No More Learning

jc/eJ the use ol . 113 faculties to the term of a hundred
tears . (some say several years longer), and at last died
through mere decay. --Democritus expanded the atom-
ic theory of his master Leucippus, to support the truth
of which he maintained the impossibility of division ad
infinitum; and from the difficulty of assigning a com-
mencement of time, he argued the eternity of existing
mature, of void space, and of motion. He supposed
the atoms, originally similar, to be endowed with cer-
tain properties, such as impenetrability, and a density
proportionate to their volume. He referred every ac-
tive and passive affection to motion, caused by impact,
limited by the principle he assumed, that like can only
act on like. He drew a distinction between primary
motion and secondary; impulse and reaction; from a
combination of which he produced rotatory motion.
Herein consists the law of necessity, by which all
things in nature are ruled. From the endless multi-
plicity of atoms have resulted the worlds which we
behold, with all the properties of immensity, resem-
blance, and dissimilitude which belong to them. The
soul consists (such is his doctrine) of globular atoms
of fire, which impart movement to the body. Main-
taining his atomic theory throughout, Democritus in-
troduced the hypothesis of images (eliuXa), a species
of emanation from external objects, which make an im-
pression on our senses, and from the influence of which
he deduced sensation (aloftnotc) and thought (voriait).
He distinguished between a rude, imperfect, and there-
fore false perception, and a true one. In the same
manner, consistently with his theory, he accounted for
the popular notions of the Deity; partly through our
incapacity to understand fully the phenomena of which
we are witnesses, and partly from the impressions com-
municated by certain beings (eiduXa) of enormous
stature, and resembling the human figure, which in-
habit the air. To these he ascribed dreams, and the
causes of divination. He carried his theory into prac-
tical philosophy also, laying down that happiness con-
sisted in an equability of temperament (ei6v/ua),
whence he deduced his moral principles and pruden-
tial maxims. It was from Democritus that Epicurus
oorr wed the principal features of his metaphysics.
{Enfield's History of Philosophy, vol. 1, p. 423, seqq.
--Killer, Hist. Phil. , vol. 1, p. 644, seqq. --Tcnnr-
mann's Manual, p. 79. )
Dkmodocus, I. a musician at the court of Alcinoiis,
who sang in the presence of Ulysses. (Horn, Od. ,
8. U--Plul. , dt Mus. y--U. A Trojan chief, who
came with . (Eneas into Italy, where he was killed.
(Vug. , Mn. , 10, 413. )
Demoleon, I. a centaur, killed by Theseus at the
nuptials of Pirithoiis. (Ovid, Met. , 13, 356. )--II. A
son of Antenor, killed by Achilles. (Horn. , It. , 20,395. )
Dimonax, a Cynic philosopher, of excellent charac-
ter, contemporary with Lucian, who relates his history.
He was a native of Cyprus, of wealthy parents, and is
described by Lucian as having been the best philoso-
pher he ever knew. Dcrrtonax resided at Athens, at-
tained to the age of nearly 00 years, and was honoured
at his death with a public funeral. (Lucian, Vit. De-
monad. , vol. 5, p. 231, seqq. , cd. Bip. )
Demopiioon or Dkhopiion. Vid. Phyllis.
Demosthenes, I. a celebrated Athenian orator, a
native of the borough of Peania, in the tribe Pandio-
nis. His father, Demosthenes, was a citizen of rank
and opulence, and the proprietor of a manufactory of
? ? arms; not a common blacksmith, as the language of
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? DEMOSTHENES.
DEMOSTHENES
bligable labour in the acquisition o nia art. His
enemies, at a subsequent period of his career, at-
tempted to ridicule this extraordinary industry, by
remarking that all his arguments "smelt of the lamp,"
aid they eagerly embraced the opportunity of denying
him the possession of natural talents. A malicious
opinion like this would easily find crudit; and, in fact,
a similar mistake is very frequently made; for, since
it is acknowledged on all hands, that all successful men
who are naturally dull must be industrious, the con-
verse of the proposition grows into repute, and it is in-
ferred that all men who are industrious must necessarily
be dull. The accusation against Demosthenes seems
to have rested chiefly on his known reluctance to speak
without preparation. The fact is, that, though he could
exert the talent of extemporaneous speaking, he avoided
rather than sought such occasions, partly from defer-
ence to his audience, and partly from apprehending
the possibility of a failure. Plutarch, who men'ions
this reluctance of the orator, speaks at the same . imo
of the great merit of his extemporaneous effusions. --
Demosthenes reappeared in public, after the rigorous
discipline of private study, at the age of 25 years,
and pronounced two orations against Lcptines, the
author of a law which imposed on every citizen of
Athens, except the descendants of Harmodius and
Aristogiton, tike exercise of certain burdensome func-
tions. The second of these discourses, entitled "Of
Immunities," is regarded as one of his happiest efforts.
After this he became much engaged with the business
of the bar, and these professional labours, added to the
scanty portion of his patrimony which he had recovered
from his guardians, appear to have formed his only
means of support. But, whatever may have been the
distinction and the advantages which Demosthenes
acquired by his practice at the bar, his principal glory
is derived from his political discourses. At the pe-
riod when he engaged in public affairs, the state was a
mere wreck. Public spirit was at the lowest ebb; the
laws had lost their authority, the austerity of early man-
ners had yielded to the inroadsofluxury,activity to indo-
lence, probity to venality, and the people were far advan-
ced upon the route which conducts a nation to irremedi-
able servitude. Of the virtues of their forefathers there
remained to the Athenians naught save an attachment,
carried almost to enthusiasm, for their native soil, for
that country the possession of which had been con-
Mted even by the gods. On the slightest occasion
this feeling of patriotism was sure to display itself;
thanks to this sentiment, the people of Athens were
ei iii capable of making the most strenuous efforts for
the preservation of their freedom. No one knew bet-
ter than Demosthenes the art of exciting and keeping
alive this enthusiasm. His penetration enabled him
easily to divine the ambitious plans of Philip of Mace-
don, from the very outset of that monarch's operations,
and he resolved to counteract them. His whole pub-
lic career, indeed, had but one object in view, and that
was, war with Philip. For the space of fourteen
jears did this monarch find the Athenian orator con-
tinually in his path, and every attempt proved unavail-
ing to corrupt so formidable an adversary. These
fourteen years, which immediately preceded the fall
of Grecian freedom, constitute the brightest period in
the history of Demosthenes. And yet his courage was
political rather than military. At Chsronea he fled
from the field of battle, though in the Athenian assem-
? ? bly no private apprehensions could check his eloquence
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? DEMOSTHENES
DEMOSTHENES.
clan composition. Plato passed the latter /cars of his
life in correcting his dialogues; and that very simplici-
ty remarkable in the structure of the periods of Demos-
thenes is itself the result of art. --The question has often
been raised as to the secret of the success of Demos-
thenes. How is it that he attained to his astonishing
pre-eminence 1 How is it that, in a faculty which is
common to the whole species, that of communicating
our thoughts and feelings in language, the palm is con-
ceded to him alone by the unanimous and willing con-
sent of all nations and ages < And this universal ap-
probation will appear the more extraordinary to a reader
who fk the first time peruses his unrivalled orations.
They do not exhibit any of that ostentatious decla-
mation, on which loosely hangs the fame of so many
pretenders to eloquence. There appears no deep re-
flection to indicate a more than ordinary penetration,
or any philosophical remarks to prove the extent of
his acquaintance with the great moral writers of his
country. He affects no learning, and he displays none.
He aims at no elegance; he seeks no glaring orna-
ments; he rarely touches the heart with a soft or
melting appeal, and when he docs, it is only with an
effect in which a third-rale artist would have surpassed
him. He had no wit, no humour, no vivacity, in our
acceptance of these terms, qualities which contribute
so much to the formation of a modern orator. He
wanted all these undeniable attributes of eloquence,
and yet who rivals him! --The secret of his power is
simple . . t lies essentially in this, that his political
principles were interwoven with his very spirit; they
were not assumed to serve an interested purpose, to
be laid aside when he descended from the Bema, and
resumed when he sought to accomplish an object.
No; they were deeply seated in his heart, and emanated
from its profoundest depth. The more his country
was environed by dangers, the more steady was his
resolution. Nothing ever impaired the truth and in-
tegrity of his feelings, or weakened his generous con-
viction. It was his undeviating firmness, his disdain
of all compromise, that made him the first of states-
men and orators; in this lay the substance of his pow-
er,' the primary foundation of his superiority; the rest
wis merely secondary. The mystery of his mighty
ii. duence, then, lay in his honesty; and it is this that
gave warmth and tone to his feelings, an energy to his
language, and an impression to his manner, before
which every imputation of insincerity must have im-
mediately vanished. --We may hence perceive the
meaning of Demosthenes himself, when, to one who
asked him what was the first requisite in an orator, he
merely replied, "Delivery'' (iiroKptotc); and when
asked what were the second and third requisite*.
gave the same answer as at firat. (Plut. , Vit. X.
Oral, p. 845. ) His idea was this: a lifeless manner
on the part of a public speaker, shows that his own
feelings are not enlisted in the cause which he is ad-
vocating, and it is idle for him, therefore* to seek to
make converts of others, when he has failed in making
one of himself. On the other hand, when the tone of
voice, the gesture, the look, the whole manner of the
orator, display the powerful feelings that agitate him, his
emotion is communicated to his hearers, and success
is inevitable. It was not, therefore, mere "action"
that Demosthenes required in an orator, an error into
winch some have fallen from a mistranslation of the
Latin rhetorical term "actio," as employed by Cicero
? ? {Brut. , 37) in mentioning this incident; but it was an
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? DEMOSTHENES
? uject is to stimulate the Athenians to succour Olyn-
thiw and prevent its falling into the hands of Philip.
-6th. Ilepi Tijc tipr/viC, "Of the Peace. " Philip
having obtained a seat in the council of the Amphic-
tyons, Demosthenes advises bis countrymen to pre-
serve the peace with this prince. Libanius thinks
that this discourse, though written by Demosthenes,
was never delivered. Leland, Auger, Jacobs, and
Bckker are, however, of a different opinion. 7th.
Kara *tJtimrov Xoyoc B, the Second Philippic, pro-
nounced after the return of Demosthenes from the
Peloponnesus, where he had negotiated a peace be-
tween Sparta and Messenia. --8th. Ilepi n? c 'AAo-
vvtod, "Of Halonesus," or, rather, of a letter of
King Philip's, by which he makes a present to
the Athenians of the isle of Halonesus, which he
had taken from the pirates, and demands of the Athe-
nians to share with them the office of protecting the
seas. Demosthenes strenuously opposes so insulting
an offer: it is, however, far from certain whether he
ever pronounced such a discourse as this. Libanius
says, that the ancient critics ascribed it to Hegesippus,
the friend of Demosthenes. Suidas and the author of
the Etymologicon Magnum agree with him. Valcke-
naer (Diatr. de fragm. Eurip. , p. 253), Larchcr
^Jfirm. de VAead. de* Inter. , &c, vol. 2, p. 243), and
Bekker, also adopt this opinion: Jacobs (Demosthenes
Staalrcdcn, p. 378), after having stated the arguments
on either side, pronounces no decision: Jacques de
TourreU (Pre/ace hUtorique da Philippes de Demos-
ihenc, p. 124) and Weiske (Oralio de Haloneso, &c.
LuUen. , 1808, 4to) maintain that the speech is genu-
ne---9- Ilept tuv kv Xefi/mv/jaip vpaypdruv, % Snepi
\io-eideovc, "Of the events in the Chersonese, or
if Diopeithes. " This general, sent at the head of
>> colony into the Chersonesus, had committed hos-
tilities against the city of Cardia; the only one which
Philip had reserved for himself in the conditions of
peace. Diopeithes had even made an inroad into
Macedonia. Philip insisted on his being punished:
Demosthenes undertakes in this oration to justify the
conduct of the Athenian commander. --10th. Kara
*i? i-jro>> Xoj-of T, the Third Philippic The prog-
ress which Philip had made in Thrace, where he
was preparing to lay siege to the cities of Pcrinthus
ind Byzantium, form the subject of this harangue.
II Kara QiXiirirov Xnyoc A, Fourth Philippic, pro-
nounced at the time when Philip had raised the siege
of Perinthus, in order to fall upon Byiantium. Valck-
enaer (Or. de Phil. , p. 250), Wolf (ad Lept. ProUg,,
J- n), and Bekker do not acknowledge this as a pro-
ductionof Dfjnosthenes. --12. 'O npbe ri/v tmaTokiiv
VMxkov Uyoe, "On the letter of Phijip. " The let-
ter of the king, to which this harangue refers, still ex-
ists. It contains many complaints, but no declaration
of war. Taylor, Reiske, Valckenaer, and Bekker,
consider this letter to be spurious. --We now come to
the second class of the orations of Demosthenes,
namely, ihose of a judicial nature; and here a dis-
tinction must be made between those which refer to
affairs connected with the state, and those which re-
late to individual interests: in the former case, the
procedure was called Karqyopia; in the second, iiicr/;
words which may be translated by "accusation" and
"pleadings. " Of the first species, we have twelve ha-
rangues remaining, the most important one of which is
that entitled Iltoj o-rrsVii'ov, "Concerning the Crown. "
iMmostbenes had been twice crowned in the theatre
? ? during the Dionysiac festival; the first time, after the
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? DEMOSTHENES.
DER
let, translativa dicitur constitutio, quia actio transla-
tiooia et commutationis indigere videtur. Aique harum
aliquam ill omne causae genus incidere necesse est.
Nam in quam rem npn incident, in ea nihil esse po-
test controversial; quare earn ne causam quidem con-
venit putari. "' We have seven discourses of this class
from the pen of Demosthenes, viz. ,against Zenothemis,
against Apaturius, against Lacritus, against Phormion,
against Pautaenetus, againat Nausimachus, and Xeno-
puhaia--3.
Discourses relative to the rights of suc-
cession and to questions of dower. These are four
in number; against Macartatus, against Leochares,
against Spudias, against Bcetus for his mother's dowry.
--4. Discourses in matters of commerce and of debt.
These are three in number: against Calippus, against
Nicostratus, against Timothcus. --5. Actions for in-
demnity and for damages (/ttu6;/, alula). The dis-
courses under this head are five in number: against
Bceotus, against Olympiodorus, against Conon, against
Dionysiodorus, against Callicles. --6. Actions for per-
jury: two discourses against Stephanus, and one
against Euergus and Mnesihulus. --7. Three dis-
courses on the subject of the dvridooic, or exchange
of estates. According to the laws of Athens, if any
person appointed to undergo any public charge, or
fetrovpyia, could find another who was richer than
himself, and who was free from all duties, the informer
was excused. But if the person thus substituted de-
nied that he was the richer of the two, they then ex-
changed estates. The discourses under this head are
the following: against Phoenippus, against Polycles.
and respecting the crown of the trierarchia. --It would
je useless to speak of each of these thirty pleadings:
a few remarks on some of them must suffice. The
five discourses which Demosthenes pronounced against
his guardians contain valuable details respecting his
youth, his fortune, the Athenian laws, &c. Aphobus,
one of the guardians, was condemned to pay Demos-
thenes the sum of ten talents. It does not appear
whether he brought the two other guardians to trial or
not: it is probable that he settled the matter with
them. These discourses have some resemblance to
those of Isaeus, his master. --The paragraph for Phor-
niio against Apollodorus has furnished occasion for
a reproach to the memory of Demosthenes. We are
told by Plutarch (Vit. Dan. --vol. 4, p. 717, ed.
Reiske), that Demosthenes "wrote an oration for
Apollodorus, by which be carried bis cause against the
general Timotheus, in an action for debt to the public
treasury; as also those others against Phormio and
Stephanus, which formed a just exception against his
character. For he composed likewise the oration
which Phormio had pronounced against Apollodorus.
This, therefore, was like furnishing the enemies with
weapons out of the same shop. "--1 hediscourse against
Macartatus respecting the succession of Hagnias is in-
tonating from the circumstance of our having the de-
fence of Macartatus by Isaeus, and from our being thus
able to compare the pupil with his former master. --It
remains to speak of the third class of Demosthenes'
orations, the Xoyoi ImduKTiKOi, "studied or set
speeches. " We have only two remaining, and these,
very probably, are spurious. The one, i-rnruQioc U-
? /of, is an eloge on the Athenians who had perished at
Chaerunea: the other, cpuri/cor '/oyor, is written in
praise of the beauty of the young Epicrates. --There
are also six leltas of Demosthenes, written ,iy him
? ? during his exile: five of them are addressed to the
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? DEV
DEUCALION.
"Ola. Its name is supposed to have been derived fiom
:he word Darb, a gait; and here, perhaps, was one ol
the passes of Mount Taurus, as the name of Alahdag
? >> J<<* given to tho spot, signifying the pass of the. high
mountains. Colonel Leake thinks, that the ruins
now called Binbir- K/issa, or the Thousand and One
Churches, will perhaps be found to be those of Derbe:
they hai-3 never yet, he adds, been visited, or at least
? fcurioed, by any modern traveller. ( Walpole's Me-
? Jirt, vol. 2, p. 833. --Leake's Asia Minor, p. 101.
--Cramer's Asia Minor, vol. 2, p. 68. )
Dcrbices, a nation of Upper Asia, whom Ptolemy
;6, 10) places in Margiana, where the Oxus, accord-
ing to him, empties into the Caspian; but Strabo (782)
in Hyrcania. Larcher seeks to reconcile this discrep-
ance by supposing, that, in Strabo's time, Margiana did
not yet extend as far as the Caspian. Others place
. bem on the southern and western shores of the Cas-
pian. (Marm/rt, Gtogr. , vol. 6, pt. 2, p. 135. ) Wahl,
however, thinks that they occupied a part of what is
now Chorasan. (Vorder und Millet-As. , vol. 1, p. 062. )
The most probable opinion is, that the Derbices dwelt
not only around the Oxus and the shores of tho Cas-
pian, but that their territories extended also to the
east as far as Bactriana. (Bohr, ad Ctcs. , Pers. , c.
6. --Von Hammer, Wien. Jahrb. , vol. 7, p. 253. )
Derceto and Dercetis, a goddess worshipped by
the Syrians, and the same, in all probability, with
Atargatis, the name Derceto or Dercetis itself being,
apparently, a mere corruption from Atargatis. (Vid.
Atargatis )--According to Diodorus Siculus (2,4) and
l. r. ian (de Syria Dea, 14), her statues represented
sfr as half woman, half fish, the female pBrt being
from the head to the loins. The Syrians of Aacalon,
where Derceto had one of her temples, accounted for
this peculiarity of form by the following legend. Der-
telo, it seems, having offended Venus, was inspired
by the latter with a passion for a young priest, and,
having become a mother, and being tilled with shame
'. : her own conduct, she put the young man to death,
exposed the child in a lonely spot, and, throwing her-
self into the sea, became partially transformed into a
ash. Hence the Syrians abstained from eating fish,
ind regarded them as something divine. The child
*a* the famous Semiramis. (Diod. , I. c. ) Guigni-
aut makes the true form of the name Atargatis to have
been Aidirdaga, i. e. , "the excellent" or "divine
nth. " The root is dag, " a 6sh," which we find in-
verted in Atargatis and Derceto, but plainly appearing
in the Syrian name Dagon. Dupuis and others make
the Syrian fish-worship to have bad an astronomical
basis, in which they are very probably correct. (Ori-
fine des Cvites, vol. 2, ch. 17. --Guigniaul, vol. 2,
pt. 1, p. 35, Ma7. )
Dieto. na, a city of Liguria, about twenty miles to
the west of Asta. According to Strabo (217), it was
a considerable place. It was a Roman colony (Plin. ,
3, 5), surnamed Iulia, as we leam from ancient in-
scriptions. The modern name is Tortona. (Veil.
Palere. , I, 15. --Cic, Bp. ad Fan, 11, 13 )
Dsbtose, now Tortosa, a city of the Ilercaoncs in
Spain, situate on the Iberus, n short distance above
its month. Here was a bridge over the river, and
along this route led the main military road to the
southern parts of Spain, and the colonies established
there. (Vkert, Gcog*-. , vol. 2, p. 418. -- Manner! ,
(leogr. , vol. 1, p. 429. )
? ? Dxvi, I. a city of the Comavii in Britain. It lay
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? I/IA
DIANA.
cai'on penetrated the sense of the oracle, the stones
being, by a very natural figure, the bones of the earth.
--Deucalion and Pvrrha are evidently pure beings of
fiction, personifications of water and fire. The name
Deucalion comes very probably from ievu (whence
deiiicv;), to wet; while Pyrrha is evidently derived
from xip, fire. The meaning of the legend will then
b. >>, that when the passage through which the Peneus
carries off the waters that run into the vale of Thes-
saly, which is on all sides shut in by lofty mountains,
had been closed by some accident, they overflowed
the whole of its surface, till the action of subterranean
fire opened a way for them. According to this view
of the subject, then, the deluge of Deucalion was
merely a local one; and it was not until the time of
Ptolemy Philadelphia, when the Hebrew Scriptures
became known to the Greeks, that some features bor-
rowed from the universal deluge of Noah were incor-
porated into the story of the Thessalian flood (Weld-
er, Tril. , p. 549, not. --Kcightlcy's Mythology. --Clin-
ton's Fasti Hcllcnici, vol. 1, p. 43, not. ) It is but
fair to remark, however, that many modern writers re-
gard the deluge of Deucalion as nothing else than a
tradition of the great cataclysm of Noah, altered in
some of its features, and placed by the Hellenes in the
period which they also assigned to Deucalion, because
he was regarded as the founder of their nation, and
because his history is confounded with that of all the
chiefs of the renewed nations. Such, in particular, is
the opinion of the celebrated Ouvier. (Theory of the
Earth, p. 145, seqq. , Jameson's transl. --Ovid, ed.
Lemaire, vol. 3, p. xiii. , seqq. )
Dia, I. another name for the island of Naxos.
(Plin. , 4, 12. )--II. An island not far from the north-
ern shore of Crete. It is now Standia.
Dugohab, I. a native of the island of Melos, and fol-
lower of Democritus. Having been sold as a captive
in his youth, he was redeemed by Democritus, and
trained up in the study of philosophy. He attached
himself also to lyric poetry, and was much distinguish-
ed for his success in this branch of the art. His name,
however, has been transmitted with infamy to posteri-
ty, as that of an avowed advocate for the rejection of
all religious belief. It is expressly asserted by ancient
miters, that when, in a particular instance, he saw a
perjured person escape punishment, he publicly de-
clared his disbelief of Divine Providence, and from
that time spoke of the gods and all religious ceremo-
nies with ridicule and contempt. He even attempted
to lay open the sacred mysteries, and to dissuade the
people from submitting to the rites of initiation. A
price at last was set upon his head, and he fled to Cor-
inth, where he died. He lived about 416 years before
Christ. (Cic. , If. D. , t, 88. --Id. ib. , 3, 37. --Yd.
Max. , 1, I, ezt. 7. )--II. An athlete of Rhodes, who
gained the prize in pugilism at the Olympic games,
B. C. 462, 01. 79. His victory was celebrated by
Pindar, in an ode which is still extant (Olympiad 7),
and which is said to have been inscribed in golden let-
ters in the temple of the Lindian Minerva, at Rhodes.
According to Pindar, he twice obtained the victory in
the games of Rhodes, four times at the Isthmian, and
was successful also at the Nemean and other contests.
Aulus Gellius (3, 15) informs us, that he saw his three
sons crowned on the same day at the Olympic games,
and expired through joy. Bayle (Diet. , s. v. ) censures
Pindar for prolix digression in the ode above referred
?