No More Learning

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? THROUGH THE CENTURIES
moralization, were collected in the Gesta Ro-
manorum. At the end of the tradition stand
those immortal raconteurs, Boccaccio and
Chaucer. It is natural that some of Ovid's
stories should be taken from their settings and
remoulded into popular form. Thus the tale of
Pyramus and Thisbe, which Ovid alone had
rescued from oblivion, appears in two Latin
poems of the thirteenth century, then in Old
French, German and Netherlandish. Thisbe is
among the good women whose legends Chaucer
immortalizes; Gower has the story in his Con-
fessio Amantis; the youthful and ardent Boc-
caccio tells it in L'Amorosa Fiametta; the aged
and scholastic Boccaccio retells it in his trea-
tise De Claris Mulieribus. Tasso is not wearied
of repeating it; in Spanish literature we see it
in Montemayor; then it is caught up in trag-
edy, comedy and farce in the drama of all the
European countries; Bottom's performance in'
A Midsummer Night's Dream has a noble lin-
eage behind it.
iii. VAGABOND POETRY AND SATIRE
The jolly vagabonds, or Goliards, whose
poetry John Addington Symonds illustrated in
a little volume of attractive title and not dis-
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? OVID AND HIS INFLUENCE
appointing contents, found much in Master
Ovid well suited to their needs. He is the chief
priest of their order, with Horace second in the
hierarchy. They have learned the arts of love
and sing without restraint of the modes and
mysteries of Venus, sometimes with a merry
Macaronic refrain.
Audi bela mia,
Mille modos Veneris
Da hizevaleria.
In sadder vein, the bard laments the changes of
Fortune and expounds the law of her mutability
as Ovid had done in the Tristia, or he tells of
a new sort of metamorphosis in a scathing de-
nunciation of the stingy rich, who, instead of
bestowing their garments on the poor poet,
have them refitted for themselves in another
shape; he himself manages to remould the first
verse of Ovid's poem into good Goliardic form.
In nova fert animus
Dicere mutata
Vetera, vel potius
Sunt inveterata.
In another mood, he displays the schoolboy's
exultation at a holiday, when he can fling aside
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? THROUGH THE CENTURIES
Nasonis carmina, vel aliorum pagina, and fare
forth to the green fields. Again, in Phyllis and
Flora, one of the best of Mediaeval debates,
the poet follows the gay cavalcade to the Court
of Love, where fawns and nymphs are sporting
in the woods, and Silenus, still as disreputable
as Ovid pictures him in the Art of Love, rides
up on his donkey.
"Ho/ ", he shouts in gurgling tones,
Stepping pedetentim.
Fain he'd join the Maenads' cry;
Wine and age prevent him.
The case of Knight versus Cleric is tried, and
with no slight help from Ovid, the verdict is
reached that the Cleric is the greater expert in
the art of Love. The most tremendous homage
paid to our poet is in a graceful amorosa vi-
sione, modelled on one of the letters Ex Ponto.
Cupid appears in the watches of the night, and
laments that the high standard of Ovid's amor-
ous precepts is maintained no longer: o tem-
pora, o mores I Each strophe in this poem is
capped with a resonant hexameter from the
Art of Love or the Remedies. The prophet
himself is speaking in reproof of a degenerate
age!
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? OVID AND HIS INFLUENCE
The verse of the Goliards is found as early
as the ninth century. Collections were made of
the various poems, gay and grave, amatory,
convivial, political, religious, which these wan-
dering minstrels sang at courts and monasteries.
At least as early as the tenth century, some-
body hit on the happy idea of creating an
eponymous hero. Whatever their name may
mean, they ultimately claimed descent from
Goliath, who had become in popular fancy a
close rival to Satan, more interesting and lov-
able than Satan, because more human. We
have poems on the confession of Golias, his
sermon, his complaint to the Pope, his address
to the person who stole his purse, and his ad-
vice (dissuasive) on matrimony, his elevation
to the Bishopric, his metamorphosis, and his
apocalypse. This lively fiction serves the poet
as a medium for satirizing foibles of the laity
and corruption in the Church; it should not,
however, be taken too seriously as a "picture
of the times. " The spirit of Ovid is manifest
in the creation of this master of the sons of
Belial, and there are marked resemblances to
Ovid in the life and poetry of one of the known
Goliardic minstrels of the twelfth century, who
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? THROUGH THE CENTURIES
went under the name of the Archipoeta of
Cologne.
In the vernacular poetry of France and Ger-
many, the Troubadours and the Minnesinger,
who continue the tradition of the Goliards, turn
back, like them, to Ovid for imagery, themes
and part, at least, of his "art" and "rem-
edies " of love. Whatever the poets may have
thought of Corinna, a certain generalizing or
symbolistic spirit in their poetry suggests the
Amores, and one of their most delightful in-
ventions comes, it would seem, direct from
Ovid. This is the alba or tageliet, the song at
dawn, in which the lover, like Ovid's gallant,
upbraids the day for tearing him all too soon
from the arms of his lady.
The vein conspicuous in the poems on
Goliath flows copiously in Walter Map's Dis-
tinctiones, a glorious medley, a mirror of life
as he saw it at the court of Henry II, and in
all the world of man. Among Map's stories
some are taken from Ovid, -- Myrrha and
Leucothea, for example. In recounting his tri-
umphs in a debate with the heretical Wal-
densians, he exploits their ignorance of the-
ology by remarking that they could have driven
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? OVID AND HIS INFLUENCE
a better course of argument, had they not, like
Phaethon, been unaware of the names of the
horses. In the thirteenth century, Nigellus
Wireker, Map's peer in satire, shows fools
their image in his Speculum Stultorum, which
tells the story of an ass who lost his tail and
in compensation endeavored to study theology
at Paris. The poem is written in admir-
ably Ovidian elegiacs. It is one of the best
satires ever directed against the parade of
learning.
Ovid is a master of parody, and parody of all
things above, beneath and on the earth was one
of the delights of the Middle Ages. Blasphemy
has more point, and less sting, in an age of
faith, because it is the obverse of devotion.
With Mediaeval freedom in mind, we may turn
back with a new intelligence to Ovid's blithe
comedy of the gods, enjoy its irreverence, and
then accompany the author, in a proper spirit
of worship, to the celebration of some ancient
rite. Ovid has his place, inevitably, in the mock
solemnities of the Middle Ages. A grand coun-
cil is held in spring-time at Remiremont, an
assembling of the Court of Love to try the
familiar case of Knight versus Cleric as adepts
in the art of love. No men are admitted to the
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? THROUGH THE CENTURIES
solemn assize, -- only women and priests. A
damsel opens the ceremony by reading, as a
quasi evangelium, selections from the "Pre-
cepts of the Illustrious Master Ovid. " At the
end, a dreadful anathema is pronounced against
the Knights, followed by their excommunica-
tion.
If Ovid is Evangelist, why not Pope? He is,
in a poem of the twelfth century, a satire
on a jealous priest, for whose admonition the
authority is cited:
In just decree Pope Ovid swore,
One woman may have loves galore.
iv. ROMANCE AND EPIC
Mediaeval imagination delighted to make
over heroic characters and episodes into terms
of romance, to invite the great figures of an-
tiquity to march down the centuries and make
themselves at home in the Middle Ages; the
past is plastic in the author's hands. It is the
same process that ran a vigorous course in
the Hellenistic age of Greek literature and
culminated in Ovid himself. He was the first
of the Mediaeval romancers. He would have
enjoyed seeing his stories of Pyramus, Narcis-
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? OVID AND HIS INFLUENCE
sus, Byblis and Phaethon extracted from their
context and retold in what to the Mediaeval
author seemed a modern way. The presence of
the ancient poet is also evident in the lengthier
romances, those of Crestien de Troyes as well
as those which deal with ancient subjects, such
as the anonymous Enias and the Roman de
Troie of Benoit de Sainte-More. The latter
poem is a kind of Mediaeval Homer, at several
removes; the former is the Mediaeval Virgil.
The authors are not illiterate yokels, peering at
antique figures through a mist of Mediaeval
ignorance. They are cultivated gentlemen who
know the Classics well. They are following the
rule of an established literary form and adjust-
ing their material to it. In contrast to these
romances, and in deliberate contrast, other
poets retold ancient stories in the Latin heroic
hexameter with a closer conformity to history.
Such works deserve the name of epic rather
than romance. Thus Joseph of Exeter in the
twelfth century wrote a poem De Bello Troiano
in very decent Latin verse, and applying the
same method to a contemporary subject, sought
to immortalize the Crusades in his Antiocheis.
Similarly, the story of Alexander the Great re-
ceived a twofold treatment. The career of the
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? THROUGH THE CENTURIES
Macedonian, something of a romance even in
its strictly historical form, had been embel-
lished with marvels from various sources, and
it furnished the theme for several romances in
the popular tongues. Ovid has contributed
something to their making. For instance, the
author of the Spanish poem, Libro de Alex-
andre, in the thirteenth century, imitates him
in more than one passage. But Ovid's influence
is no less obvious in the soberer Latin epic
Alexandreis which Gualterus de Insulis wrote
a hundred years earlier.
V. ARTS OF LOVE AND THE KNIGHTLY CODE
The Renaissance of the twelfth century was,
among other things, an age of knight-errantry
and courtly love. The poets of chivalry ac-i
cepted as a standard authority, with some mod-
ifications, Ovid's gay text-book on the art of
love. Crestien de Troyes translated it, and
though the translation is lost, Ovid is abun-
dantly present in the poet's romances. If the
historical Ovid took Paris and Helen from
Homeric epic and metamorphosed them into
figures for his comedy of love, the posthumous
Ovid assisted Crestien in a similar abstraction
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? OVID AND HIS INFLUENCE
of Lancelot and Guinevere from Celtic fairy-
legend, and a similar adaptation of their char-
acters to his romance.
In the next century, Ovid's poem is imme-
diately the inspiration of various poetical
treatises on the art of love. From France, Ovid
passes to Spain, and furnishes many sugges-
tions for the Libro de Buen Amor of the Ar-
cipreste de Hita, Juan Ruiz.
The acme of the Mediaeval transformation
of Ovid's treatise is reached in the Romance
of the Rose, one of the greatest works of the
period and of all time. It is a composite pro-
duction by two very different authors. Guil-
laume de Lorris, probably between 1225 and
1230, began a romance in the form of a vision.
A lover in his dream wanders amid a garden of
enchantment, where the Rose, the symbol of
his loved one, is guarded in a castle. With the
help of the god of love, Amors, he is about to
pluck the rose, when the poem abruptly ends;
the author, after some four thousand lines,
had not finished his work. The treatment is
leisurely, for Mediaeval romancers were not
pressed for time; like other undertakings of
the period, their work was done sub specie
aeternitatis. An air of dreamy mysticism, la
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? THROUGH THE CENTURIES
douce savor de la rose, pervades the story. The
poet takes much from Ovid, but what is taken
is absorbed and refined. The sentiment of love
is as pure, and as passionate, as in some of the
later Mediaeval hymns to the Blessed Virgin,
the Rose of Heaven.
Forty years later, the work was completed
by Jean Clopinel, or Chopinel, de Meun. He
enters at the eleventh hour and allows no pluck-
ing of the rose for over fifteen thousand verses
more. The Lover is not to win without knowing
what he wins and why. Jean de Meun is no
dreamer, but a scholar, versed in all the Latin
Classics, a philosopher, familiar with ancient
and contemporary thought, and a satirist, alive
to the weaknesses of nobles and churchmen
and women. He is likewise a poet and a wit,
and doubtless knew full well that he was strain-
ing the plot to the limits of its elasticity. The
Lover still dreams his dream, and, at the far-
off end, plucks the Rose; but the poem has
been changed from a romance into what the
author calls it, "A Mirror of Love. " It is a
grand debate among diverse types of thought
and feeling. Ovid and Boethius clash at the
start, and after other contestants have had their
say, Ovid emerges triumphant. He has, in the
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? OVID AND HIS INFLUENCE
process, been considerably reformed. Perhaps
the most profitable of all his metempsychoses
is that in the genius of Jean de Meun.
Vi. FORGERIES
A great name attracts to itself both inter-
esting stories, told originally about somebody
else, and seemingly characteristic works, which
somebody else had written. A number of such
writings clusters about Ovid's name. In the
twelfth century, the multitudinous Ovidians of
that period not only wrought out a new elegiac
comedy in Ovid's spirit, but sought fame, at
the expense of their identity, by ascribing some
of their performances to Ovid himself. A
comedy of enormous vogue and influence, en-
titled Pamphilus sive de Amore, was perhaps
not attributed to Ovid at the start. The author
of The Flea {De Pulice) may have wished to
provide his master with something to match
The Gnat {De Culice) ascribed to the youthful
Virgil. Other intruding bits are: The Fall of
Troy, Money, The She-Wolf, The Louse, Book
of the Three Maidens, The Rustic, The Won-
ders of the World, -- these titles indicate the
range of topics on which Ovid was made,
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? THROUGH THE CENTURIES
whether by accident or intention, to have writ-
ten. In the case of the forgeries, the perpetra-
tors should not be regarded as literary bandits,
laying dark schemes to fool an innocent pub-
lic; they are rather confederates of the eminent
men of letters who startled our generation not
many years ago with the publication of a
"Fifth Book" of Horace's Odes.
The most famous of these Mediaeval hoaxes
is the poem called The Hag (De Vetula),
known almost surely to be the production of
Richard de Fournival in the thirteenth cen-
tury. The author asserts that the work was
found in the times of the Emperor Vastasius
(1222-1255) m Ovid's tomb in Colchis! To
understand the character of this fiction, we
must bear in mind the Mediaeval fondness for
romances, and for a particular variety, still
inadequately studied, that may well be called
historical romance.
Its nature may be partly
illustrated by the vernacular poems on ancient
themes at which we have glanced, and is still
more evident in the work called Dolopathos,
written by Johannes de Alta Silva at the close
of the twelfth century. This author, starting
with the familiar story of the Seven Sages,
deliberately gives it an ancient setting with
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? OVID AND HIS INFLUENCE
Virgil, the magician, as the hero. He is exceed-
ingly well read in the ancients, Ovid included,
and is perfectly familiar with Virgil's real char-
acter, but he moulds that character to fit his
design, just as he shapes the matter of his
story to fit the ancient background. Chaucer
applies the same art in his Troilus, as we have
recently learned to see. 42
In precisely this fashion, the author of the
Vetula introduces Ovid in an appropriate role;
he has been transmuted into a hero of romance.
The Hag is the ugly old nurse of a maiden with
whom the poet is in love. With a stratagem
that recalls a scene from the Fasti,43 she prom-
ises the lover a rendezvous with her mistress,
and at the appointed hour takes her mistress's
place. The girl marries another, and Ovid must
wait twenty years for the man to die; by that
time, his lady is vetula herself. Ovid then de-
cides that the best love is the love of learning.
The closing book, which somewhat suggests the
Convivio of Dante, is a series of meditations
on philosophy, astrology and religion. Ovid
reasons in an orthodox way on various theolog-
ical problems, sums up the heathen prophecies
of the Virgin's Son, and concludes with a
prayer to the Virgin. The poem had a wide
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? THROUGH THE CENTURIES
vogue, and was translated into the vernacular.
The jeu d'esprit was taken more seriously, per-
haps, than even its author had anticipated.
Vii. OVID'S TRANSFORMATIONS
We are now to follow our poet in a series of
mental and moral transformations which his
posthumous spirit, aided by the lively imagina-
tion of the Middle Ages, was called on to per-
form. First, he dons the sober disguise of a
moralist.
Ovidius Ethicus
Mediaeval thinkers were quick to see that
beneath Ovid's persiflage runs a vein of so-
briety and moral acuteness. Juvenal, we noted,
could study Ovid to good effect, for Ovid, as
Landor remarks, " with all his levity, had more
unobtrusively sage verses than any, be he Ro-
man or Athenian. " Landor was anticipated by
Chaucer. In his Tale of Meliboeus, translated
from a Latin work of the thirteenth century by
Albertano of Brescia, he preaches a fine sermon
on true friendship, with illustrations chosen
both from Holy Scripture and from the Pagans.
The work is a notable monument of Christian
humanism. Ovid appears here in good com-
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? OVID AND HIS INFLUENCE
pany, with Seneca and St. Paul, Solomon and
Job.
Nor was Chaucer or his Latin predecessor
the first to treat our poet as a source of edifi-
cation. As early as the twelfth century, Hilde-
bert of Tours, or one of his contemporaries,
compiled a work entitled Moralis Philosophia
de Honesto et Utili, which consists of brief
definitions of various ethical terms followed by
copious quotations from the ancient authors
and the Bible. Ovid is cited, for instance, to
show that
Venus and wine shatter the heart's ideals,
and this line from the Fasti is capped by a
verse from Ecclesiasticus. ** The "moral Se-
nek " has his peer in the moral Naso. Human-
ists like John of Salisbury and Peter of Blois,
scholastics like Alanus de Insulis and Roger
Bacon, Vincent of Beauvais the encyclopaedist,
John of Garland the educator, mystics like
Hugo of St. Victor and Bernard of Clairvaux,
His Holiness Pope Innocent III in his De
Contemptu Mundi, -- these and many more
cite Ovid as an authority on morals and other
sober subjects. Abelard takes counsel with
Ovidius Ethicus in discussing monastic rules,
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? THROUGH THE CENTURIES
for the benefit of Eloise. He warns against ex-
cessive strictness, quoting from the Amores:
We strain at rules and crave what is forbidden. *6
Eloise, on her part, in writing her lord and
master of her disapproval of a common table
for monks and nuns, adds that " even the poet
of wantonness and teacher of turpitudes has
shown in his Book of Amatory Art what chance
for improper conduct is afforded by a banquet. "
Then follow six lines from the Art of Love. *"
Either Eloise had these verses at her tongue's
end, or the volume itself was not far away. She
knows its character well enough, and yet seeks
its advice in a matter of morals, -- fas est et
ab hoste doceri.
To descend a moment into a later age, it is
of some interest to note that Martin Luther
wrote inside the cover of an edition of St.
Anselm four verses of the Amores, one of them
being that familiar line, veritably a winged
word in the Middle Ages:
We strain at rules and crave what is forbidden.
Luther was not breaking monastic rules in jot-
ting down these verses; he was paying tribute,
in the traditional way, to Ovidius Ethicus. It
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? OVID AND HIS INFLUENCE
is a pity that he was not more deeply read in
Ovid; Erasmus had read to some profit.
Ovidius Theologus
If Ovid can give instruction in morals, it is
no long step thence to theology. Again we find
the starting-point for the excessive zeal of later
interpreters in Ovid himself, in the unfeigned
piety of the tale of Philemon and Baucis, in the
apparent knowledge of the Old Testament dis-
played in his story of the Creation and the
Flood, in the theistic modification of atomism
likewise apparent in this story, in the philo-
sophical competence of his Pythagorean solu-
tion presented in the last book of his cosmic
epic. It was natural, then, that Ovid, like Vir-
gil, should be subjected to the same spell of
allegory that was cast over all literature, all art,
and all natural phenomena in the Middle Ages;
it was a universal reading of life.
With the twelfth century, this new interpre-
tation is perfected into a science. A certain
Johannes reveals in his versified Integumenta
the secrets concealed in the Metamorphoses.
A typical specimen of his ingenuity is his in-
terpretation of the tale of Mars and Venus, de-
tected in their amour by the jealous Vulcan.
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? THROUGH THE CENTURIES
Vulcan is Summer, Venus is the Spring;
Vile Mars, the Fall, doth alien bounties bring.
Whatever the appositeness of this glossing,
"the smartest scandal Heaven ever heard"
here becomes safe enough for any heaven. The
work of Johannes is only one of many allegori-
cal commentaries written on the Metamor-
phoses in the twelfth century, still reposing,
unpublished, on library shelves. One exposition,
doubtless appreciated, was prepared in usum
nonnarum; nuns read Ovid moralized but not
expurgated, -- really a more courteous way to
treat the poor pagan, and the poor nun.
In the thirteenth century, the moralization of
Ovid's tales becomes most elaborate. Chretien
Legouais subjects the Metamorphoses to a
three-fold explanation: historical, moral and
theological. The story of Apollo and Daphne,
for instance, is interpreted in five different
ways. According to the last of these, Daphne
is the Blessed Virgin, loved by God, the real
sun of the world. When Apollo crowns himself
with laurel, it is God enveloping himself with
the body of that which he has made his mother.
Verily, the force of supernature can no further
go. No less profound is the moralization of the
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? OVID AND HIS INFLUENCE
poem written by Petrus Berchorius (Bercuire).
It is only Book 75 of his Reductorium Morale,
a gigantic work begun at Avignon and finished
at Paris in 1342. While at Avignon, he turned
for various bits of information to Petrarch,
whose passion for allegory was not what one
might expect of the "first modern man. "
After the foregoing specimens of allegorical
ingenuity, we need not be surprised to find
Ovid actually quoted as Holy Writ. King
James I of Aragon (1218-1276) declares in his
Chronicle," that at an assembly of the Bishops
and the Barons of his realm, he "rose and
began a text of Scripture:
'To keep is no less virtue than to learn. '"
If we are disposed to smile because the verse
comes from the Art of Love (ii. 13), we should
first ask ourselves whether we have ever heard
the maxim about tempering the wind to the
shorn lamb, -- the utterance of a somewhat
Ovidian author -- attributed to the Bible.
Ovid's line had acquired a similarly proverbial
character; it had appeared in the Moralis Phi-
losophia of Hildebert.
The story of Ovid the theologian is an ex-
ample of a perfectly natural process which goes
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? THROUGH THE CENTURIES
on in any age. To the age itself, such adap-
tation seems a brilliant and a modern affair;
to coming generations it seems quaint. The
author in his posthumous existence is simply
adjusting himself to his new environment; he
is a chameleon, exercising the art of protective
coloring. The condition of Ovid in an age of
allegorical interpretation is no more ridiculous
than that of Virgil in a century of Wissen-
schaft.
Ovidius Medicus
Ovid's Remedia Amoris served a practical
purpose in the Mediaeval schools; it was a
text-book in both Latin and ethics. Nor was it
treated less seriously by competent physicians.
For instance, Arnaldus de Villa Nova, a great
medical scholar (1240-13n), in discussing the
lover's malady, herosis, takes more than one of
his cures for amatory frenzy from Ovid. The
patient should get to work, occupy his mind
with some useful pursuit, seek a change of
scene, enlist in the army, and rule his madness
by dividing it among several sweethearts. For
all these precepts, chapter and verse are cited
from Ovid; he is an authority. Finally, Ar-
naldus calls in a hag, vetida turpissima, who
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? OVID AND HIS INFLUENCE
displays the imperfections of the mistress in
a way even more revolting than they are set
forth either in Ovid or in the Mediaeval Vetula.
If the lover can stand such a disclosure, Ar-
naldus declares, he must be not a man but a
devil incarnate, and may be abandoned to
eternal perdition.
Ovidius Magus
The career of Master Virgil, the Magician,
has something of a counterpart in Ovid's post-
humous history. Strange stories clustered about
his memory, as is natural enough in the case
of any great man. We hear of two students
who paid a visit to his tomb and asked his
ghost what was the best of all his verses. The
answer promptly came:
Virtue will even shun permitted joys.
This sentiment is Helen's, in her reply to Paris.
The answer to the second question, what was
the poet's worst, is no less satisfactory. The
lines recanted by the poet come from Phaedra's
epistle:
Pleasure is truth, truth pleasure. Jove says so:
'Tis all he knows, and all he needs to know.
Having compassion on the repentant heathen,
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? THROUGH THE CENTURIES
the young men offered prayers in his behalf.
At that there came a voice from the tomb:
No paternosters, I pray;
Traveler, go on your way.
The peasants about Sulmona know wilder
tales than this. Ovid, "Uiddiu," as they call
him, learned magic arts in the mystic grove of
the sorceress near Lucco. In one night he put
up a splendid villa, surrounded by gardens,
vineyards and orchards, and watered by a
spring which still is called "The Fount of
Love. " To punish the curiosity of sight-seers,
he changed the men into birds, and the maidens
into a long line of poplars. When the terrified
inhabitants prayed his mercy, he mounted a
great chariot with horses of fire, and dashed
off to Rome. There he plied his profession as
before, creating warriors from dragons' teeth,
giving life to statues, changing a woman's hair
to snakes, or her legs to a fish's tail. Finally,
the King's daughter fell in love with him and
he with her. But the King was obdurate, and
sent the conjurer away to Siberia, a land of
perpetual snow. There the wizard died. But
he still visits his villa, and every Saturday night
he goes off with the witches to the nut-tree of
Benevento.
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? OVID AND HIS INFLUENCE
Here is a curious weaving of popular fancy
about the tales of the Metamorphoses. Once
Ovid's stories were let loose by some cleric, the
good people of Sulmona could readily have at-
tached them to the poet himself, along with
other marvels. This process may indicate that
the stories about Virgil the magician were more
largely a product of Italian fancy than Com-
paretti, in his famous work, Virgil in the
Middle Ages, would admit. Travellers like
Conrad of Querfurt and Gervasius of Tilbury
were not altogether wild-eyed barbarians; they
may have exaggerated what they heard in Italy,
but they doubtless heard wonders in plenty.
Ovid, along with his magic, is the hero of
various amorous adventures, one of which, a
famous one, had been told of Virgil. At the
same time, Ovid is a very holy man, and num-
bered among the prophets of the coming of our
Lord. Somewhat later than our period -- in
fact in the full flush of the sixteenth century
-- Ovid passed, with little difficulty, from
magic to alchemy. Nicholas Valois composed
in French verses a work, finished by the priest
Vicot, entitled Le Grande Olympe, in which he
sets forth for the first time, he declares, the
true meaning of the stories of the Metamor-
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? THROUGH THE CENTURIES
phoses. Ovid's text is made a quarry for the
alchemist's pick and shovel. He strikes gold
immediately and constantly. The fable of
Deucalion and Pyrrha, for instance, betokens,
like the twin peaks of Parnassus, the masculine
and the feminine elements among the metals,
that is, gold and silver, from the union of which
the philosopher's stone is produced.