we know not of. And how much that does
not pass away has, in spite of all, remained to us
from the great war. The Empire stands upright,
stronger than we ever expected ; every German dis-
cerns its mighty influence in the ordinary occur-
rences of every day, in the current exchange of the
market-place. None of us could live without the
Empire, and how strongly the thought of it glows
in our hearts is shown by the grateful affection
which seeks to console the first Imperial Chancellor
for the bitter experiences of his old age. In my
youth it was often said, *'If the Germans become
German, they will found the kingdom on earth
which will bring peace to the world. " We are
not so inoffensive any longer. For a long time
past we have known that the sword must maintain
what the sword won, and to the end of history,
the virile saying will hold good, gta gta ^la'C^ziai,
"Force is overcome by force. " And yet there is
a deep significance in that old verse about the
Germans. Not only was the war for Prussia's
existence -- the Seven Years' War, -- the first Euro-
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? 224 In Memory of the Great War
pean war, not only did our State combine both the
old State-systems of the East and the West into a
European community of States, but being at last
strengthened as a central State, during a quarter
of a century of dangerous diplomatic friction, it
has offered peace to the Continent not by means of
the panacea of the pacificists -- disarming -- but by
the exact opposite -- universal arming. Germany's
example compelled armies to become nations,
nations to become armies, and consequently war
to be a dangerous experiment ; and since no French-
man has yet asserted that France can recover her
old booty by force of arms, we may perhaps hope
for some more years of peace. Meanwhile, our
western frontier territory coalesces slowly, but
unceasingly, with the old Fatherland, and the time
will come when German culture, which has changed
its place of abode so often, will again recover
complete predominance in its old home. Finally,
after so many painful disappointments, we have
lately succeeded in a work, as only a great and
united people can succeed. It was, indeed, a well-
omened day when the canal between the North
Sea and the Baltic was opened, and the Ger-
mans on the Suabian Sea sent their brotherly
greeting to the distant coast.
Such hours of happy success you must hold fast
in memory, my dear comrades, when your heads
grow dizzy with the frenzy of party-spirit. Our
festival to-day has especial significance for you.
It is the privilege and happiness of youth to look
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? In Memory of the Great War 225
up, to trust the future in good spirits, not to de-
spise the deeds of their fathers, nor to become sub-
merged in the controversies of the day. You have
not, Hke we of the older generation, helped to con-
quer your Fatherland for yourselves with weapons,
or the surgeon's knife, or the weak pen; you
have not, like we, seen dear friends of your youth
perish in body and soul, because they despaired
too soon of Germany. To you comes the simple
summons, Spartam nactus es, hanc exorna. Yes,
you have obtained it, without any merit on your
part, this imited Fatherland, which for the good of
mankind mounted ever higher, from Fehrbellin to
Leuthen, from Belle- Alliance to Sedan. It can pro-
vide scope for every virile force, and the best is
hardly good enough for it. If the call of the
war-lord should ever summon you under the ban-
ners of the eagle, you will not wish to be weaker
in courage and faithfulness, in the fear of God
and devotion, than the old Berlin students, whose
honoured names we preserve in marble in our
University hall. Whether Germany demands from
you the toils of peace, or the deeds of war,
cherish ever the vow which once the poet, looking
down on the corpse-strewn fields around Metz,
made in all our names :
Think not that the blood you shed,
Flowed in vain, O honoured dead,
Or shall ever be forgot !
And now, gentlemen, as we do in all national
15
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? 226 In Memory of the Great War
festivals of our University, let us remember,
reverentially, with loyal fidelity, the ruler who
guards our Empire with his sceptre. God bless his
Majesty, our Emperor and King. God grant him
to exercise a wise, righteous, and firm rule, and
grant us all strength to guard and to increase
the precious inheritance of those glorious times.
Come, good Germans, everywhere! Join with me
in the cry, " Long live Emperor and Empire! "
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? LUTHER AND THE GERMAN NATION
(A Lecture given at Darmstadt on November 7,
1883)
Ladies and Gentlemen,
There are many among you who stood, not
many weeks ago, on the heights of the Niederwald,
when our venerable Emperor presided at the unveil-
ing of the statue representing Germania girt with
her sword; and you there had the privilege of
uniting with your compatriots from far and near
in a feeling of joy and thankfulness. For centuries
we Germans have been denied the luxury of join-
ing together in that happy and unenvious contem-
plation of our past which is the true life-blood of a
healthy people. The very victories which brought
about the unity of our Empire were the outcome
of the first great united act performed by the whole
nation since immemorial times. Glorious indeed
is the history of our nation, which has so often
given to this part of our globe the foremost figure
of the century, and has, in warfare, so often spoken
words of awakening or of reconciliation. Nearly
all our great men were, however, so inextricably
involved in the whirl of bewildering contrasts
227
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? 228 Luther and the German Nation
which disorganized our inner life that even to this
day they remain an enigma to great masses of the
people, and are looked upon merely as the pioneers
of a family, a party, or a creed -- ^not simply as
German heroes.
It was during the eighteenth century that the
last and greatest representative of the old-fash-
ioned unlimited monarchy held sway among us,
and now that we are able to judge of the extent of
his labours, the more enlightened among us have
begun to feel that he was fighting for Germany
when he waged war against Austria and the Holy
Roman Empire. But in spite of this King
Frederick, like his ancestor the Great Elector, will
ever remain the favourite of his Prussians, while
to the general mass of the Southern Germans he
will continue to be something of a stranger. A
century earlier we secured the religious peace of
Europe after a horrible war, but victory was pur-
chased at a fearful price, i. e. , the laying waste
of our ancient culture ; and almost the only lumin-
ous figure in all that sombre period, the hero
Gustavus Adolphus, was a foreigner. Moreover,
even his admirers must admit that his victorious
career terminated -- very favourably to us -- just
at the moment when his power began to be prejudi-
cial to our country.
The same limitations are to be observed even
in the commemorative festival which our Pro-
testant nation is thankfully celebrating this week.
It is not, unhappily, a festival in which all Ger-
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? Luther and the German Nation 229
mans will take part. Millions of our compatriots
are holding aloof in silence, or even in open dis-
approval. They are neither able nor willing
to imderstand that the Reformer of our Church
was the pioneer of the whole German nation on the
road to a freer civilization, and that in the State
and in Society, in our homes and in our centres
of learning, his spirit still breathes life into us.
Everyone who takes it upon himself to speak of
Luther must confess what is his own attitude
towards the great moral problems of the present
day. And the accusations of those who are un-
able to comprehend his greatness are as passion-
ate in tone to-day as if the Reformer still walked
in our midst.
Even during his life-time Martin Luther incurred
the penalty which awaits all great men, and
especially all great fighters: he was misunderstood.
During the early years of his public activity --
years so full of promise -- ^he was greeted by the
nation with a tempestuous joy such as has not been
seen again in Germany imtil our own time. In the
days when he first belled the cat, when, forced
forward by a lively conscience and the driving
power of untrammelled thought, he turned from
the paths of ancient orthodoxy to those of open
heresy; when he threw the Papal Bull into the
fire and gave that ringing call to the "Christian
nobility of the German nation," in which he
invited his Germans to reform the Church and the
State, root and branch; then it was that he stood
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? 230 Luther and the German Nation
revealed before the Emperor and the Empire
as the leader of the nation, a man as heroic in
aspect as the patron saint of his people, the warrior
Michael. Then it was that men sought to express
their joy in the words of the folk-song :
He showed himself at Worms,
All ready for the fray;
He silenced all his enemies,
And none could overcome him.
Then, also, it seemed as if the elemental forces
at work in a nation stirred to its depths -- the re-
ligious zeal of pious minds, the scientific curiosity
of the rising generation, the national hatred
of a knightly nobility for the foreign prelates,
the discontent of an oppressed peasantry -- were
about to unite in a mighty torrent impetuous
enough to sweep all Roman organizations and
influences out of our State and our Church. The
royal dignity of Germany was, however, still in
close bondage to the world-embracing policy of the
Holy Roman Empire. It can hardly have been
an accident that the crown was at that moment-
ous period worn by a stranger who could not
discern the beating of our heart, and whose only
answer to the acclamations with which the Germans
hailed the courageous frankness of their country-
man was a disdainful smile and the words, "Such
a man shall never make me a heretic. "
As soon as it became evident that the Emperor
had refused to listen to the voice of the nation, the
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? Luther and the German Nation 231
Reformer found ranged against him not only the
political strength of the Spanish World-Empire,
but also the immense moral force embodied in the
firm loyalty of our nation to the Emperor. Class-
hatred -- that mortal sin which has played so large
a part in our history -- now again made its appear-
ance. The nobility frittered away their hot-
blooded energy in the carrying on of aimless and
most unhappy feuds. The peasants interpreted
the gospel doctrine of Hberty in a material sense,
and plunged into a furious social war. Luther,
however, believed that his holy treasure had been
insulted, and poured all the vials of his wrath
upon the fools who sought to settle the problem
of the gospel with hammer and tongs. When
this horrible rising had been horribly punished by
a cruel nobility, the man who had been so lately
glorified by his compatriots found himself cursed
by the common people. In the meantime Eras-
mus, the first scholar of the century, had separated
himself from the Wittenberg party; Luther's
teacher, the mystic Staupitz, and the clever hu-
manists, Crotus Rubianus and Eobanus Hessus,
recoiled from him in terror. Their defection
made it clear that the new teaching would at
first have but a partial influence over the most
highly educated sections of the nation ; and as this
new doctrine freed the strong obstinacy as well
as the power of independent thought which char-
acterize the German character, its adherents
began to fritter away their strength in a highly
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? 232 Luther and the German Nation
dangerous manner. Undisciplined fanaticism and
quarrels about dogma broke their unity.
Luther, thus harassed and forsaken on all sides,
sought refuge among the German Princes. If his
last years were rich in great results, they were even
richer in painful disillusionments. He had begun
hoping that he might give new energies to Church
life in Christendom, or at least in his own nation.
Now he was forced to content himself with the
knowledge that small evangelical Churches had
gradually come into being in the territories of
the greater among the German temporal princes;
and he who watches, even superficially, the dawn
of day in history may consider it a merciful dis-
pensation of Providence that the Reformer, whom
over- work had quickly aged, should have died just
before the dissensions and aimless weaknesses of
the leaders in the Schmalkaldian War led to the
subjection of German Protestants to a foreign
rule. The glory of departed heroes is usually
exaggerated in the popular imagination; Luther,
on the contrary, appeared to his contemporaries a
lesser man than he really was. In those weary
decades of political inactivity and theological dis-
putes which followed upon the golden period of the
German Reformation, a little sect proceeded to
recreate Luther after its own image, as if he also
had been nothing but a zealous preacher of Bible
truths and a respectable father of a family, and as
if his aim had merely been to found a separate
Church called by the name of a sinful mortal. It
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? Luther and the German Nation 233
is only the historical science of our own day which
has succeeded in plucking up heart to comprehend
Luther in his entirety, Luther the epitome of his
century, in whose soul nearly all the new ideas of
the time were mightily re-echoed. We are far
enough removed from him in time to be able to
gauge the indirect consequences of his destructive
and constructive labours, to observe all the seeds
of a new culture which he sowed in German
soil with all the unconsciousness of genius, and to
realize with thankfulness how faithfully he kept
the promise thus made by him: " I was bom for my
Germans, and them will I serve. "
The joy of life has from the beginning possessed
the German soul; but side by side with this there
has always existed a meditative seriousness
which is painfully conscious of the transitory
nature of all earthly things. Undaunted courage
has always been accompanied in our national
character by a deep longing for deliverance from
the curse of sin. Of all the nations of Western
Europe, the ancient Germans alone had some
premonition, even in their heathen days, of the
future disappearance of this sinful race and of a
new world of purity and light which is to come.
To such a people the glad tidings from Jerusalem
were peculiarly acceptable, and the marvellous
buildings of our old cathedrals sufficiently testify
to the piety and the earnestness with which the
Germans received the new faith. It should,
nevertheless, be observed that the Christian
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?
234 Luther and the German Nation
doctrine had assumed a form in Rome which,
on its arrival in our midst, never entirely recom-
mended itself to us. All ages, peoples, and coun-
tries seemed to be united in the great community
of saints which bound the Church militant here
below to the Church expectant of the poor souls
in Purgatory and the Church triumphant of the
saints in Heaven. From the treasury of good
works laid up by the saints the Church dealt forth
remission of sins to the faithful, through the
medium of a ruling priesthood, whose members
were empowered by the spiritual gifts of ordina-
tion to change bread and wine into the Body
and Blood of the Saviour. Outside the Church
was no salvation; she embraced and hallowed
the life of every Christian from the cradle to the
bier, from baptism to extreme unction. The con-
ception was indeed a great and wonderful one.
The wisdom and piety of many holy persons
and a rare talent for ruling men had built up the
wonderful structure throughout many centuries.
Each stone stood firmly cemented to its fellow,
and the inevitable and logical sequence of one
dogma upon another gave the Christian no choice
between submission and heresy. But the close
logic of the Romans had never quite satisfied the
German mind; the living conscience of our people
could never find peace in means of grace supplied
by the Church and in prescribed good works alone.
As early as the fourteenth century the German
territories rang with the Kyrie eleisons of the sect
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? Luther and the German Nation 235
of Flagellants, and ever louder and more despair-
ing -- almost as heartrending as in the earliest days
of Christian history -- grew the cry of the sinful
creature pleading for reconciliation with its Creator.
Further, the bellicose and practical mind of the
Germans was bewildered by the teaching of the
old Church. This beautiful world offered so
many laurel wreaths of honour, and so many
elevated pleasures to men of energy, and yet
all these were to be of no account in comparison
with the higher sanctity of dedicated men, of
priests and monks who had renounced everything
that binds men to one another by human ties, and
who despised not only the infinite happiness, but
also the sacred duties of married life. Walther
von der Vogelweide, the greatest of our mediaeval
poets, pondered sadly over this dark riddle, com-
plaining that "One and the same heart can never,
alas! receive God's grace in form of riches and in
form of honour. "
And this priestly hierarchy, which kept itself
so immeasurably above the obedient multitude,
which so greatly scorned all worldly activities, had
long been the prey of a shameless worldliness which
caused secular persons to regard its members as a
race of hypocrites. The clergy owned the wealth-
iest third of Germany, always formed a majority
and carried all motions in the Reichstag, and
exerted a political influence which was looked upon
by the Germans as a kind of foreign rule. This
latter idea was due to the knowledge that the
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? 236 Luther and the German Nation
Church was ruled by the Pope and his Italian
prelates; and all the wealth of intellect, wit, and
culture which hobnobbed together in the ante-
rooms of the Vatican, all the masterpieces of the
chisel and the brush which the sun of Papal favour
brought into being, could not console our nation
for the fact that the mistress of Christendom
was the most profligate city of the earth. It was
in vain that the Germans had sought, at the
councils of the fifteenth century, to reform the
abuses in the Church. When Luther appeared
the nation was in a dangerous state of ferment,
the prey of conflicting emotions. On the one hand
were the pious persons, consumed by scruples, and
taking painful stock of their sins and their good
works, and contemplating the popular pictures
of the Dance of Death with holy terror; on the
other stood the sensuous lovers of life, full of
energy and high spirits, rejoicing in crude jests
and delighted to mock at the caricature of a
world turned upside down. But to whichever class
they belonged, all Germans united in hating the
foreign yoke.
The actual setting free of Germany was the
direct outcome of an internal conflict waged in
an honest German conscience. Luther drew from
his very humility suflicient strength to endow him
with the utmost boldness. In his youth a passion-
ate anxiety respecting the salvation of himself
and his brothers had driven him to leave father
and mother, in order to storm heaven from his
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? Luther and the German Nation 237
cell by means of all the torments of monkish pen-
ances. Nothing, however, could drown the cry of
his soul, " My sin, my sin, my sin, " and at last the
truth of the saying of the apostle about justi-
fication by faith was revealed to him in all its light-
giving splendour. He now began to realize what
was meant by the iisTavota of Paul, by the con-
version of the inner man. Humbly confessing
the insufficiency of human merit, he resigned him-
self in faith to the mercies of the living God,
and he dared to live according to this his new
creed. The entire divergence between Roman and
German feeling stands revealed to us when we com-
pare these interior battles of Luther's with the
spiritual conflicts later experienced by Ignatius
Loyola, the champion of the old Church after its
revival. The Spaniard puts an end to his suffer-
ings by resolving never again to touch the wound
of his soul ; the German finds peace only when his
mind is convinced of the truth of his beliefs and all
doubts have been banished by the irrefutable testi-
mony of personal experience.
Quite unconscious of the incalculable effect
which his action will have on others, Luther now
sets out on his campaign against the ugly abuses
prevalent in a worldly Church, and then God leads
him on as if he were an old blind horse. Every
decisive thought that enters his mind further con-
vinces him that God does not desire compulsory
service, and that no one can sit in judgment over
the human conscience but God alone. Hardly
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? 238 Luther and the German Nation
three years after the beginning of the quarrel
about indulgences he breaks loose from the re-
stricted morality of the Middle Ages in that mighty
hymn of Gospel liberty, the book concerning the
freedom of the Christian soul. He there proclaims
that the Christian is subject to no one in matters
of faith, and that for that very reason he is the
servant of all, pledged in loving service to the
least of his brethren. Good works can never
make a man holy, but a good man must by his
very nature perform good works. His conception
of what moral life should be is at the same time
broader and stricter than that of his predecessors.
It has a direct affinity with the war waged by
Jesus against the rigid legal conventionality of the
Pharisees, and is based on the axiom that the centre
of gravity in the moral world is the conscience of
man. This discovery at once leads to a realiza-
tion of the priesthood of the laity, and the idea of
a free Church which is content to let the outward
forms of church life be carried away with all
things human on the stream of time. Such a con-
ception makes it possible to contrast the words,
"On this rock will I build My Church" -- words
most grossly misunderstood -- with these other
words of which the meaning has vital application,
"Where two or three are gathered together in My
name, there am I in the midst of them. "
Luther's action certainly amounted to a revolu-
tion, and as religious belief has its roots in the
inmost recesses of the heart of the nation, its
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? Luther and the German Nation 239
effects on existing institutions were more far-
reaching than any poHtical upheaval has been
in modem history. It is certainly not a sign of
evangelical courage when many well-meaning
Protestants seek to deny or conceal this fact. So
incredibly bold a course could only have been
adopted by a man filled with all the native energy
and unquenchable fire of German defiance. The
whole of the old order in the moral world which had
been held sacred during a thousand years, the long
chain of venerable traditions which had held the
life of Christendom together, were shattered at a
blow. Indeed, we can even sympathize with the
Alsatian Mumer, the opponent of the Reformer,
who cried out at the sight of this colossal ruin :
All books are lies,
The saints have deceived us,
Our teachers all are blind.
The greatness of the historical heroes lies in the
fact that they unite in themselves mental and
moral powers which seem to the common herd in-
compatible. Nothing could be more remarkable
than the courage of this simple man, who de-
scribed himself as a goose among swans, but yet
dared to enter the lists against the mightiest of
the political and moral powers of his time. No-
thing, moreover, could exceed his native modera-
tion. Never was he more bold than when he
lovingly warned the Wittenberg iconoclasts not to
let their "liberty be a cloak of offence. " With
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? 240 Luther and the German Nation
childlike confidence he builds upon the founda-
tion of God's Word alone. And his belief did
not deceive him, for when once the wild upheavals
occasioned by the Peasants' War and by the risings
of the Anabaptists had been mastered, the victory
of the Reformation in Germany was gained by
peaceful methods with the willing co-operation of
the people. In spite of all the uglier aspects of this
great movement, it was nevertheless character-
ized by that simple honesty and energy which
especially reveal themselves at moments of great
stress in our German history. The Reformation
presented our people with a form of Christian
belief which satisfied their craving for truth, and
was in harmony with the untamable independence
of the German character, just as the Roman
Church satisfies the logical aptitude and the
craving for beauty of the Latin races, and the
Orthodox Church satisfies the semi- Oriental sub-
missiveness of the Greco-Slavonic world. Luther's
word had infinite influence over a circle far wider
than that composed of his co-religionists. He was
justified when he cried out to the German bishops,
" You have procured a condemnation of my gospel,
but you have secretly accepted many of its
tenets. " We are right to look upon him as a
benefactor of the old Church as well; for that
Church also was forced by him to gather her moral
strength together, and she did not remain inwardly
untouched by the heartfelt and soulful accepta-
tion of the faith which Luther gave back to
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? Luther and the German Nation 241
Christendom. A doctrine of indulgences as ma-
terial as that preached by Tetzel would now be
untenable on German soil, and it is certain that
to-day the thoughtful German Catholic stands
nearer to the German Protestant in his entire
conception of life than he stands to his Spanish
co-religionist.
In all the mighty transformations of our spiritual
life which have taken place since, the fundamental
idea of the Reformation, the free surrender of the
soul to God, has remained the immutable moral
ideal of the German. In the sphere of worldly
affairs it shows itself in the severe utterance of
Kant, who declared that nothing in the world
must be looked upon as good except a good inten-
tion. The same note is heard in the gentle song
of the angels who bear the soul of Faust to heaven :
"We can set free all those who never cease to
strive. " We have to thank the Reformation for
the vital and paternal relationship of the creeds
on which German civilization rests to-day; for
that broad tolerance which springs neither from
fear nor from indifference, but from a realization
that the world being as it is, the light of Divine
revelation is visible to human eyes only when broken
into many rays. No sixteenth century person --
not Luther himself -- could have understood what
we to-day call tolerance; still this long suffering
became possible only under the influence of Pro-
testant belief, which strikes at the roots of the
arrogant false belief in a Church which alone
16
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? 242 Luther and the German Nation
holds the keys of heaven. We have to thank the
Reformation for enabHng the German to think
both piously and independently, for permitting
not one of our great thinkers, however bold his
flight, from falling into the blasphemous mockery
of a Voltaire, and for causing the mortal sin of
hypocrisy to be almost unknown amongst us.
Herein lies the greatness of Protestantism; it
will not suffer a contradiction to exist between
thinking and willing, between religion and moral
life. It will not be gainsaid in its demand that
what a man beHeves that he shall openly confess
and openly follow. In Luther's day the Italians
greatly excelled our nation in art and science. In
the fourteenth century they were already able
to point to Petrarch, the first modem man, a
person who had elected to stand upon his own feet
and to pull the bandage from his eyes. And at the
time of the dispute in Germany on the subject of
indulgences, Machiavelli was writing two books
concerning the State in which he repudiated the
traditional beliefs of the Middle Ages far more
recklessly than Luther ever did. The Latins,
however, lacked the strength to take their own
ideas quite seriously ; they succeeded in dividing
their conscience, so that they were able to obey
a Church which they ridiculed. The Germans
dared to shape their lives in accordance with truths
which they had lately learnt to believe ; and since
the historical world is a world of the will, and
thought, not action, shapes the destinies of nations,
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? Luther and the German Nation 243
it may be said that the history of modem human-
ity begins, not with Petrarch or the artists of the
fifteenth century, but with Martin Luther. Europe
was in no way slow to reahze this fact. Only a
hundred and forty years after Luther's death the
German historian, Cellarius, asserted that towards
the close of the fifteenth century the Middle Ages
were closed and relegated to the background as a
period now passed away. The idea and the name
of the Middle Ages have since become indigenous
in most countries, and will so remain, although our
present-day vanity seeks in vain to point to the
French Revolution as the beginning of modem
history.
Like all true Germans, Luther always cherished
a deep sense of historical piety, and he delighted to
regard the great changes which he had brought
about in the Church as being merely a restoration
of the conditions which prevailed in Christendom
during the earliest periods of its existence. He
knew, however, that he had endowed the political
life of nations with an entirely new idea. He used
to say of the men of his youth that "No one either
taught or learnt, and that therefore no one knew
aught concerning temporal authority, whence
it was, what was its office or its work, or how it
might serve God. " The State had certainly never
received its due since the difficult question as to the
whereabouts of the boundary line between spiritual
and temporal power had arisen to vex the mind of
Christendom. The heathen world had been con-
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? 244 Luther and the German Nation
fronted with no such problem. During the first few
centuries of its career, the Church had had no deal-
ings with the State, because the latter was heathen ;
and when it obtained the upper hand in the Roman
Empire there gradually grew up the political system
of an ecclesiastical world-empire -- a system which
had a very close connection both with the organiza-
tion and with the dogma of the Church. According
to it, the whole life of Christendom appears as a
firmly compacted whole. Statecraft and political
economy, science and art, all human callings receive
the moral law governing their existence from the
hands of the Church. The Church is God's State,
but the earthly State is the kingdom of the flesh,
existing for no moral purpose, and only justified by
God when it places its strong arm at the service
of the judge of the world of States, namely, the
Pope. No vigorous mediaeval State had com-
pletely recognized these very arbitrary claims of
the Papacy. The ecclesiastical doctrine of a
world-empire had begun to lose its prestige among
scholars in the days of Dante, of Marsilius of
Padua, and of the courageous Ghibelline authors
who crowded round the Emperor Ludwig the
Bavarian. It could not be entirely overcome
until the bull was taken by the horns, and the
domination of the clergy brought to an end in
the Church itself.
Luther first smashed to atoms the dictum behind
which the Romanists entrench themselves: he
denied that "spiritual power is higher than tern-
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? Luther and the German Nation 245
poral power," and taught that the State is itself
ordained of God, and that it is justified in fulfilling
and indeed pledged to fulfil, the moral purposes of
its existence independently of the Church. The
State was thus declared to be of age ; and as it had
really attained its majority, and as the temporal
power everywhere received firm support from the
growing self-realization of the nations, this political
emancipation had almost a mightier and a more
far-reaching influence than the reformation of the
Church. All rulers, without exception, whether
Catholic or Protestant, repudiated the poHtical
suzerainty of the crowned priest. An obedience
such as that previously demanded of the temporal
powers by the Pope was no more thought of, and
before the close of Luther's century, Bodinus origi-
nated the idea of the sovereignty of the State with a
real display of scientific acumen. The theory was
an entirely new one, and, once discovered, it
became, and still continues to be, the common
property of all civilized men. In vain did the
Jesuits continue to dream of the world-empire of
the Church; the States of Europe, none the less,
formed themselves by degrees into a new and
free association, and built up for themselves a
universal code of national law, which was more
just than the former judgments of the Popes, and
had its roots in the common interests and the
sense of justice of the nations. Step by step
the modem State forced back the Church on her
spiritual territory. It deprived her of the admin-
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? 246 Luther and the German Nation
istration of justice, of the management of educa-
tion, and of the care of the poor, and proved by
the results that it is more competent to fulfil these
political duties than its predecessor had been.
Nothing reveals the innate healthiness of the
political ideas of the Reformation more completely
than the undeniable fact that the political develop-
ment of the Protestant States was throughout
effected with less effort and in a more peaceful
manner than that of the Catholic States.
The emancipation of the State from the tyranny
of ecclesiastical control nowhere brought with it so
rich and abiding a blessing as in Germany, for
nowhere had the old Church been more closely
interwoven with the State than in the Holy Roman
Empire and in the many ecclesiastical princedoms
supported by the imperial power. No one can
deny that the Reformation furthered the break-up
of the old Empire which had been threatening for so
long, and fanned, by means of religious hatred, the
flame of a political antagonism already in existence.
But he who can heal wounds is thereby entitled
to give them. From the well of Protestantism
alone could this sickly kingdom draw the waters
of youth. It was only when our State again
became true like its Church, when it rejected the
claims of the Holy Roman Empire, now proved ill-
founded, when it placed its episcopal lands under
worldly jurisdiction, that it again became able to
move with the times.
Luther never drew these last conclusions him-
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? Luther and the German Nation 247
self.
