Although the observed behavior may be natural, it does not
I28 METHODOLOGICAL PROBLEMS OF COLLECTING FOLKLORE
?
I28 METHODOLOGICAL PROBLEMS OF COLLECTING FOLKLORE
?
Childens - Folklore
It is difficult to determine the
proportion of the games and variants collected by Lady Gomme and W. W.
Newell (or for that matter later by the Opies and the Knapps) that derived
from adult reminiscences, since none of these admirable works specified their
informants, an unfortunate tradition in studies of children's folklore. Memo-
ries of the activities of childhood, however, play a major role in most col-
lections of childlore.
Why should this be so? There are reasons, both pragmatic and theo-
retical, for relying upon adult memories. Pragmatically, adult collectors can
easily obtain information from their peers. Often this information is not
collected through face-to-face contact, but through correspondence. The
folklorist can efficiently obtain a large sheaf of childlore at little cost. Col-
lecting from adults through the mail also encourages a geographically di-
verse collection of material without the burdens of travel. This research tech-
nique also provides data in usable form, as most of the correspondents will
communicate in serviceable prose. Since adults are being asked directly for
information, ethical issues are minimized.
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? ? Collecting from adults also has theoretical justifications. If one be-
lieves that folklore is disappearing or disintegrating (Dundes 1969a), folk-
lorists are obligated to collect material rapidly, particularly emphasizing tra-
ditions of previous generations. In collecting from parents rather than their
children, one uncovers traditions from a time in which children's traditions
flourished to a greater extent than they currently do. The older one's infor-
mant, it is believed, the better will be the quality of one's data. Although
this belief is discredited today, especially in childlore, it explains why remi-
niscences were considered valuable data.
A second theoretical justification for using adult reminiscences is
based on Hans Naumann's theory of gesunkenes Kulturgut. Supporters of
this theory argue that folklore is transmitted downward in social hierarchies.
The traditions of the rich become the traditions of the poor, and the tradi-
tions of adults eventually become the traditions of children. This perspec-
tive, also no longer widely accepted by contemporary folklorists, suggests
that by collecting children's lore from adults one might be able to obtain less
corrupted versions of childlore.
A possible third justification for collecting adult reminiscences, al-
though not currently posited, is that this method might generate an impor-
tant research tradition of its own. By collecting data from adult informants
one can examine the structure of memory: How do adults recall their child-
hood (and "childish") activities and how do they express these activities?
While such research is limited because of the difficulty, if not the impossi-
bility, of obtaining records of how adults actually played these folk games
when children, we do have descriptive studies of the games of the previous
generation.
Despite the potential for research, most folklorists are hesitant to use
reminiscences as their sole methodology in any reasonably complete study
of childlore, although reminiscences may be a valuable source of supplemen-
tary or confirmatory information.
INTERVIEWS AND DIARIES
Interviewing children is a common technique for collecting folklore. This
methodology can be as straightforward as a conversation. Children are ei-
ther asked to explain their traditions (essentially through free association)
or they are given topics (games, jokes, riddles) and then asked to expand
on these through directed recall. Interviewing can be conducted with indi-
vidual children or with a group (McDowell 1979), and can be focused on
one genre or can cover several. The competent interviewer must establish
and maintain trust with the informant. Often folklorists strive to collect tra-
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? ? ditions that children communicate to each other away from adults (Fine
1981). That proves particularly thorny when one is interviewing children
with whom one is not acquainted and when the interview involves "sensi-
tive"--obscene or aggressive-subject matter. Despite this difficulty, impor-
tant interview studies of children have been conducted (Grider 1976), and
some obscene material collected (R. Turner 1974).
Parallel to the interview is the directed performance or the "induced
natural context" (Goldstein 1967b; Goldstein 1964, 87-90). In collecting
verbal lore such as riddles, one can simply ask one's informants to perform
them. But what about folk genres that involve acting-or example, games,
and folk drama? Here the folklorist may gather a group of children and re-
quest that they demonstrate their traditions. Elizabeth Tucker (1977, 1980a)
asked the members of the Girl Scout troop she led to act out stories in or-
der to earn merit badges. Although the girls created the skits, they did so at
the behest of the researcher. Researchers who request that children play a
particular game transform an interview into a "dramatic" event. This dif-
fers from naturalistic situations that characterize observation and ethnog-
raphy (see the chapters by Beresin and Hughes in this volume).
Folklorists working with children may ask their informants to keep a
diary of their activities. This technique is similar to a written interview or remi-
niscences telescoped in time. Rather than asking the children what they did
in the past, they are asked to write down what they do as they do it. To the
extent that children take this task seriously, one can examine how folk activ-
ity is situated in time and space. The diary writing skills of children may de-
pend on their age, maturity, and motivation, but, if all one requests is a docu-
mentary record of who did what when and with whom, diaries are useful.
Ethical issues are typically not pressing when conducting interviews
because deception is rarely involved and little or no harm can result. Still,
one must consider "informed consent. " Fortunately it is relatively easy to
explain to child, parent, guardian, and supervisor what one hopes to col-
lect. By describing the genre and the need for studies of children's traditions,
both child and adult can be informed of the value of participation. Research-
ers who wish to collect obscene or aggressive lore, however, may find that
their options are limited. Here the researcher may be deliberately vague about
what is being collected by stating that what is wanted is the "full range of
children's traditions," hoping to gain the child's trust and that the adult will
not be within earshot. That skirts the edge of ethical acceptability. Although
scholars should not oppose collecting obscene lore, one might object to se-
cretive strategies that do not involve the consent of parents or guardians.
One technique of avoiding the problem is to avoid the topic unless one's in-
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? ? formant spontaneously raises it. Even though the folklorist does not raise
sensitive topics, some parents may object to the researcher who does not
prevent the child from expressing this material.
Another ethical problem, perhaps more significant for folklore stud-
ies than for any other discipline, is that of confidentiality and attribution.
In most social-scientific research, one explains to informants that their names
will never be used. Occasionally, when the information is unique (as in psy-
chiatric case studies or life histories of deviants), attribution could harm the
informant. In contrast, in the humanities one assumes that all informants
will be fully identified and may even share in the royalties. It would be lu-
dicrous to publish a poem or reproduce a painting without identifying the
poet or painter-even if the artist is a child. People deserve credit (and fi-
nancial rewards) for their creations.
A discipline squarely situated between the humanities and the social
sciences, folklore occupies an awkward position. Material collected from
informants might, under certain circumstances, be harmful or embarrassing,
and yet, simultaneously, might be an aesthetic performance that deserves
credit. Although folklorists do not often consider the ethical ramifications
of their work, a hidden and painful contradiction exists. Folklorists know
of the psychological and social harm that even well-intentioned publicity can
cause a folk informant, even when that folk informant requests that the work
be identified. Fame can be a harsh taskmaster. When one deals with adults,
and particularly when one's research focuses on a few informants, probably
the most ethically justified stance is to allow the informants to choose how
and where they will be identified. The folklorist should point out the fore-
seeable advantages and drawbacks, perhaps signing a contract that permits
remuneration. With numerous informants, informants are not usually iden-
tified by name because no individual's contribution is so central as to be-
come the focus of attention.
In conducting research with children the ethical problems are more
difficult, because children may not have the competence to foresee what is
best for them. In instances in which a small number of children is highlighted
(particularly in those studies that emphasize "artistic" genres-a fiendishly
difficult judgment) parents might be asked, with royalties placed in a trust
fund (royalties, for example, from record albums or published life histories).
The standard practice when collecting from many children should be to avoid
using the children's names, but only their age, sex, place of residence, and,
sometimes, ethnic background. Although this procedure denies "credit,"
most folklorists would agree that it is an ethically defensible position.
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? ? SURVEYS AND QUESTIONNAIRES
We most frequently think of surveys as election-year devices for measuring
the public mood. A survey is essentially a structured interview given to a large
number of individuals. Often the questions require the respondent to select
among a limited set of options,2 although that is not always required. Sur-
veys can be carried out face-to-face, over the telephone, or by written re-
spondent responses. The basic advantages of the survey are that one can
collect a lot of data quickly and, depending on the circumstances, it can be
done with minimal effort. One may employ a random or representative
sample. If one asks questions that require numerical answers or that have
categories of answers, statistical tests are possible (see Fine 1979a). One
should at least be able to compare answers or among groups, something not
always possible with the smaller number of participants in most in-depth
interview studies.
Some surveys are quite extensive. Mary and Herbert Knapp (1976)
in their study of American childlore collected questionnaires from children
throughout the United States. An even more extensive national survey was
conducted in Finland:
[I used] as my main material unstructured descriptions written by chil-
dren and young people. The material used in this book is taken largely
from the results of a collective effort organised in Finnish schools in
1969, in which over 30,000 writers, mostly aged between ten and eigh-
teen, took part. This body of material is not suitable for statistical analy-
sis, but it gives a vivid and many-sided picture of the life of the tradi-
tion and its social basis. . . . For instance game-starting situations are
described in writings which had as title "How a game starts in the
yard," play-languages are described under the heading "How I learnt
the secret language," and so on . . . Teachers were asked to emphasise
that the writers were free to write as they wished, without worrying
about grammar or spelling. They were also asked to write truthfully,
directly, without embellishment, and using slang and swear words
where necessary. Many of the writers delighted in taking advantage of
the freedom thus offered them. (Virtanen 1978, 10)
Although the author does not detail the nature of the sample or how this
sample was selected, this research is an example of national surveys found
in Europe produced with the support of a national folklore commission. Such
studies are useful in delineating the range of folklore within a nation.
Surveys that depend on numerical or categorical responses allow folk-
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? ? lorists to estimate how frequently a folk tradition is performed, how many
perform or know of it, the characteristics of active or passive tradition bear-
ers, and the occasions on which this tradition is performed. The open-ended
questionnaire does not permit this type of systematic analysis, but it does
display what is performed and how it is performed. The technique seems
particularly appropriate for obtaining texts of short or fixed forms, such as
riddles and folk speech.
The basic problem with these approaches is that the researcher is lim-
ited by the questions asked. Anyone who has conducted open-ended inter-
views is aware that the answers one receives direct the next questions. That
is impossible in a structured survey in which the order of questions is pre-
determined. When one is questioning hundreds or thousands of informants,
some structure is necessary. A related problem is that questionnaire re-
sponses, even those based on open-ended questions, are not very detailed,
and one may not learn about what folk traditions mean for one's informant.
The researcher receives a description of the content, form, or even context
of the folk tradition, but its personal or communal significance is absent.
Researchers must ensure that children understand the questions asked
them-an obvious but sometimes overlooked point. It is crucial when the
survey is designed to be completed by children of various ages. One won-
ders about the scope or utility of a questionnaire that can be understood by
children between the ages of eight and eighteen. Such a questionnaire must
be designed for the youngest child; as a consequence, one loses valuable in-
formation from older children.
The ethical problems in survey research are relatively straightforward,
similar to those of interviewing. Neither deception nor possible harm are
significant dangers, as long as confidentiality is maintained. Informed con-
sent may be a troubling issue for those questionnaires distributed in school,
where it is not always possible for parents to be made aware of what their
children are asked to complete.
OBSERVATIONAL METHODOLOGIES
The methodologies I have described above ask children (or adults) to talk
about things, rather than do things (excepting the performance interview).
In contrast, in observational methodologies the field researcher views chil-
dren interacting in their "natural" environment. A long tradition of obser-
vational work in folklore (Newell 1903 [1963]), in psychology (Sherif and
Sherif 1964), and in sociology (Thrasher 1927) exists. Indeed, observation
is likely the most popular methodology for research on children's culture.
Through observation one feels that one is learning what children "really"
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? ? do, and not what they can be made to do or say.
Researchers conduct observational studies in several ways, enacting
different roles. Some researchers, particularly those examining child devel-
opment, observe "systematically. " They have a predetermined category sys-
tem, and every time a behavior occurs that is covered by their categories,
they make a notation. This approach, appropriate for certain research ques-
tions, is rarely applicable to children's culture because it doesn't allow re-
searchers to capture the meaning, content, or context of the child's behav-
ior. Category systems are generally too confining for folklore research.
More relevant to the collection of childlore is what has been variously
called "ethnography," "participant observation," or "unsystematic obser-
vation. " Here the observer attempts to capture what children are doing
as accurately and as completely as possible (Fine and Sandstrom 1988).
The children's performances are rarely directed, so one weakness of obser-
vation is that one may have to wait a long time for anything interesting to
happen.
The adult "participant" observer can select one of several roles. They
include that of the supervisor, leader, observer, and friend (Fine and Glassner
1979; Fine 1980a). The role that the adult researcher adopts affects accep-
tance by the children as well as the content and context of children's cul-
ture that can be observed.
FIGURE 1. Roles of Adult Researchers in Observational Settings
With Children
Direct Authority
Positive
Contact
Present
Absent
Present
Leader
Supervisor
Absent
Friend
Observer
From Fine and Glassner 1979, 156.
Supervisor
The supervisor is a researcher who has direct control over the child, yet lacks
positive contact. Supervisors may be teachers, camp supervisors, or religious
instructors. This role provides access to a relatively limited range of children's
culture. The preadolescent must follow the orders of the authority when
under observation; as a result, behavior often differs when the supervisor is
absent. Children carefully manage the impressions that adults have of them
(Fine 1987).
Although the observed behavior may be natural, it does not
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? ? represent the range of behaviors of preadolescents. With this research role,
many barriers between adults and children cannot be eliminated. Supervi-
sors will be uncomfortable collecting sensitive traditions from children, al-
though they may be confident in their authority.
Leader
The leader is essentially a supervisor with positive contact, a friendly teacher,
Little League coach, or scoutmaster. A wider range of childhood behaviors
are displayed in front of a leader and, even if preadolescents overstep the
line, some tolerance typically will be shown by the adult; the frame of ref-
erence for all behavior when the leader is present, however, is that of the
adult. Preadolescents may feel constrained to act "politely" so as not to
embarrass their adult leader, and that may prevent them from behaving in
"naughty" ways, which may be precisely what the researcher wishes to ob-
serve. Their respect is a barrier for the adult who wishes to understand
childlore.
Observer
The observer role is the inverse of the leader role. The observer is an adult
who lacks both formal authority and affective ties, who rather stands back
and watches. Although preadolescents do not try to gain this person's ap-
proval, neither do they admit the observer into their confidence. Children
know which of their activities upsets adults, and may avoid them when
strangers are present. Some preadolescent groups watch out for adults and
change their behavior accordingly. The pure observer has no more right to
observe preadolescent behavior than has any member of the public, although
that depends on how the observer presents the research. Because of the ab-
sence of positive relations, questioning preadolescents about sensitive top-
ics is difficult. The observer witnesses behavior, but its meanings and moti-
vations are frequently opaque.
Friend
The fourth major research role in observation studies involves befriending
one's informants. No adult can ever completely achieve peer status because
of age and power differentials. Differences between adults and children can
be made less salient, however, leading the adult to the hidden recesses of
children's culture. Friendship is conducive to the development of trust be-
tween researcher and subject, although this trust must be cultivated. Chil-
dren may set aside their normal reserve at first, but this extraordinary rela-
tionship takes time to develop. During my research with Little League base-
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? ? ball players I was once awarded the title of "honorary kid" to recognize my
special role-a role that allowed them to talk freely in my presence (Fine
1987). The key to the friend role is the explicit expression of positive affect
combined with lack of authority and a desire not to direct behavior.
Each of these methodological roles has value for collecting children's
folklore, although for the folklorist who is interested not only in observing
but also in understanding, the roles of leader and friend seem to be most
effective. For successful observation, the researcher must witness a wide range
of behavior, and must be concerned with rapport, access, and trust.
One's choice of role affects what one learns (Vidich 1955); most ob-
servers desire access to as many aspects of the child's world as is feasible.
Generally this access can be most easily achieved when the observer is rela-
tively passive and nonjudgmental (Bogdan and Taylor 1975; Schatzman and
Strauss 1973). Yet, the observer's presence affects the situation in subtle and
unpredictable ways (McCall 1969). Adults are always salient in children's
societies by virtue of the authority that is implicit in their status, and all data
collected from children by adults must be examined for effects arising from
their presence.
Two techniques may increase rapport and access. The first is for the
adult to adopt the behavior and values of the children-having the adult
become, as much as possible, a peer. The second is for the adult to provide
social rewards and material gifts to promote acceptance.
Access Through Adoption of Values and Behavior
Although the adult participant observer can not completely "go native,"
some researchers mimic the behaviors of the children and adolescents whom
they study. Hollingshead describes his classic study of Elmtown's youth: "We
'ganged' and 'clowned' with the adolescents in their 'night spots' and favorite
'hangouts,' after the game, dance, or show" (Hollingshead 1975, 15). He
courteously refrained, however, from observing lovers' lanes.
A thin line separates what is appropriate and what is awkward for
both parties. In general, one should avoid behaving in ways that make one
feel uncomfortable. Because of the difference between acceptable adult be-
havior and acceptable child behavior, this discomfort may be particularly
evident when the adult attempts to be a peer. Children sense whether a re-
searcher seems a good bet as a friend (Cottle 1973a) and can spot those who
attempt to be something they are not.
Although being approving, sympathetic, and supportive promotes
rapport, a false attempt to be "with it" may backfire. For example, children's
slang is hard for an adult to master, and even when learned correctly often
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? ? sounds strange when uttered by an adult. Knowing what one is not and what
one cannot be is as important as knowing feasible role possibilities. Chil-
dren frequently guard their privacy; by preadolescence, presentation of self
is highly developed, particularly as it relates to adults. Any intimate, shar-
ing relationship takes time to develop, and may never develop if pressured.
Access Through Rewards and Gifts
Because of the adult's greater access to social resources, particularly though
not exclusively monetary, a researcher may feel that it is advantageous to
employ some of these resources to gain rapport with a group. This approach,
although sometimes quite successful, may lead to difficulties. There is a wide
range of possible services that a participant observer may be expected to
perform, including companionship, providing educational expertise,
complimenting, sharing food, and loaning money. One useful rule of thumb
whenever the researcher is being a friend is that one should behave as any
friend might. When in a role with some authority one must be careful to
avoid misusing that responsibility merely to curry favor.
Loaning money may produce tension in the relationship (Whyte 1955;
Wax 1971), but there are some situations in which loans may be necessary
to gain rapport and trust. One must ensure, however, than it not be expected
that loans will be forthcoming. I resorted on occasion to claiming that I had
no money when it seemed that demands for loans were becoming too fre-
quent. I always insisted that the loan was for that one time only, and thus
had justification for refusing to loan money to that same person in the fu-
ture. Monetary involvement can be a particularly tricky aspect of fieldwork
(Goldstein 1964).
There is a danger in providing any services, even those that do not
relate to money. Researchers may become accepted for what they can pro-
vide, not for what they are. They will be seen as useful only so long as they
provide rewards. I learned this when I first studied preadolescents. The first
few days I brought sticks of chewing gum, eating them in public view. I was
more than happy to share gum with whoever asked. This unfortunately led
to an insistent demand for gum that was counterproductive to my research
goals. After a few days on which I "forgot" to bring gum, the requests halted.
Trust
The observer of children, like the researcher who studies deviant groups,
finds that trust is essential. Polsky (1962) argues that a researcher who wishes
to be accepted by a criminal group must (1) be willing to break some laws
(if only as an accessory to crimes and not reporting information to the au-
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? ? thorities); (2) make his or her contacts believe these intentions; and (3) prove
that these acts are consistent with relevant beliefs. In the case of children,
the issues are similar. The participant observer may be tested, as I was. This
testing appears to be a precondition for acceptance in private settings. One
key area in which this testing occurred was in determining my reaction to
rowdiness, including shouting, shoving, fighting, insulting, and arguing (see
also Glassner 1976). Repressing my adult desire to intervene at the slight-
est provocation led to my being allowed to observe on other occasions, as
an adult who knew how to behave around children.
Once I was in a park with a group of preadolescent boys who, over
five weeks, had begun to trust me. Suddenly, these boys spotted a group of
girls they did not know, seated around a park bench near a thermos of wa-
ter. One boy decided that it would be great fun to bother them (and simul-
taneously pay attention to them). He and his friends plotted to rush them,
steal their thermos, and pour out the contents, disrupting their gathering.
After a short period of insults between boys and girls (mostly about physi-
cal attractiveness), the plan was put into effect-with the expected scream-
ing and squealing by the girls. At one point, several of the girls turned to
me (busily taking notes and appearing, I assume, furtively guilty) and asked
me, as the adult presumably in charge, why I didn't stop them. This reason-
able question placed me in a difficult situation. Since no serious harm seemed
to be occurring, and since I felt that the behavior was not being done for
my benefit, I didn't intervene and said only that I had no control over their
behavior. The boys were gleeful at hearing this and soon left the scene of
battle. In retrospect, this occasion was a major step in my acceptance. I in-
dicated to the boys that I would not excessively restrain them and that I knew
"my place. " After that episode the boys told me more about the aggressive
and sexual dimensions of their traditions.
The Key Informant
Often crucial to a researcher's acceptance in a field setting is a "key infor-
mant. " This individual gives time, energy, and prestige to help the researcher
understand what is going on and to get others to reveal sensitive matters.
Within a group, several potential key informants may be found. One crite-
rion for this position is that the individual have a central position in the so-
cial structure of the group, with access to persons or knowledge. I differen-
tiate two components of the key informant's role: that of sponsor and source.
These two components need not necessarily be embodied in the same per-
son. Other adults may help in acting as sponsors in making introductions
to children, and low-status children may be the source of much valuable in-
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? ? formation, although they provide little aid in gaining entry into their group.
The convergence of ability and willingness to supply the researcher with in-
formation and entry is the mark of the key informant. This willingness is
connected to security in one's social position; those boys who became my
key informants were socially self-confident, leaders in their group, and gre-
garious. They were preadolescent teachers willing to suggest how I should
act or react; they were willing and able to invert the normal adult-child re-
lationship. Of course, the relationship is not entirely one-sided. These chil-
dren reap status and material rewards from their association with the adult
researcher. One develops exchange relationships that are essentially balanced,
even though different sets of commodities are exchanged.
ETHICAL ISSUES OF OBSERVING CHILDREN
Ethnographic observation poses an array of challenging ethical issues. In
most ethnographic investigations research depends on relationships among
peers-actual or theoretical equals. One cannot, however, pretend that
either adults or children would be comfortable in a situation in which
equality was expected. The age-based power differential can never be
eliminated, and adult researchers must recognize the immaturity of their
subjects. Although issues of direct harm or overt deception do not occur
frequently, ethical issues do arise, and one must also consider how to achieve
"informed consent. " I consider three substantive ethical issues in this sec-
tion: (1) the responsibility of the adult in managing potentially harmful situ-
ations; (2) the implications of the adult "policing" or disciplinary role; and
(3) problems of explaining the research in a clear and comprehensible fash-
ion. In considering ethical issues, programmatic rules are not possible.
Adult responsibility
When one deals with children in situations without a clear authority struc-
ture, difficulties may arise. Children are mischievous, sometimes aggressive,
and on occasion cruel. What is the responsibility of the researcher in such
situations? Clearly, researchers have an ethical requirement to protect their
subjects from harm, particularly since on some occasions the observer's pres-
ence increases aggression (Polsky 1962; Glassner 1976). The researcher
should remember that other adults, who might intervene if the adult re-
searcher were not present, will refrain, feeling that the children are already
under adult supervision. The adult cannot be entirely passive, even though
he or she alters the behavior of the group.
Fortunately few situations are clearly dangerous. Boys get into fights,
and on occasion girls do as well. Many children's groups contain members
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? ? whose roles include breaking up fights and minimizing physical danger. In
one group one child acted as a sort of medic, providing paper tissues for
bloody noses, counseling for hurt feelings, and companionship during emer-
gencies (Glassner 1976).
If a fight is sufficiently serious, however, intervention is necessary, and
steps must be taken to end the dispute. If the fight caused permanent dam-
age to one or more participants, the observer would properly have been held
morally responsible, and had the observer been in a position of responsibil-
ity, legally responsible as well.
Other situations develop that, although not physically dangerous,
involve behaviors generally condemned by adult society, such as racism or
theft. I vividly recall the day I escorted some preadolescent friends for ice
cream, and discovered to my acute discomfort that they were stealing candy.
My first reaction was to stop them and insist that they return what they took.
This emotion was partly attributable to ethical concerns and partly to the
fear that I might be blamed or held responsible. I also realized that if I made
a public display I would likely not alter their behavior, but only ensure that
I was never privy to such behaviors again. Also, since I had by this time de-
veloped attachments to many of these children, I was afraid that I might
cause them embarrassment or legal trouble. I decided to do nothing-a de-
cision as much from indecision as from ethical concern, although in retro-
spect the decision was probably theoretically sound. As we were driving
home, the boys discussed what had occurred, and by nonevaluative prob-
ing I was able to learn of stealing in other situations. This episode indicates
the difficulty of making moral decisions in the fast-moving events of the real
world.
Adult policing role
Should adult researchers allow themselves to police children? Authorities
often hope that researchers will perform their job for them (see, for example,
Geer 1970). No difficulty, however, is more serious than for the researcher
not to be considered an "honest broker. " The adult must prove him/herself
worthy of trust. Most researchers working with children will not be accorded
trust at first; only after a series of "tests" does trust develop (see Fine and
Glassner 1979; Glassner 1976). In attempting to pass these "tests," how-
ever, adult researchers can sometimes get in trouble with adult authorities
(Birksted 1976).
The conflict over the policing role is most clearly evident when the
researcher desires positive relations with his/her subjects and also avoids
authority-the "friend" role. The "observer," because of role distance from
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? ? the subjects, is rarely asked to police-the "leader" and "supervisor" are
supposed to be in charge. Yet, it is essential in all cases that the precise na-
ture of what this policing entails be made clear to all parties. Elizabeth Tucker
(personal communication, 1976), for instance, found herself called before
a local Girl Scout council for not adequately disciplining her troop (in the
council's view), while researching the informal behavior of preadolescent
girls.
proportion of the games and variants collected by Lady Gomme and W. W.
Newell (or for that matter later by the Opies and the Knapps) that derived
from adult reminiscences, since none of these admirable works specified their
informants, an unfortunate tradition in studies of children's folklore. Memo-
ries of the activities of childhood, however, play a major role in most col-
lections of childlore.
Why should this be so? There are reasons, both pragmatic and theo-
retical, for relying upon adult memories. Pragmatically, adult collectors can
easily obtain information from their peers. Often this information is not
collected through face-to-face contact, but through correspondence. The
folklorist can efficiently obtain a large sheaf of childlore at little cost. Col-
lecting from adults through the mail also encourages a geographically di-
verse collection of material without the burdens of travel. This research tech-
nique also provides data in usable form, as most of the correspondents will
communicate in serviceable prose. Since adults are being asked directly for
information, ethical issues are minimized.
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? ? Collecting from adults also has theoretical justifications. If one be-
lieves that folklore is disappearing or disintegrating (Dundes 1969a), folk-
lorists are obligated to collect material rapidly, particularly emphasizing tra-
ditions of previous generations. In collecting from parents rather than their
children, one uncovers traditions from a time in which children's traditions
flourished to a greater extent than they currently do. The older one's infor-
mant, it is believed, the better will be the quality of one's data. Although
this belief is discredited today, especially in childlore, it explains why remi-
niscences were considered valuable data.
A second theoretical justification for using adult reminiscences is
based on Hans Naumann's theory of gesunkenes Kulturgut. Supporters of
this theory argue that folklore is transmitted downward in social hierarchies.
The traditions of the rich become the traditions of the poor, and the tradi-
tions of adults eventually become the traditions of children. This perspec-
tive, also no longer widely accepted by contemporary folklorists, suggests
that by collecting children's lore from adults one might be able to obtain less
corrupted versions of childlore.
A possible third justification for collecting adult reminiscences, al-
though not currently posited, is that this method might generate an impor-
tant research tradition of its own. By collecting data from adult informants
one can examine the structure of memory: How do adults recall their child-
hood (and "childish") activities and how do they express these activities?
While such research is limited because of the difficulty, if not the impossi-
bility, of obtaining records of how adults actually played these folk games
when children, we do have descriptive studies of the games of the previous
generation.
Despite the potential for research, most folklorists are hesitant to use
reminiscences as their sole methodology in any reasonably complete study
of childlore, although reminiscences may be a valuable source of supplemen-
tary or confirmatory information.
INTERVIEWS AND DIARIES
Interviewing children is a common technique for collecting folklore. This
methodology can be as straightforward as a conversation. Children are ei-
ther asked to explain their traditions (essentially through free association)
or they are given topics (games, jokes, riddles) and then asked to expand
on these through directed recall. Interviewing can be conducted with indi-
vidual children or with a group (McDowell 1979), and can be focused on
one genre or can cover several. The competent interviewer must establish
and maintain trust with the informant. Often folklorists strive to collect tra-
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? ? ditions that children communicate to each other away from adults (Fine
1981). That proves particularly thorny when one is interviewing children
with whom one is not acquainted and when the interview involves "sensi-
tive"--obscene or aggressive-subject matter. Despite this difficulty, impor-
tant interview studies of children have been conducted (Grider 1976), and
some obscene material collected (R. Turner 1974).
Parallel to the interview is the directed performance or the "induced
natural context" (Goldstein 1967b; Goldstein 1964, 87-90). In collecting
verbal lore such as riddles, one can simply ask one's informants to perform
them. But what about folk genres that involve acting-or example, games,
and folk drama? Here the folklorist may gather a group of children and re-
quest that they demonstrate their traditions. Elizabeth Tucker (1977, 1980a)
asked the members of the Girl Scout troop she led to act out stories in or-
der to earn merit badges. Although the girls created the skits, they did so at
the behest of the researcher. Researchers who request that children play a
particular game transform an interview into a "dramatic" event. This dif-
fers from naturalistic situations that characterize observation and ethnog-
raphy (see the chapters by Beresin and Hughes in this volume).
Folklorists working with children may ask their informants to keep a
diary of their activities. This technique is similar to a written interview or remi-
niscences telescoped in time. Rather than asking the children what they did
in the past, they are asked to write down what they do as they do it. To the
extent that children take this task seriously, one can examine how folk activ-
ity is situated in time and space. The diary writing skills of children may de-
pend on their age, maturity, and motivation, but, if all one requests is a docu-
mentary record of who did what when and with whom, diaries are useful.
Ethical issues are typically not pressing when conducting interviews
because deception is rarely involved and little or no harm can result. Still,
one must consider "informed consent. " Fortunately it is relatively easy to
explain to child, parent, guardian, and supervisor what one hopes to col-
lect. By describing the genre and the need for studies of children's traditions,
both child and adult can be informed of the value of participation. Research-
ers who wish to collect obscene or aggressive lore, however, may find that
their options are limited. Here the researcher may be deliberately vague about
what is being collected by stating that what is wanted is the "full range of
children's traditions," hoping to gain the child's trust and that the adult will
not be within earshot. That skirts the edge of ethical acceptability. Although
scholars should not oppose collecting obscene lore, one might object to se-
cretive strategies that do not involve the consent of parents or guardians.
One technique of avoiding the problem is to avoid the topic unless one's in-
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? ? formant spontaneously raises it. Even though the folklorist does not raise
sensitive topics, some parents may object to the researcher who does not
prevent the child from expressing this material.
Another ethical problem, perhaps more significant for folklore stud-
ies than for any other discipline, is that of confidentiality and attribution.
In most social-scientific research, one explains to informants that their names
will never be used. Occasionally, when the information is unique (as in psy-
chiatric case studies or life histories of deviants), attribution could harm the
informant. In contrast, in the humanities one assumes that all informants
will be fully identified and may even share in the royalties. It would be lu-
dicrous to publish a poem or reproduce a painting without identifying the
poet or painter-even if the artist is a child. People deserve credit (and fi-
nancial rewards) for their creations.
A discipline squarely situated between the humanities and the social
sciences, folklore occupies an awkward position. Material collected from
informants might, under certain circumstances, be harmful or embarrassing,
and yet, simultaneously, might be an aesthetic performance that deserves
credit. Although folklorists do not often consider the ethical ramifications
of their work, a hidden and painful contradiction exists. Folklorists know
of the psychological and social harm that even well-intentioned publicity can
cause a folk informant, even when that folk informant requests that the work
be identified. Fame can be a harsh taskmaster. When one deals with adults,
and particularly when one's research focuses on a few informants, probably
the most ethically justified stance is to allow the informants to choose how
and where they will be identified. The folklorist should point out the fore-
seeable advantages and drawbacks, perhaps signing a contract that permits
remuneration. With numerous informants, informants are not usually iden-
tified by name because no individual's contribution is so central as to be-
come the focus of attention.
In conducting research with children the ethical problems are more
difficult, because children may not have the competence to foresee what is
best for them. In instances in which a small number of children is highlighted
(particularly in those studies that emphasize "artistic" genres-a fiendishly
difficult judgment) parents might be asked, with royalties placed in a trust
fund (royalties, for example, from record albums or published life histories).
The standard practice when collecting from many children should be to avoid
using the children's names, but only their age, sex, place of residence, and,
sometimes, ethnic background. Although this procedure denies "credit,"
most folklorists would agree that it is an ethically defensible position.
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? ? SURVEYS AND QUESTIONNAIRES
We most frequently think of surveys as election-year devices for measuring
the public mood. A survey is essentially a structured interview given to a large
number of individuals. Often the questions require the respondent to select
among a limited set of options,2 although that is not always required. Sur-
veys can be carried out face-to-face, over the telephone, or by written re-
spondent responses. The basic advantages of the survey are that one can
collect a lot of data quickly and, depending on the circumstances, it can be
done with minimal effort. One may employ a random or representative
sample. If one asks questions that require numerical answers or that have
categories of answers, statistical tests are possible (see Fine 1979a). One
should at least be able to compare answers or among groups, something not
always possible with the smaller number of participants in most in-depth
interview studies.
Some surveys are quite extensive. Mary and Herbert Knapp (1976)
in their study of American childlore collected questionnaires from children
throughout the United States. An even more extensive national survey was
conducted in Finland:
[I used] as my main material unstructured descriptions written by chil-
dren and young people. The material used in this book is taken largely
from the results of a collective effort organised in Finnish schools in
1969, in which over 30,000 writers, mostly aged between ten and eigh-
teen, took part. This body of material is not suitable for statistical analy-
sis, but it gives a vivid and many-sided picture of the life of the tradi-
tion and its social basis. . . . For instance game-starting situations are
described in writings which had as title "How a game starts in the
yard," play-languages are described under the heading "How I learnt
the secret language," and so on . . . Teachers were asked to emphasise
that the writers were free to write as they wished, without worrying
about grammar or spelling. They were also asked to write truthfully,
directly, without embellishment, and using slang and swear words
where necessary. Many of the writers delighted in taking advantage of
the freedom thus offered them. (Virtanen 1978, 10)
Although the author does not detail the nature of the sample or how this
sample was selected, this research is an example of national surveys found
in Europe produced with the support of a national folklore commission. Such
studies are useful in delineating the range of folklore within a nation.
Surveys that depend on numerical or categorical responses allow folk-
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? ? lorists to estimate how frequently a folk tradition is performed, how many
perform or know of it, the characteristics of active or passive tradition bear-
ers, and the occasions on which this tradition is performed. The open-ended
questionnaire does not permit this type of systematic analysis, but it does
display what is performed and how it is performed. The technique seems
particularly appropriate for obtaining texts of short or fixed forms, such as
riddles and folk speech.
The basic problem with these approaches is that the researcher is lim-
ited by the questions asked. Anyone who has conducted open-ended inter-
views is aware that the answers one receives direct the next questions. That
is impossible in a structured survey in which the order of questions is pre-
determined. When one is questioning hundreds or thousands of informants,
some structure is necessary. A related problem is that questionnaire re-
sponses, even those based on open-ended questions, are not very detailed,
and one may not learn about what folk traditions mean for one's informant.
The researcher receives a description of the content, form, or even context
of the folk tradition, but its personal or communal significance is absent.
Researchers must ensure that children understand the questions asked
them-an obvious but sometimes overlooked point. It is crucial when the
survey is designed to be completed by children of various ages. One won-
ders about the scope or utility of a questionnaire that can be understood by
children between the ages of eight and eighteen. Such a questionnaire must
be designed for the youngest child; as a consequence, one loses valuable in-
formation from older children.
The ethical problems in survey research are relatively straightforward,
similar to those of interviewing. Neither deception nor possible harm are
significant dangers, as long as confidentiality is maintained. Informed con-
sent may be a troubling issue for those questionnaires distributed in school,
where it is not always possible for parents to be made aware of what their
children are asked to complete.
OBSERVATIONAL METHODOLOGIES
The methodologies I have described above ask children (or adults) to talk
about things, rather than do things (excepting the performance interview).
In contrast, in observational methodologies the field researcher views chil-
dren interacting in their "natural" environment. A long tradition of obser-
vational work in folklore (Newell 1903 [1963]), in psychology (Sherif and
Sherif 1964), and in sociology (Thrasher 1927) exists. Indeed, observation
is likely the most popular methodology for research on children's culture.
Through observation one feels that one is learning what children "really"
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? ? do, and not what they can be made to do or say.
Researchers conduct observational studies in several ways, enacting
different roles. Some researchers, particularly those examining child devel-
opment, observe "systematically. " They have a predetermined category sys-
tem, and every time a behavior occurs that is covered by their categories,
they make a notation. This approach, appropriate for certain research ques-
tions, is rarely applicable to children's culture because it doesn't allow re-
searchers to capture the meaning, content, or context of the child's behav-
ior. Category systems are generally too confining for folklore research.
More relevant to the collection of childlore is what has been variously
called "ethnography," "participant observation," or "unsystematic obser-
vation. " Here the observer attempts to capture what children are doing
as accurately and as completely as possible (Fine and Sandstrom 1988).
The children's performances are rarely directed, so one weakness of obser-
vation is that one may have to wait a long time for anything interesting to
happen.
The adult "participant" observer can select one of several roles. They
include that of the supervisor, leader, observer, and friend (Fine and Glassner
1979; Fine 1980a). The role that the adult researcher adopts affects accep-
tance by the children as well as the content and context of children's cul-
ture that can be observed.
FIGURE 1. Roles of Adult Researchers in Observational Settings
With Children
Direct Authority
Positive
Contact
Present
Absent
Present
Leader
Supervisor
Absent
Friend
Observer
From Fine and Glassner 1979, 156.
Supervisor
The supervisor is a researcher who has direct control over the child, yet lacks
positive contact. Supervisors may be teachers, camp supervisors, or religious
instructors. This role provides access to a relatively limited range of children's
culture. The preadolescent must follow the orders of the authority when
under observation; as a result, behavior often differs when the supervisor is
absent. Children carefully manage the impressions that adults have of them
(Fine 1987).
Although the observed behavior may be natural, it does not
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? ? represent the range of behaviors of preadolescents. With this research role,
many barriers between adults and children cannot be eliminated. Supervi-
sors will be uncomfortable collecting sensitive traditions from children, al-
though they may be confident in their authority.
Leader
The leader is essentially a supervisor with positive contact, a friendly teacher,
Little League coach, or scoutmaster. A wider range of childhood behaviors
are displayed in front of a leader and, even if preadolescents overstep the
line, some tolerance typically will be shown by the adult; the frame of ref-
erence for all behavior when the leader is present, however, is that of the
adult. Preadolescents may feel constrained to act "politely" so as not to
embarrass their adult leader, and that may prevent them from behaving in
"naughty" ways, which may be precisely what the researcher wishes to ob-
serve. Their respect is a barrier for the adult who wishes to understand
childlore.
Observer
The observer role is the inverse of the leader role. The observer is an adult
who lacks both formal authority and affective ties, who rather stands back
and watches. Although preadolescents do not try to gain this person's ap-
proval, neither do they admit the observer into their confidence. Children
know which of their activities upsets adults, and may avoid them when
strangers are present. Some preadolescent groups watch out for adults and
change their behavior accordingly. The pure observer has no more right to
observe preadolescent behavior than has any member of the public, although
that depends on how the observer presents the research. Because of the ab-
sence of positive relations, questioning preadolescents about sensitive top-
ics is difficult. The observer witnesses behavior, but its meanings and moti-
vations are frequently opaque.
Friend
The fourth major research role in observation studies involves befriending
one's informants. No adult can ever completely achieve peer status because
of age and power differentials. Differences between adults and children can
be made less salient, however, leading the adult to the hidden recesses of
children's culture. Friendship is conducive to the development of trust be-
tween researcher and subject, although this trust must be cultivated. Chil-
dren may set aside their normal reserve at first, but this extraordinary rela-
tionship takes time to develop. During my research with Little League base-
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? ? ball players I was once awarded the title of "honorary kid" to recognize my
special role-a role that allowed them to talk freely in my presence (Fine
1987). The key to the friend role is the explicit expression of positive affect
combined with lack of authority and a desire not to direct behavior.
Each of these methodological roles has value for collecting children's
folklore, although for the folklorist who is interested not only in observing
but also in understanding, the roles of leader and friend seem to be most
effective. For successful observation, the researcher must witness a wide range
of behavior, and must be concerned with rapport, access, and trust.
One's choice of role affects what one learns (Vidich 1955); most ob-
servers desire access to as many aspects of the child's world as is feasible.
Generally this access can be most easily achieved when the observer is rela-
tively passive and nonjudgmental (Bogdan and Taylor 1975; Schatzman and
Strauss 1973). Yet, the observer's presence affects the situation in subtle and
unpredictable ways (McCall 1969). Adults are always salient in children's
societies by virtue of the authority that is implicit in their status, and all data
collected from children by adults must be examined for effects arising from
their presence.
Two techniques may increase rapport and access. The first is for the
adult to adopt the behavior and values of the children-having the adult
become, as much as possible, a peer. The second is for the adult to provide
social rewards and material gifts to promote acceptance.
Access Through Adoption of Values and Behavior
Although the adult participant observer can not completely "go native,"
some researchers mimic the behaviors of the children and adolescents whom
they study. Hollingshead describes his classic study of Elmtown's youth: "We
'ganged' and 'clowned' with the adolescents in their 'night spots' and favorite
'hangouts,' after the game, dance, or show" (Hollingshead 1975, 15). He
courteously refrained, however, from observing lovers' lanes.
A thin line separates what is appropriate and what is awkward for
both parties. In general, one should avoid behaving in ways that make one
feel uncomfortable. Because of the difference between acceptable adult be-
havior and acceptable child behavior, this discomfort may be particularly
evident when the adult attempts to be a peer. Children sense whether a re-
searcher seems a good bet as a friend (Cottle 1973a) and can spot those who
attempt to be something they are not.
Although being approving, sympathetic, and supportive promotes
rapport, a false attempt to be "with it" may backfire. For example, children's
slang is hard for an adult to master, and even when learned correctly often
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? ? sounds strange when uttered by an adult. Knowing what one is not and what
one cannot be is as important as knowing feasible role possibilities. Chil-
dren frequently guard their privacy; by preadolescence, presentation of self
is highly developed, particularly as it relates to adults. Any intimate, shar-
ing relationship takes time to develop, and may never develop if pressured.
Access Through Rewards and Gifts
Because of the adult's greater access to social resources, particularly though
not exclusively monetary, a researcher may feel that it is advantageous to
employ some of these resources to gain rapport with a group. This approach,
although sometimes quite successful, may lead to difficulties. There is a wide
range of possible services that a participant observer may be expected to
perform, including companionship, providing educational expertise,
complimenting, sharing food, and loaning money. One useful rule of thumb
whenever the researcher is being a friend is that one should behave as any
friend might. When in a role with some authority one must be careful to
avoid misusing that responsibility merely to curry favor.
Loaning money may produce tension in the relationship (Whyte 1955;
Wax 1971), but there are some situations in which loans may be necessary
to gain rapport and trust. One must ensure, however, than it not be expected
that loans will be forthcoming. I resorted on occasion to claiming that I had
no money when it seemed that demands for loans were becoming too fre-
quent. I always insisted that the loan was for that one time only, and thus
had justification for refusing to loan money to that same person in the fu-
ture. Monetary involvement can be a particularly tricky aspect of fieldwork
(Goldstein 1964).
There is a danger in providing any services, even those that do not
relate to money. Researchers may become accepted for what they can pro-
vide, not for what they are. They will be seen as useful only so long as they
provide rewards. I learned this when I first studied preadolescents. The first
few days I brought sticks of chewing gum, eating them in public view. I was
more than happy to share gum with whoever asked. This unfortunately led
to an insistent demand for gum that was counterproductive to my research
goals. After a few days on which I "forgot" to bring gum, the requests halted.
Trust
The observer of children, like the researcher who studies deviant groups,
finds that trust is essential. Polsky (1962) argues that a researcher who wishes
to be accepted by a criminal group must (1) be willing to break some laws
(if only as an accessory to crimes and not reporting information to the au-
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? ? thorities); (2) make his or her contacts believe these intentions; and (3) prove
that these acts are consistent with relevant beliefs. In the case of children,
the issues are similar. The participant observer may be tested, as I was. This
testing appears to be a precondition for acceptance in private settings. One
key area in which this testing occurred was in determining my reaction to
rowdiness, including shouting, shoving, fighting, insulting, and arguing (see
also Glassner 1976). Repressing my adult desire to intervene at the slight-
est provocation led to my being allowed to observe on other occasions, as
an adult who knew how to behave around children.
Once I was in a park with a group of preadolescent boys who, over
five weeks, had begun to trust me. Suddenly, these boys spotted a group of
girls they did not know, seated around a park bench near a thermos of wa-
ter. One boy decided that it would be great fun to bother them (and simul-
taneously pay attention to them). He and his friends plotted to rush them,
steal their thermos, and pour out the contents, disrupting their gathering.
After a short period of insults between boys and girls (mostly about physi-
cal attractiveness), the plan was put into effect-with the expected scream-
ing and squealing by the girls. At one point, several of the girls turned to
me (busily taking notes and appearing, I assume, furtively guilty) and asked
me, as the adult presumably in charge, why I didn't stop them. This reason-
able question placed me in a difficult situation. Since no serious harm seemed
to be occurring, and since I felt that the behavior was not being done for
my benefit, I didn't intervene and said only that I had no control over their
behavior. The boys were gleeful at hearing this and soon left the scene of
battle. In retrospect, this occasion was a major step in my acceptance. I in-
dicated to the boys that I would not excessively restrain them and that I knew
"my place. " After that episode the boys told me more about the aggressive
and sexual dimensions of their traditions.
The Key Informant
Often crucial to a researcher's acceptance in a field setting is a "key infor-
mant. " This individual gives time, energy, and prestige to help the researcher
understand what is going on and to get others to reveal sensitive matters.
Within a group, several potential key informants may be found. One crite-
rion for this position is that the individual have a central position in the so-
cial structure of the group, with access to persons or knowledge. I differen-
tiate two components of the key informant's role: that of sponsor and source.
These two components need not necessarily be embodied in the same per-
son. Other adults may help in acting as sponsors in making introductions
to children, and low-status children may be the source of much valuable in-
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? ? formation, although they provide little aid in gaining entry into their group.
The convergence of ability and willingness to supply the researcher with in-
formation and entry is the mark of the key informant. This willingness is
connected to security in one's social position; those boys who became my
key informants were socially self-confident, leaders in their group, and gre-
garious. They were preadolescent teachers willing to suggest how I should
act or react; they were willing and able to invert the normal adult-child re-
lationship. Of course, the relationship is not entirely one-sided. These chil-
dren reap status and material rewards from their association with the adult
researcher. One develops exchange relationships that are essentially balanced,
even though different sets of commodities are exchanged.
ETHICAL ISSUES OF OBSERVING CHILDREN
Ethnographic observation poses an array of challenging ethical issues. In
most ethnographic investigations research depends on relationships among
peers-actual or theoretical equals. One cannot, however, pretend that
either adults or children would be comfortable in a situation in which
equality was expected. The age-based power differential can never be
eliminated, and adult researchers must recognize the immaturity of their
subjects. Although issues of direct harm or overt deception do not occur
frequently, ethical issues do arise, and one must also consider how to achieve
"informed consent. " I consider three substantive ethical issues in this sec-
tion: (1) the responsibility of the adult in managing potentially harmful situ-
ations; (2) the implications of the adult "policing" or disciplinary role; and
(3) problems of explaining the research in a clear and comprehensible fash-
ion. In considering ethical issues, programmatic rules are not possible.
Adult responsibility
When one deals with children in situations without a clear authority struc-
ture, difficulties may arise. Children are mischievous, sometimes aggressive,
and on occasion cruel. What is the responsibility of the researcher in such
situations? Clearly, researchers have an ethical requirement to protect their
subjects from harm, particularly since on some occasions the observer's pres-
ence increases aggression (Polsky 1962; Glassner 1976). The researcher
should remember that other adults, who might intervene if the adult re-
searcher were not present, will refrain, feeling that the children are already
under adult supervision. The adult cannot be entirely passive, even though
he or she alters the behavior of the group.
Fortunately few situations are clearly dangerous. Boys get into fights,
and on occasion girls do as well. Many children's groups contain members
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? ? whose roles include breaking up fights and minimizing physical danger. In
one group one child acted as a sort of medic, providing paper tissues for
bloody noses, counseling for hurt feelings, and companionship during emer-
gencies (Glassner 1976).
If a fight is sufficiently serious, however, intervention is necessary, and
steps must be taken to end the dispute. If the fight caused permanent dam-
age to one or more participants, the observer would properly have been held
morally responsible, and had the observer been in a position of responsibil-
ity, legally responsible as well.
Other situations develop that, although not physically dangerous,
involve behaviors generally condemned by adult society, such as racism or
theft. I vividly recall the day I escorted some preadolescent friends for ice
cream, and discovered to my acute discomfort that they were stealing candy.
My first reaction was to stop them and insist that they return what they took.
This emotion was partly attributable to ethical concerns and partly to the
fear that I might be blamed or held responsible. I also realized that if I made
a public display I would likely not alter their behavior, but only ensure that
I was never privy to such behaviors again. Also, since I had by this time de-
veloped attachments to many of these children, I was afraid that I might
cause them embarrassment or legal trouble. I decided to do nothing-a de-
cision as much from indecision as from ethical concern, although in retro-
spect the decision was probably theoretically sound. As we were driving
home, the boys discussed what had occurred, and by nonevaluative prob-
ing I was able to learn of stealing in other situations. This episode indicates
the difficulty of making moral decisions in the fast-moving events of the real
world.
Adult policing role
Should adult researchers allow themselves to police children? Authorities
often hope that researchers will perform their job for them (see, for example,
Geer 1970). No difficulty, however, is more serious than for the researcher
not to be considered an "honest broker. " The adult must prove him/herself
worthy of trust. Most researchers working with children will not be accorded
trust at first; only after a series of "tests" does trust develop (see Fine and
Glassner 1979; Glassner 1976). In attempting to pass these "tests," how-
ever, adult researchers can sometimes get in trouble with adult authorities
(Birksted 1976).
The conflict over the policing role is most clearly evident when the
researcher desires positive relations with his/her subjects and also avoids
authority-the "friend" role. The "observer," because of role distance from
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? ? the subjects, is rarely asked to police-the "leader" and "supervisor" are
supposed to be in charge. Yet, it is essential in all cases that the precise na-
ture of what this policing entails be made clear to all parties. Elizabeth Tucker
(personal communication, 1976), for instance, found herself called before
a local Girl Scout council for not adequately disciplining her troop (in the
council's view), while researching the informal behavior of preadolescent
girls.
